NIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA   5AN  0\£ 


SITY  OF 

Pllllllllll 


3  1822  00446  2065     ^ 


Central  University  Library 

University  of  California,  San  Diego 
Please  Note:  This  item  is  subject  to  recall 
after  two  weeks. 


Date  Due 

1,1AR2G  1990 

MAR  0  R  ]QQn 

CI  39  (1/90)                                                               UCSDLib. 

PROTEOTIO^^    ECHOES 


y-  - 


FROM 


THE  CAPITOL. 


EDITED    BY 

THOS.  H.  McKEE, 

Assistant  Lihranan  of  tlie  United  States  Senate. 

ASSISTED   BY 

Hon.  W.  W.  CURRY, 

Of  Indiana. 


EMBRACING   1,254  SELECTIONS    FROM    THE    GREAT    TARIFF    DEBATE   ON 

THE  MILLS    BILL    IN   THE   HOUSE   OF  REPRESENTATIVES,,  AND 

ON    THE   president's    MESSAGE    IN     THE   SENATE, 

FIRST     session,      FIFTIETH      CONGRESS, 

AA'D   OTHER  IMPORTANT  TARIFF  INFORMATION, 

TO     WHICH    IS     ADDED     THE     EXISTING     TAR-IFF    AND     MILLS     BILL     IN 
PARALLEL    COLUMNS, — COMPARED. 


PT-BI.iSItEn   BV 

McKEE  &  CO.,  3:W  PENNA.  AVENUE. 

Washington,  D.  C. 

G.  S.  Fellows  &  Co.,  New  Yoiuc. 


EDITOE^S   KOTIOE. 


This  work  is  arranged  by  subjects,  in  alphabetical  order,  each  selec- 
tion having  a  number.  The  numeral  order  will  be  followed  in  the  Index  ,^ 
and  not  the  page  of  the  book. 

Each  selection  is  credited  to  the  person  from  whose  remarks  or  speech 
it  was  taken,  showing  the  page  of  the  Congressional  Record  on  which  it 
is  found.  The  cross  numbers  refer  to  selections  bearing  on  the  same 
subject,  and  may  be  cited  without  consulting  the  Index. 

T.  H.  McKEE,  Editor. 


N\x3 


PREFACE. 


One  hundred  years  of  discussion,  and  a  like  period  of  experience, 
places  the  United  States  in  the  advance  in  teaching  and  legislating  on 
Hfcal  and  economic  questions. 

Since  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  in  1789,  Congress  has 
been  in  session  112  times  and  occupied  13,627  days.  During  this  period 
125  bills  for  raising  revenue  upon  imposts  have  become  laws.  The 
best  thought  expressed  in  all  this  debate  forms  the  basis  of  the  present 
discussion  on  the  Mills  bill.  Four  thousand  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
six  large  quarto  pages  of  the  Congressional  Record  contain  this  debate  in 
about  200  set  speeches,  running  through  sixty -six  days.  In  editing  Pko- 
TECTioN  Echoes  from  the  Capitol,  we  made  1,254  clippings  from  this  great 
volume  of  tariff  history,  and  have  in  this  handy  volume  the  gems  of  that 
controversy,  giving  prominence  to  Labor  and  Wages,  Farming,  Manu- 
facturing, and  Home  Industry.  We  send  it  on  ite  mission  to  sixty  mill- 
ions of  thoughtful  people,  hoping  it  may  somewhere  meet,  in  this  polit- 
ical canvass,  "  Free  Trade  Echoes,"  and  favorably  represent  the  cause 
of  American  homes.  Protection. 

T.  H.  McKEE. 


SPEECHES 

DKLIVEUED  IN 

THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

ox  THE 

MILLS   BILL. 


Abbott,  J.,  Texas,  May  15,  Record,  513). 

Alien,  C.  H.,  Maaaachusous,  June  9,  Kecm-d,  540i. 

Allen.  Edward  P.,  Micliigan.May  16,  KicotU,  lUTy. 

Allen,  John  M.,  Mldslaslppl.  May  VI,  Kocord,  4^57. 

Anderson,  (ieorgo  A.,  Illinois,  May  IT,  Kecjrd,  !l587. 

AndoraOD,  A.  R.,  Iowa,  May  18,  Record,  15a3. 

Atkinson,  Louis  E.,  Pennsylvania,  May  lo,  Record,  1105. 

Bayne,  Thomas  M.,  Pecnsylvanla,  May  lb.  Record,  iTOi) 

Baker,  Jehu,  Illinois,  May  19,  Record,  lOGl. 

Baker,  Charles  S.,  New  York,  May  10,  Rtcord,  IIVI 

Belden,  James  J.,  New  York,  May  10,  Record,  42r.-2. 

Bland,  Rlcliard  P.,  Missouri,  May  5,  Record,  illi. 

Boothmau,  M.  M.,  Ohio,  July  12,  Record,  6740. 

Hound.  Franklin,  teiiDsylvania,  May  10,  Record,  4481 

Boute.le,  Cnarles  A.,  Maine,  June  1,  Record,  5435. 

Boutelle,  Charles  A.,  Maine,  July  y,  Record,  6049 

Breckinridge,  C.  R.,  Arkansas,  May  IT,  Record,  53T6. 

Brecklundge,  Wliliam  C.  P.,  Kentucky,  May  18,  Record.  1C14. 

Biewer,  Mark  H  ,  Michigan,  April  27,  Record,  3003. 

Brewer,  Mark  S.,  Michigan,  July  IJ,  Record,  0753. 

Browte,  Thomas  M.,  Indiana,  April  26,  Record,  3521. 

Browne,  T.  H.  B.,  Virginia,  Juuo  28,  Record,  Tinv. 

Brumm.  Charlts  N.,  Penn.sylvaula,  May  10,  Record,  5218. 

Buchanan,  James,  New  Jeihoy.  April  26,  Record,  3561. 

BucKalew,  Charles  R.,  Pennsylvania,  May  15,  Recoid,  4985. 

Butrows,  Julius  C,  Michigan,  April  25,  Record,  344.5. 
Buiierworth,  Benjamin,  Ohio,  May  15,  Record,  im. 
Butterworth,  Benjamin,  Oliio,  June  IT,  Rec  rd,  5506. 
Bul'.erworth,  Boujamln,  Ohio,  July  17,  Record,  7221 
Byuum,  William  D.,  Indiana,  April  25  Record,  3518, 
Oandler,  Allen  D.,  Georgia,  ilay  10,  Record,  4218. 
Cannon,  Joseph  G.,  Illinois,  May  lo,  R.'cord,  4222 
cannon,  Joseph  G  ,  Illinois,  June  0  Recca.  5550 
Caunf,n,  .Joseph  G..  Illinois,  July  0,  Record,  6522.' 
»  arlisle,  .John  G.,  Kentucky,  May  10,  Roccrd,  4673. 
Caswcii,  r,ucien  B.,  Wiaconslr',  May  4,  Record,  3839. 
Cheadle,  Josepii  B.,  Indiana,  May  18,  Record,  4600. 
Chlpman,  J.  Logan,  Michigan,  May  8,  Rocura,  407(i 
Olemouts,  Judson  C,  Georgia,  .May  lo.  Record  4873, 
Cowles,  William  H.  H.,  North  Car  .lina.  May  14,  Record,  i33J. 
cox,  Samuel  S.,  New  ¥•  rk,  May  IT.  Record,  4541 
Culcheon,  Byron  M.,  Michigan,  July  IT,  Record,  T085. 
XJalzo.l,  John,  Pennsylvania,  May  16,  Record,  45  >o. 
JJariington,  Suiedley,  Pennsylvania,  May  15,  RecOul,  44'>'. 
Dibble,  Samuel,  South  Carolina,  .May  11,  Record,  5i,o4 
Dkigl<  y.  Nelson,  Jr  ,  Maine,  May  3.  Record,  3919 
Ulngley,  Nelson,  Jr.,  Maine,  Julo  5,  Record,  .5029. 
Dockery,  Alexander  M.,  Ml<;sourl,  April  25,  Recrd,  3Ti,>. 
pcckery,  Alexander  M.,  Missouri,  June  9,  Record,  5534. 
Docker y,  A:exander  M.,  Missouil,  July  3,  Record.  0485 
Dockery,  Alexan^ler  M.,  MNsouri. 
Dubois,  F.  T.,  Idaho,  June  14,  Record.  674.5. 
Kar-mhar,  John  M.,  New  V(jrk,  May  16,  Record,  4481. 
*;eUou,  Charles  N.,  CalUorula,  May  17,  Record,  4.?v' 
Fitch.  Aslibel  P.,  New  York,  May  16,  Record.  UUT. 
eoran,  Martin  A.,  Ohio,  May  1,  Recoid,  3T50 
tord,  Melbourne  H.,  Michigan,  April  27,  Record,  3t5'jy. 
h  ullor,  \Mlila:ii  £  ,  Iowa,  June  2,  Record,  5210. 


nay,  Edward  J.,  Louisiana,  July  9.  Recoril,  6901. 

(ialllDger,  Jacob  H.,  Now  Hampshire,  April  :iO,  Record,  oGfO. 

Oalllnger,  Jac^b  H  ,  Now  Hauipshlre,  May  61,  K  -coiil,  '.".".T. 

(rear,  JoUn  H.,  Iowa,  May  11.  Record,  4C81. 

(roar,  Jolm  H.,  Iowa,  July  l',>.  Record,  7219.  ' 

'aCTTd,  03car  S.,  Dakota,  Juno  9,  Record,  5790. 

Ctotr,  Nathan,  Jr.,  West  Virginia,  April  27,  Reord.  301:;. 

(Tfosvenor,  Charles  H.,  Ohio,  April  :;o.  Record,  -1017. 

f'rosvenor,  Charles  H.,  Ohio,  June  8,  Roord,  5.559. 

I  irosvenor,  Charl'^s  H.,  Ohio,  July  14,  Record.  C9Ci. 

Urout,  William  W.,  Vermont,  May  15,  Record,  4401. 

•  lueuther,  Richard,  Wisconsin,  May  4,  Record,  39ril. 

iiare,  Silas,  Texas,  May  10,  Record,  4216. 

Hatch,  William  H.,  Missouri,  May  14,  Record,  4571. 

Ifaugen,  N.  P.,  Wisconsin,  May  12,  Record,  4229. 

lldinphlll,  John  J.,  S)U-oh  Carolina.  Ap-11  26,  Record,  3572. 

Henderson,  Thomas  J  ,  Illinois,  May  15,  Record,  Hi). 

Uenderson,  David  B.,  Iowa,  April  3:)  Record,  :^G78. 

Hermann,  Binger,  Oregon,  May  17.  Reord,  17.59. 

Hitt,  Robert  R.,  Illinois,  June  7,  Record,  5411. 

Uog?,  Charles  E.,  West  Virginia,  June  28,  Record,  Gi5S. 

Holman,  William  S..  IivHana,  Juno  1.  Record,  0001. 

Holmes,  Adonlram  J.,  Iowa,  May  17,  Record,  7350. 

Hooker,  Charles  E.,  Mississippi.  May  9,  Record,  4094. 

Hopkins,  A.  J.,  Illinois,  May  8,  Record,  4032. 

Houk,  Leonldas  C,  Tennessee,  May  9,  Record,  4100. 

Howard,  Jonas  ft.,  Indiana,  June  5.  Record,  5478. 

Howard,  Jonas  G.,  Indiana,  June  15,  Record,  5789. 

Howard,  Jonas  G  ,  Indiana,  June,  Rec  rd,635;). 

Howard,  Jonas  G.,  Indiana,  July  7,  Record,  6525. 

Hudd,  Thomas  R.,  Wlsciiusin,  April  26,  Record,  3582. 

Jackson,  Oscar  L.,  Pennsylvania,  May  15,  Record,  4703. 

Keau,  Jolm,  Jr.,  New  Jersey,  May  12,  Record,  4205 

Kelley,  William  D  ,  Pennsylvania,  April  17,  Record,  3194. 

Kennedy,  Robert  P.,  Ohio,  May  9.  Reord,  4356 

Kennedy,  Robert  P.,  Ohio,  July  12,  Record,  6836 

Kerr,  Daniel,  Iowa,  April  28.  Record,  3637. 

La  Follette,  Robert  M.,  Wisconsin,  July  14,  Record,  6853. 

La  Follette.  Robert  M  ,  Wisconsin,  July  19,  Record,  1250. 
Laird,  James,  Nebraska,  May  16,  Record,  4487. 
L-\n6,  Edwa'-d.  Illinois,  May  10,  Record,  4211. 
Lanham,  Samuel  W.  T.,  Texas,  May  2,  Record,  3912. 
Lohlbach,  Herman,  New  Jersey,  May  12,  Record,  4J61. 
Lodge,  Henry  Cabot,  Massachusefs,  June  7,  Rec  )rd,  5il2. 
Malsh,  Lgvl,  PoiinsylvaDla.  May  17,  Record,  5256 
Mansur,  Charles  H.,  Missouri,  May  8,  Record,  4036. 
Marliu,  William  H  ,  Texas,  May  8,  Record,  43)9. 
Mason,  William  E.,  lUinois,  May  17.  Record,  4829. 
McAdoo,  Wll'iim,  New  Jersey,  May  8,  Record,  40.56. 
McClammy,  0.  W.,  North  Carolina,  May  10,  Reord,  !661. 
McC'jmas,  Louis  E.,  Maryland,  May  2,  Record,  3837. 
MeC  »rmlck.  Hen  'y  0.,  Ponnsvlvanla,  May  5,  Record,  39.>4. 
McCreary,  Jimes  B.,  Kentucky,  May  1,  Record.  3742. 
MoDmald,  J.  L.,  Minnesota,  M-.y3,  Record,  3911 
McKe"n'i,  Joseph,  Cillfornla,  July  7,  Record,  "(253. 
McK'nley,  William,  Jr.,  Ohio,  May  18.  Re-ord,  4718. 
McKianoy,  L.  F.,  New  Hampshire,  May  3,  Record,  :!874. 
McMillln,  Ronton,  Tennessee,  .Vprll  24,  Record,  3592. 
McRae,  Thomas  C.,  .Arkansas,  May  16,  Record,  40 -S. 
Mlllikeu,  Seth  L.,  Maine,  May  12,  Record,  42.5; i, 
Mllllken.  Seth  L  ,  Maine,  July  19,  Record,  7259. 
Mills,  R.  q.,  Texas,  April  17,  Record,  3323. 
INIllls,  R.  Q  ,  Texas,  July  21,  Record,  7312. 
Moinit,  John  H  ,  New  York,  June  5,  Record,  5280. 
Montgomery,  A.  B.,  Koutueky,  May  16,  Record,  45.:3. 
l\Iooro,  L  W.,  Texas,  May  5,  R'cord,  4275. 
MOTOW,  Win.  W.,  California,  May  8,  Record,  4209. 
Morse,  Leopold,  Massachusetts,  July  12,  Record.  6742. 
Newton,  Churubusc  ),  Louisiana.. May  lo.  Record.  4133. 
Nichols,  John,  North  Carolina,  May  17.  Record,  1577. 
Nuttln?,  Newton  W..  New  York,  .luly  13,  Record.  7(  89. 
O'Doniioll,  James,  Michigan,  Julv  12,  Record.  6810 
O'Frrrall.  Charles  T.,  Virginia,  May  1,  Record.  3738. 
O'Neall,  John  H.,  Indiana,  May  14,  Record,  4129. 
Osborne,  Edw'n  S.,  Pennsylvania,  April  26,  Recjrd,  :;579 
Outhwa'.te,  Joseiih  H.,  Ohio,  July  14,  Record.  6X)8. 
Owen,  William  D  ,  Indiana,  May  15,  Record,  .5511. 
Parker,  Abrah'>m  D.,  Now  Yo  k,  Junn  5,  Record  5278. 
Pool,  Samuel  W  ,  Arkaus.as.  July  21,  Record,  7i',)l. 
Peters,  Samuel  R.,  Kansas,  May  17,  Reiord,  47]:;. 


Plumb,  Ralph,  Illinois,  May  18,  Record,  W?3. 
P  i9t,  Philip  S.,  Illinois,  May  10,  KecorO,  4:143. 
Pugsley,  Jacob  J.,  Ohio,  July  12,  Record,  G742. 
liaadall,  Samuel  J.,  Pennsylvania,  May  18.  Record,  4607. 
Uaynor,  laidur,  Maryland,  April  3;J,  Record,  3073. 
Reed,  Thomas  U.,  Maine,  May  20,  Record,  4Go7. 
RUhardson,  James  D.,  Minnesota,  May  8,  Record,  40oO. 
Rogers,  John  II.,  Arkansas,  July  3,  Record.  6450. 
K')mels,  Jacot«,  Ohio,  May  17,  Record,  4021. 
Ki.well,  Jonathan  H.,  Illinois,  June  'M,  Record,  5924. 
Uussell,  John  E.,  Massichusetis,  May  16,  Record,  4766. 
R/an,  Thomas,  Kansas,  May  16,  Record,  4823. 
Ityan,  Thomas,  Kansas,  July  7,  Record,  6016. 
fiawjer,  John  G  ,  Now  York,  IMay  17,  Record,  4561. 
Kayers,  J.  D.,  Texas,  May  26,  Record,  3586. 
Scott,  William  L.,  Pouusylvauia,  May  11,  Record,  416',. 
S-yniour,  11.  W.,  Michigan,  May  15,  Record,  4412. 
Simmons,  F.  M.,  North  Carolina,  May  15,  Record,  4300. 
Shaw,  Frank  T  ,  Maryland,  April  25,  Record,  35-8. 
Shlveiy,  Benjamin  F.,  Indiana,  May  16,  Record,  6070. 
S{>ooner,  Henry  J.,  Rhode  Island,  May  17,  Record,  5222. 
Springer,  William  M.,  Illinois,  July  10,  Record,  72  jO. 
S;ewrirt,  John  D.,  Georgia,  May  2,  Record,  3881 . 
Stewart,  John  W.,  Vormont,  May  17,  Record,  4537-. 
Sioi-kdale,  Thomas  R.,  Mississippi,  May  5,  Record,  !58-j. 
Stockdale,  Thomas  R. ,  Mississippi,  June  8,  Record.  5  5s. 
Stone,  William  J.,  Kentucky,  May  15,  Record,  4402. 
Stone,  William  J  ,  Slissouri,  May  8,  Record,  4062. 
Sfruble,  Isaacs.,  Iowa,  Jlay  15,  Record,  4320. 
Syjnes,  George  G.,  Colorado,  May  14,  Record,  4305. 
Tarsney,  Timothy  E.,  Michigan,  April  28,  Record,  3G41. 
Tarsney,  Timothy  E..  Michigan,  May  — ,  Record,  SJol. 
Taylor,  Joseph  D.,Ohlo,  May  8,  Record,  4042. 
Taylor,  Joseph  D.,  Ohio,  July  12,  Record,  7485. 
Thomas,  George  M.,  Kentucky,  May  17,  Record,  4557. 
Thomas,  Ormsby  B.,  Wisconsin,  June  9,  Record,  5508. 
Thompson,  Albert  C,  Ohio,  May  14,  Record,  4317. 
Tracey,  Charles,  New  York,  May  10,  Record,  4143. 
Townshend,  Richard  W.,  Illinois,  May  12,  Record,  4238. 
Turner,  Henry  G.,  Georgia,  May  10,  Record,  4568. 
Vance,  Robert  J.,  Connecticut.  May  10,  Record,  4156. 
^veaver,  J    B.,  Iowa,  May  16,  Record, 4194. 
Weber,  John  B.,  New  York,  July  9,  Record.  6558. 
Mheeier,  Josepn,  Alabama,  May  4,  Record,  5301. 
White,  James  B.,  ludiaua,  June  5,  Record,  6316. 
Whiting,  William,  Massa'.'husetts,  May  10,  Record,  4277. 
Wlckham,  C.  P., Ohio,  May  16.  Record,  4694. 
Wilkinson,  T.  S.    Louisiana,  May  10,  Record,  4278. 
Wilkinson,  T    S..  Louisiana,  July  9,  Recoid,  7123. 
Wilson,  Thomas,  Minnesota,  May  2,  Record,  3828. 
Wilson,  Thomas,  Minnesota,  July  17,  Record,  71.)1. 
■Wilson,  Thomas,  Minnesota,  July  17,  Record,  7131. 
Wilson,  William  L.,  West  Virginia.  May  3,  Record,  4:;47. 
Wise,  George  D.,  Virginia,  May  9,  Record,  518G. 
Woodburn,  William,  Nevada,  May  5,  Record,  4000. 
Y'ardley,  Robert  M.,  Pennsylvania,  May  10,  Record,  4140. 
Yost,  Jacob,  Virginia,  June  13,  Record,  5743. 
Yost,  Jacob,  Virginia,  July  17,  Record,  7090. 


II^fTRODUCTIOX. 


MADISON  S   RESOLUTION. 

On  the  third  day  of  the  first  session  of  the  first  Congress  after  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Unitei]*  States  Madison  offered  a  reso- 
lution affirming  that  specific  duties  should  be  levied  on  spirituous  liquors, 
molasses,  wines,  teas,  sugars,  pepper,  cocoa,  and  spices,  and  an  ad  valorem  . 
duty  on  all  other  articles ;  also  a  tonnage  duty  on  American  vessels  in 
"which  merchandise  was  imported,  and  a  higher  rate  on  foreign  vessels. 

OUR   FIRST   TARIFF. 

In  the  spirit  of  this  resolution  a  bill  was  prepared,  the  specific  list 
largely  increased,  and  passed  the  House  May  14, 1789;  and  the  Senate 
June  12,  wdth  some  amendments.  A  conference  was  had  and  the  bill 
finally  passed  in  both  Houses,  and  waa  approved  by  the  President  July  4. 
It  was  to  continue  until  June  1, 179G.  It  is  this  act  which  has  the  oft- 
quoted  preamble : 

"  Whereas  it  is  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  Government,  for  the 
discharge  of  the  debts  of  the  United  States,  and  the  encouragement  and 
protection  of  manufactures,"  &c. 

The  ad  valorem  rates  of  this  act  ranged  from  5  to  15  per  cent.  The 
specific  rates  were  such  as  would  now  be  considered  enormous,  as  boots 
50  cents  per  pair,  tallow  candles  2  cents  per  pound,  coal  2  cents  per 
bushel,  cordage  75  and  90  cents  per  hundred  weight  (112  pounds),  salt 
6  cents  per  bushel,  steel  56  cents  per  hundred  weight,  manufactured  to- 
bacco 6  cents  per  pound,  &c. 

Hamilton's  reports. 
Under  the  act  of  September  2, 1789,  Alexander  Hamilton  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  January  14, 1 790,  he  submitted  his  first  finan- 
cial report,  stating  the  public  debt  to  be:  Foreign,  $11,710,378,  and  do- 
mestic, $42,414,086 ;  total,  $54,124,464 ;  and  the  annual  interest  charges, 
$2,239,163  ;  and  recommending  some  increase  of  duties.  This  was  made 
to  the  extent  of  about  2V  per  cent.,  by  the  act  of  August  10,  on  wines, 
spirits,  tea,  and  coffee. 

December  5,  1791,  Mr.  Hamilton  made  his  famous  report  on  manufact- 
ures, in  which  he  says  :  "  The  expediency  of  encouraging  manufactures 
in  the  United  States,  which  was  not  long  since  deemed  very  questionable, 
appears  at  this  time  to  be  pretty  generally  admitted,"  and  taking  high 
ground  for  protection.  Seven  tariff  acts  were  passed  before  1800  and  five 
more  before  1812  ,  and  from  thence  on  tariff  legislation  has  occupied  a 
large  share  of  the  time  and  attention  of  Congress. 

7 


INTRODrCTION. 

TARIFF   THE  SurRCi:  OF   KEVENUE. 

From  the  first  tariflF  act  to  the  present  time  the  Government  has  col- 
lected the  principal  part  of  its  revenues  from  duties  on  foreign  importa- 
tions, and  in  every  tariff  act  the  principle  of  protection  has  been  recog- 
nized. Internal  taxes  have  only  been  resorted  to  as  an  emergen:'y,  and 
those  of  the  Revolutionary  and  war  of  1S12  periods  were  repealed  as  soon 
as  the  needs  of  the  Treasury  permitted,  and  the  propriety  of  repealing 
the  present  internal-revenue  laws  as  soon  as  practicable  has  been  taken, 
for  granted. 

CONTROVERSY    FROM   THE   r,EGINNIK(;. 

The  controversy  between  tlie  principles  of  protection  and  of  free  trade 
began  with  the  First  Congress,  and  has  continued  ever  since.  Mr.  Madi- 
son laid  down  the  maxim  that  "  commerce  ought  to  be  as  free  as  the 
policy  of  nations  will  admit."  But  this  sort  of  "  freedom  "  allows  so  much 
to  "  the  policy  of  nations  "  that  both  sides  readily  accept  it.  Certainly 
Mr.  Madison  advocated  protection  before,  during,  and  after  his  Presi- 
dency. No  free-trader  in  this  country  has  proposed  to  abolish  the  custom- 
house ;  and  no  protectionist  proposes  tariff  duties  beyond  the  policy  of 
the  nation.  The  practical  result  has  been  a  tariff  for  revenue,  with  dis- 
criminations for  protection. 

TARIFFS    ARE    COMPROMISES. 

Our  own  tariffs  have  never  at  any  time  been  in  exact  accord  with 
either  theory.  Being  passed  by  a  legislative  body  derived  from  a  wide 
constituency,  representing  very  diverse  opinions  and  interests,  there 
have  been  mixed  elements  in  them  all.  Conflicts  of  individual  opinion, 
of  sectional  prejudices,  and  of  diverse  occupations  have  led  to  compro- 
mises and  crudities  as  an  inevitable  result.  Tendencies  in  particular 
acts  have  been  towards  one  or  the  other  theory,  rs  one  or  the  other  has 
predominated  amongst  the  members  of  Congress. 

THE   PARTY   DIFFERENXE. 

What,  then,  is  the  practical  difference  between  the  parties  as  protection- 
ists and  freetraders?  It  seems  to  be  this:  Protectionists  say  that  tariff 
duties  in  such  amounts  as  will  provide  necessary  revenues  shall  be  levied 
on  foreign  products,  whether  of  field,  mine,  or  manufactory,  entering 
into  competition  with  like  products  of  our  own  country.  They  would 
admit  without  duty  all  foreign  products  which  do  not  compete  with  home 
products,  unless  the  demands  of  revenue  require  otherwise.  Xot  prohi- 
bition but  revenue  is  the  purpose  ;  but  revenue  derived  from  competing, 
not  from  non-competing  foreign  products.  Free  traders  say  that  the  tariff 
should  be  laid  with  sole  reference  to  revenue,  and  that  any  discrimina- 
tion in  favor  of  any  product  is  to  be  avoided.  Whether  the  tarifl^  shall 
be  laid  at  an  equal  rate  on  all  importations,  or  solely  on  such  as  do  not 
compete  with  American  products,  or  on  a  few  specified  articles />f  general 
consumption  and  easily  accessible,  is  not  determined.  England,  the 
practical  exemplar  of  the  free-trade  theory,  adop'rs  the  last  method. 
8 


INTRODUCTIOX. 
PARTY   PKINCITLES    UNDERLYING   THE   TARIFF. 

The  attitude  of  the  two  parties  on  the  tariff  issue  is  not  accidental  nor 
arbitrary,  but  grows  out  of  a  fundamental  dilierence  as  to  the  charactcr 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  Republicans  hold  that  the 
United  States  is  a  nation,  deriving  its  sovereignty  from  the  people,  an  1 
hence  that  its  Constitution  and  laws  are  the  supreme  law  of  the  lam). 
They  therefore  believe  in  the  constitutional  right  to  make  necessary  in- 
ternal improvements,  to  provide  a  national  currency,  and  to  develop 
and  protect  the  industries  of  the  country.  Democrats  believe  the  United 
States  to  be  a  confederacy,  that  the  Slates  are  the  sovereign  political 
powers,  and  hence  that  systems  of  internal  improvements,  of  paper  cur- 
rency, and  of  protective  tariffs  are  alike  unconstitutional.  A  tarjlf  for 
revenue  only  is  the  limit  of  right  in  a  confederacy.  A  tariff  for  protec- 
tion also  is  the  right  of  a  nation.  Out  of  this  doctrine  of  State  sover- 
eignty came  nullification,  secession,  and  the  Confederate  constitutiou^ 
This  constitution  was  the  full  flower  of  Democratic  doctrine,  and  elin:- 
inated  all  those  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  v/hich 
were  interpreted  to  constitute  a  nation.  A  Confederate  Damocrat  is  a 
free-trader  because  he  denies  the  constitutional  right  to  protect.  A  Na- 
tional Republican  affirms  the  constitutional  right  of  protection.  The 
final  political  issue  is,  therefore  :  Is  the  United  States  a  Nation  or  a  Con- 
federacy ?   Is  the  Union  or  the  State  the  sovereign  ? 

THE  MILLS   BILL. 

As  to  the  Mills  biU  and  the  present  tariff  controversy,  the  debates  and 
the  actions  of  parties  clearly  indicate  aline  of  demarkation  not  to  be  mis- 
taken by  any  intelligent  and  candid  person.  Th.e  bill  is  not  a  clean  free- 
trade  measure,  because  no  such  measure  could  have  a  hope  of  success. 
But  all  the  tendencies  of  the  bill  are  dominated  by  free-trade  and  sec- 
tional influences.  All  free-trade  theorists,  at  home  and  abroad,  accept 
it  as  a  long  stride  in  their  direction  ;  all  arguments  in  its  favor  are  per- 
meated with  free-trade  maxims,  and  the  heaviest  concessions  (o  protec- 
tion are  to  consolidate  in  its  favor  a  sectional  and  party  vote.  The  Demo- 
cratic party,  therefore,  has  planted  itself  on  distinctly  free-trade  groun-!. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Republican  party  plants  itself  as  distinctly  ou 
protection  ground?  ;  opposes  the  bill  because  of  its  free- trade,  sectional, 
and  party  principles,  and  declares  that  any  revision  of  the  present  pir- 
tective  tariff  required  by  the  public  interests  shall  be  made  by  its  frienc's 
and  not  its  enemies. 


TARIFF  DISCFSSION^. 


1,254  SELECTIONS. 


ARRANGED  IN'  ALPHABETICAL  AND  NUMERICAL 
ORDER. 


Note. — Each  selection  has  a  7i umber. 


A. 

Adams,  J.  Q.  (Pi'cs.)»  ^<»'  protection. 

Xo.  1. — As  yet  no  symptoms  of  dimiuution  are  perceptible  in  tne  re- 
ceipts of  the  Treasury.  As  yet  little  addition  of  cost  has  even  been  ex- 
perienced upon  the  article  burdened  with  heavier  duties  by  the  last 
tariff.  Tne  domestic  manufacturer  supplies  the  same  or  a  kindred  article 
at  a  diminished  price,  and  the  consumer  pays  the  same  tribute  to  the 
labor  of  his  own  countryman  which  he  must  have  otherwise  paid  to 
foreign  industry  and  toil. 

.4(1  valorem  frauds. 

No.  2.— I  ask  the  Clerk  to  read  the  extract  from  Secretary  Manning's 
report  to  which  I  have  referred. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows  : 

"  Whatever  successful  contrivances  are  in  operation  to-day  to  evade 
the  revenue  by  false  invoices,  or  by  undervaluations,  or  by  any  other 
means,  under  an  ad  valorem  system,  will  not  cease  even  if  the  ad  valorem 
rates  shall  have  been  largely  reduced.  They  are  incontestably,  they  are 
even  notoriously  inherent  in  that  system. 

"One  advanta<:;e,  and  perhaps  the  chief  advantage  of  a  specific  over  an 
ad  valorem  system,  is  in  the  fact  that,  under  the  former,  duties  are  levied 
by  a  positive  test,  which  can  be  applied  by  our  oflicers  while  the  mer- 
chandise is  in  possession  of  the  Government,  and  according  to  a  standard 
which  is  altogether  national  and  domestic.  That  would  be  partially  true 
of  an  ad  valorem  system  levied  upon  '  home  value;'  but  there  are  con- 
stitutional impediments  in  the  way  of  such  a  system  which  appear  to  be 
insuperable.  But  under  an  ad  valorem  system  the  facts  to  which  the  ad 
valorem  rate  is  to  be  applied  must  be  gathered  in  places  many  tliou.-nnd 
miles  away,  and  under  circumstances  most  unfavorable  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice.  One  hears  it  often  said  that  if  our  ad  valorem  rates 
did  not  exceed  25  or  oi)  per  cent.  undervaKiation  and  temptation  to 
undervaluation  would  di=<apoear  ;  but  the  records  of  this  Department  for 
the  years  1S17,  18 lu,  and  ISoT  do  not  uphold  that  conclusion." 

— DisGLEY,  Record,  G420. 
11 


.\r,ii 

(See also  Farm,  Totatoes  Tobacvo,  Vegetables,  Wheat.) 

AKri('iilttir«'. 

Xo.  •{. — Aurionltiire  is  the  oMest  [How  about  Hunting  and  FisbinT'. 
Favajre  life'.' — Kd.]  and  t!ie  ni03t  honorable  occupation  of  man.  It  is  tiit^ 
foundation  of  our  ear!ii.*Bt  civilization,  and  its  development  marks  the  pe- 
riods of  tlie  i)R.eSi;i:e  in  the  luBtory  of  the  worUl  "  from  fsavagery  to  har- 
baristn  and  fro:n  barbarism  to  civilization."  It  is  to-day  the  fjundation 
of  all  conimercial  and  material  progress  in  this  country.  It  marks  in 
every  ace  of  the. world  the  steps  of  civilization  as  dearly  and  distinctly 
as  the  posts  mark  the  miles  on  the  road.  The  history  of  the  world  teacher 
us  that  in  all  ages,  in  every  country,  agriculture  has  borne  more  than  \ti 
fair  proportion  of  tue  burdens  of  government. 

Whet  ler  taxation  has  been  exacted  from  it  in  kind.or  under  whatever 
system  taxes  have  been  levied,  agriculture  has  always  borne  more  than 
it»  just  proportion,  and  too  often,  as  in  our  own  country,  ha.s  been  the 
prey  of  skillfully  devised  systems  of  taxation  for  the  beneSt  and  enrich- 
ment of  some  favoreil  class.  This,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  particularly  true  in 
the  nineteenth  centurv  and  und'^r  our  republican  form  of  government 
in  the  year  ISSS.    [Will  Mills  bill  change  it  ?— Ed.] 

— Hatch  (Uem.),  Record,  4572. 

.Vi;rt<*iiltiiro  -EIlVcIs  olTroe  trade. 

\«.  1. — When  once  the  farmers  of  the  United  .^ates  have  had  their 
eyes  opened  to  the  fact  of  the  entire  harmony  of  all  the  real  interests  of 
the  country,  they  will  disregard  the  specious  but  false  cry  of  "  free  trade," 
which  has  fastened  upon  the  people  and  the  country  that  British  policy, 
the  consequences  of  which  are  : 

Tfiat  our  soil  year  by  year  produces  less  and  less  per  acre  of  wheat,  la- 
diancorn,  cotton,  tobacco,  and  other  crops. 

That  through  the  ruin  of  the  miner,  the  artisin,  the  mechanic,  and 
the  engineer,  the  market  for  the  produce  of  the  farm  declines,  while  the 
number  of  farmers  increases. 

That  by  the  separation  of  the  consumers  from  the  farmer  the  latter  is 
limite<l  to  the  small  profits  paid  by  that  produce  which  will  bear  trans- 
portation to  a  distance,  and  is  subjected  to  the  grinding  tax  of  transpor- 
tation in  reaching  that  market. 

Tnat  owing  to  the  poor  reinunpration  and  the  distance  to  market  it  is 
iraposjible  to  return  to  the  soil  theconstitaents  removed,  and  agriculture 
does  not  become  a  science  in  the  United  .States. 

— H.  Carey  Baird. 

.\:;i-irg]31  lire- Iv\haiisf  ion  Of  soil. 

\o.  5. — To  prevent  exhaustion,  as  well  as  to  remedy  it  after  it  ha^ 
taken  place,  it  is  requisite  that  th.ose  elements  which  have  been  drawn 
from  the  sod  .should  be  restored  to  it.  Xo  e.^cipa  from  this  necessity  in 
pos;iible  under  any  circumstances  of  soil,  climate,  people, or  country. 

■'The  life  of  men,of  auimds,  and  of  plan's,"  says  Liebig,  "iscoanectod 
in  the  closest  manner  with  the  return  of  all  the  conditions  which  pro- 
mote tht'  vit.'il  process.  The  soil,  by  it'  constituents,  contributes  the  lif.' 
of  plantp.  Its  continuous  fertility  is  inconceivable  and  impossible  with- 
out the  return  of  tlnse  conditions  which  have  rendered  it  productive. ' 

Any  country  which  exports  raw  agricultural  produce  in  so  doing  i-t 
really  sending  from  her  shores,  never  to  be  returned,  the  elements  which 
con.«^titute  the  fertility  of  her  soil,  and  must  yearly  become  poorer  and 
weaker,  if  these  exports  bear  a  large  proportion  to  the  total  amount  of 
her  production.  Ti:at  country,  too,  which  imports  agricultural  produce 
12 


A(..R 

from  the  lands  of  "  the  hewers  of  wood  aud  the  drawers  of  water"  is 
actually  enriching  herself  at  the  expense  and  from  the  life's  blood  of 
I  hose  poor  people,  who  are  thus  entailing  upon  themselves,  their  thil- 
«.lren,  and  their  children's  children  poverty  and  exhaustion. 

That  ;:overnment,  ho wevtr,which  pursuesa  policy  which  refcults  in  bring- 
ill',' the  loom,  the  anvil,  and  tlie  for^e  to  the  side  of  the  farm  lherel>y  en- 
liblesitsfarmers  virtually  to  export  their  raw  materials.without  agricultural 
♦  xhaustion,  in  every  article  of  manufactured  goods  exported.  "A  piece  of 
line  cloth,  for  example,"  in  the  words  of  Adam  Smith,  "  which  weighs 
only  eighty  pounds,  contains  in  it  the  price  not  only  of  the  eighty  pounds 
weight  of  wool,  but  sometimes  of  several  thousand  weight  of  corn,  the 
maintenance  of  the  dillerent  working  *i)eople,  and  of  their  immediate 
employers."  "  The  corn,"  adds  this  great  man,  "  is  in  this  manner  virt- 
ually exported  in  the  complete  manufacture,  and  may  easily  be  sent  to 
tliu  remotest  corners  of  the  world. 

— n.  Carey  Baikd. 

Atjricultiiro— Farm  |>a'o«luc'ts— To  free  list. 

Xo.  O. — More  than  one-ilurd  of  the  free  list  is  made  up  from  the 
products  of  the  farm,  the  forest,  and  the  mine.  Trom  products  which 
are  now  dutiable  at  the  minimum  rates,  ranging  from  7  to  -'>  per  cent., 
and  even  this  slight  i)rolection,  so  essential,  is  to  be  taken  from  the  farm- 
ers, the  lumbermen,  and  the  quarry  men. 

The  following  are  among  the  agricultural  products  put  on  the  free-list 
by  the  bill: 

All  wools,  Beans  and  pease,  ^'egetables  (fresh), 

hinseed,  ]\Iill;  (fresh),  Barks,  beans,  etc., 

(Garden-seed,  Figs,  Hemp, 

Tlempseed,  Plums  and  prunes,  Beeswax, 

J5  jibs  and  roots,  Dates,  Flax, 

Split  pease,  Currants,  zantc,  Manila. 

Rape  and  other  oil  seed,  Meatp,  game,  and  poultry, 

Other  vegetable  substances. 

The  American  farmer  will  appreciate  tiie  vicious  character  of  the  bill 
?.s  applied  to  him  when  he  is  ap[irised  of  the  fact  that  while  the  proil- 
ucts  of  his  land  and  labor  are  shut  out  from  Canada  by  a  protictive  tariff 
imposed  bj'  the  Canadian  government,  the  Canadian  farmer  can  5fen<l 
many  of  his  products  liere  without  the  payment  of  duty  under  the  pro- 
posed bill. 

—Minority  H.  Rept.,  14'J(5.    l-"0;p.  IS. 

A:;rieMlturo— Farm  procBucts— Froc-Iast. 

Si*.  7. — The  Eastern  farmer,  driven  from  the  raising  of  corn  and 
wheat  by  tlie  lower  priced  fertile  landn  of  the  West  and  low  ratts  of 
transportation,  and  compelled  to  turn  his  attention  to  the  production  of 
vegetables,  fruits,  and  other  products  which  T:\ill  not  Ixar  louir  transjjor- 
tation,  is  dealt  a  blow  that  must  seriously  cripple  him.  I  lind  on  this 
f  ropoaed  free-list  the  following  (I  take  them  in  the  order  civen): 

Flax  straw ;  llax,  not  hackled  or  dressed ;  flax,  hackled,  known  as 
dressed  lint ;  tow  of  llax  or  hemp  ;  hemp,  manila.  and  other  like  substi- 
tutes for  hemp;  jute  butts,  jute;  sunn,  sisal-pra.--'^.  and  other  vegetable 
libers;  beeswax  ;  glue  ;  gelatine;  soapstocks;  soap,  hard  a lul  soft ;  hemp- 
.seed  and  rape  seed  oil;  cotton-seed  oil;  wood  tar;  vegetables,  in  their 
natural  state  or  in  salt  or  brine,  not  specially  enumerated  or  provided  for ; 
dates,  plums,  and  prunes  ;  currants;  Ugs;  meatti,  game,  and  poultry  :  milk, 
fresh  ;  egg-yelks  ;  beans,  pease,  and  sjilit  pease  ;  bristles,  bulbs,  aiid  bulb- 
ous roota;  feathers  of  all  kinds;  grease;  hemp  and  rape  seed;  gardea 
seeds;  flaxseed;  broom-corn;  tallow,  and  wool. 

1.3 


AGR 

As  the  consideration  of  this  bill  has  proKreseed  all  effort  to  amend  in 
the  interest  of  the  agricultural  classes  has  been  defeated.  If  this  be 
frienilship  for  the  farmer  he  may  well  pray  to  be  delivered  from  his 
friends. 

— Bl-chanan,  Record,  C211. 

AKriniltiiro— Farm    products    in    \ortli,    I-2a««t,    West,    not 
SoiitSi.  sluiiiu^latered  by  .flills  bill. 

Xo.  S. — Mr.  ChairmaD,  the  American  farmer  has  for  years  heard  the 
Democratic  leaders  denounce  the  tarili"  as  the  bulwark  of  monopoly,  the 
enricher  of  a  favored  few  whose  products  ought  to  be  on  the  free-list. 
lie  will  read  the  Mills  bill  to  find  that  the  farmer  is  the  Robber  Baron 
whoae  products  now  go  to  the  free-list.  The  raiser  of  sheep  and  the 
grower  of  wodI  is  now  the  chief  of  sinners,  and  wool  must  be  made  free. 
Cultivators  of  hemp,  flax,  peas,  beans,  cabbage,  potatoes,  seeds,  and  vege- 
tables are  monopolists ;  so  these  go  to  the  free-list. 

More  than  one-third  of  the  free-list  in  the  Mills  bill  is  composed  of 
the  yield  of  the  field,  forest,  and  mine  to  the  damage  of  the  lumberman, 
quarry  man,  farmer,  and  miner. 

With  demagogic  zeal  salt  which  costs  us  6  cents  per  capita  is  hurried  to 
the  free-list,  while  suear  which  costs  us  $2.57  per  capita  escapes  lightly. 

But  I  will  not  vex  the  House  with  figures.  Figures  are  good  servants 
but  bad  masters.  This  bill  and  the  tables  in  the  majority  report  suggest 
that  either  ad  valorem  or  percentage  is  the  prince  of  liars. 

— McCoMAs,  Record,  3838. 

Agrieultnro— Farm  products— Wipe  out  all  protection. 

Xo.  9. — This  bill  proposes  to  wipe  out  all  protection  whatever  to  the 
farmer  in  his  struggle  to  keep  alive  the  sheep  industry  and  place  him  and 
the  American  people  wholly  at  the  mercy  of  foreign  competition.  It 
places  wool  upon  the  free-list,  and,  according  to  the  President's  rule,  re- 
duces its  price  10  and  12  cents  per  pound.  This  result  inflicts  a  severe  blow 
upon  our  farmers  without  reason  or  justification,  as  wool  is  now  as  cheap 
as  any  one  could  possibly  wish.  It  would  wipe  out  and  destroy  more 
than  $200,000,000  in  value  now  employed  in  the  raising  of  sheep. 

Since  the  reduction  of  the  duty  on  wool  of  12  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  in 
1883,  the  sheep  in  the  United  States  have  decreased  0,000,000  head.  Take 
from  the  present  low  price  of  wool  10  and  12  cents  per  pound,  or  even 
one-half  that  sum,  and  it  will  destroy  every  flock  of  sheep  in  the  country. 
Australia,  with  her  75,000,000  sheep,  of  excellent  grade,  a  nominal  price, 
and  the  removal  of  the  duty  on  wool  will  place  her  product  in  our  mills. 
The  duty,  and  that  alone,  keeps  it  in  check.  South  America,  too,  will  be 
here  with  her  wools,  and  our  free-traders  bid  them  welcome.  If  we  are 
to  give  up  these  industries,  one  after  another,  why  not  place  wheat  upon 
the  free-list  ?  It  can  be  purchased  in  the  Northwest,  on  the  Canada  side, 
for  8  and  10  cents  le.s3  than  upon  our  side.  Let  i\Iinneapolis  obtain  a  sup- 
ply for  her  great  mills  from  the  region  of  Manitoba,  grown  by  Canadian 
farmers.  India,  too,  is  at  the  port  of  New  York,  with  her  wheat  at  70 
cents  per  bushel,  and  if  it  were  not  for  the  duty  of  20  cents  the  great 
cities  of  the  coast  would  buy  their  bread  of  India.  Why  not  take  away 
this  duty  as  well  as  that  upon  wool  ? 

— C^vswELL,  Wisconsin,  Record,  3891. 

AKrionlturc— Farmers  will  sntFer  from  .^lills  bill. 

3fo.  lO.— Of  all  cla??e3  few  will  suffer  like  the  American  farmer.    To- 
day there  are  about  9,000,000  people  engaged  in  agriculture.    As  a  class 
they  outnumber  all.    They  know  that  farming  is  profitable  in  proportion 
as  consumers  are  greater  than  producers.     Manulactures  invite  consum- 
14 


AGR 

era.  These  build  up  the  home  market.  Four  million  people  in  commerce 
and  manufactures  will  consiime,  it  is  said,  the  surplus  production  of 
0,000,000  farmers.  This  market  is  always  sure,  but  a  foreign  market  is 
olten  uncertain.     We  seek  the  nearest  markets  tirsf. 

— Hermann,  Record,  4765. 

AgrEcnlfnro— Hostility  of  Doinoeratic  party  towar<I. 

Xo.  II. — I  wish  I  had  time  to  show  still  further  in  detail  the  hostil- 
ity ol  this  bill  to  the  great  industry  of  agriculture.  How  it  not  only  takog 
away  present  protection,  but  fails  to  make  any  provision  in  cases  whtrn 
increased  protection  ought  to  be  given.  Take  barley,  for  imtance.  La^t 
year  there  were  imported  into  this  country  10,000,000  bushels,  which 
"Americans  ought  themselves  to  have  produced.  iJut  this  bill  does  not 
raise  ttie  duty  on  barley  to  20  cents  per  bushel,  as  itousht  In  fourda;,^ 
in  January  la-st,  at  the  port  of  New  York,  149,000  bushels  of  potatoes 
were  landed  from  foreign  countries.  But  tnis  bill,  instead  of  raising  the 
duty  from  15  to  25  cents  per  bushel,  under  the  head  of  vegetables,  puts 
potrttoes  on  the  free-list.  During  the  last  fiscal  year  about  1,000.000 
bushels  of  beans  and  peas  and  18  000,000  dozens  of  eggs  were  imported. 
On  all  these  articles  and  many  others  the  duties  ought  to  be  increased, 
and  thus  give  protection  to  the  very  best  representative  of  American 
labor,  the  farmer. 

But  instead  of  this  thn  bill  opens  our  markets  to  foreign  agricultural 
products,  on  which  as  entered  from  Canada  alone  $1,800,193  duties  were 
paid  last  year,  thereby  compelhng  the  American  farmer  to  compete  in 
his  own  markets  with  the  products  of  Canadian  labor,  which  is  from  one- 
fourth  to  one-third  less  than  in  the  United  States.  And  this  is  the  way 
the  Democratic  party  is  taking  care  of  the  American  farmer  I 

— Grout,  Record,  4409. 

Agrionltnro  — Importing     j^oods    is    importing    the     fo«<I 
wliic'U  produces  them. 

]Vo.  13. — The  foregoing  proposition  being  true,  it  follows  of  a  logical 
necessity  that  the  import  of  any  manufactured  article  of  foreign  produc- 
tion is  virtually  an  import  of  the  agricultural  produce  consumed  by 
the  men,  women,  and  children  who  are  engaged  in  its  production.  The 
practical  etfect  of  this  will  more  fully  appear  from  the  following : 

In  the  year  1855,  the  imports  of  iron  into  th«  United  States,  in  its 
various  forms,  were  the  result  of  the  labor  of  60,500  men.  With  the 
usual  average  {>er  family,  the  employment  thus  fiirniehed  yielded  a  sup- 
port to  ;J02,590  men,  women,  and  children,  who  required  for  their  suste- 
nance breadstutls  and  provisions  during  the  year  to  the  value  of  $15,- 
129,500— just  about  the  amount  of  our  total  exports  of  those  produces 
to  Great  Britain  during  that  year.  Had  this  iron  been  produced  at 
home,  it  would  have  furnished  to  the  American  farmer,  near  to  his  own 
door,  an  increased  market  for  his  products  to  the  amount  of  $15,000,000, 
and  at  the  same  lime  have  relieved  him  from  the  cost  of  transportulion, 
and  placed  it  in  his  power  to  restore  to  his  sutTering  soil  all  the  con- 
stituents of  wealth  extracted. 

— II.  Carey  Baird. 

Agrionltnral  interests. 

No  13. — But  special  eflbrt  has  been  matle  and  is  being  persisted  in  to 
induce  the  American  farmer  to  believe  that  a  protective  taritl  is  hostile 
to  his  best  interest  and  his  prosperity  would  be  promoted  by  an  abandon- 
ment of  that  policy.  How  far  this  effort  may  be  successful  it  is  impos- 
sible to  forecast;  but  this  much  may  be  alhrmed  with  ahsolut**  certainty, 
unless  the  results  of  established  law  are  uncertain  and  experience  is  rio 

15 


AGR 

l.'ii^ir  a  t^HlV  ^'iiidf,  that  any  course  which  cripples  or  destroys  our  manu- 
iicuriiiK'  inti'rests  and  deprive^^  labor  of  its  employment  therein  will 
beiiuusly  disturb  autl  iuijmir  the  pronpeiity  of  our  agricultural  interests. 
Andrew  .Iiu  kson  was  not  mistaken  when  he  said  : 

•*  Upon  the  succ-ess  of  our  nuinufdctures,  as  the  handmaid  of  agricult- 
ure and  commerce,  depends,  in  a  great  measure,  the  independence  of 
our  countrv." 

Among  the  advantages  conferred  upon  the  farmer  by  our  prottctive 
t>Ariir  is  that  derive«l  froai  a  direct  protection  to  tlie  products  of  his  farm 
and  the  iuduHtries  incident  thereto,  as  shown  by  the  following: 

"  Wool  at  ;1U  cents  ti  pound  or  lefes,  lu  cents ;  at  over  :;0  cents  a  pound, 
IL' cents.  Beef  and  pork,  1  cent  a  pound.  Hams  and  bacon.  1.' cents  a 
l>i!nnd.  Butter,  4  centa  a  pound,  l^ird,  2  cents  a  pound.  Cheepe,  4 
cents  a  pound.  Grapes,  2u  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  Wheat.  L'O  cents  a 
busiiel.  Oats,  10  cents  a  bushel.  Corn,  10  cents  a  bushel.  Rye,  15  cents 
a  bubhel.  Barley,  1')  cen's  a  Imsbel.  Potatoes,  lo  cents  a  bushel.  Hay, 
$1,*  a  tun.  Live  animals,  -0  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  Beeswax,  20  per  cent, 
ad  valorem.  Vinegar,  10  cents  a  gallon.  Honey,  I'O  cents  a  gallon, 
l-'ruit.  shade,  and  ornamental  trees,  shrubs,  etc.,  '20  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 
All  ve;_'fctable8,  nototherwi.se  provided  for,  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem, 
nice,  cleaned,  -\  cents  per  pound.  Wheat  tlour,  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 
Tobacco  (unmanufacturec ),  3')  cents  per  pound.  Sugar,  1  ]  to  :;l  cents  per 
pound.  Rice  Hour  and  rice  meal.  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  Extract  of 
meat.  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  Barley,  pearled  or  hulled,  A  cent  per 
pound.  Barley  malt,  20  cents  per  bushel.  Corn  meal,  10  cents  per 
bushel.  Oat  meal,  A  cent  per  pound.  Rye  flour,  \  cent  per  pound. 
Potato  and  corn  starch,  2  cents  par  pound.  Pickles  and  sauce?,  not 
otherwise  provided  for,  ;;•">  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  Garden  Feeds,  20  per 
cent,  ad  valorem.  Hemp  seed,  ',  cent  per  pound.  Currants,  1  cent  per 
pound.  Apples,  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  Hops,  S  cents  per  pound. 
Mi'k,  preserved  or  condensed,  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  Flax  straw,  $5 
a  ton.  Flax,  not  dressed,  $20  a  ton.  Flax,  dressed,  $40  a  ton.  Tow  of 
llax  or  hemp,  .*I0  a  ton.  Bristles,  15  cents,  a  pound.  Tallow,  1  centa 
pound.     Flax  seed  or  linseed,  20  cents  per  bushel." 

That  the  farmer  should  still  further  be  jirotected  in  some  of  these 
products  there  can  be  no  question,  and  yet  it  is  to  bo  observed  that  the 
bill  now  under  consideration  strikes  down  with  merciless  hand  many  of 
the  most  important  agricultural  interests  of  the  country  by  placing  them 
on  the  free  list.  When  it  is  remembered  that  there  was  brought  into 
this  country  la.st  year,  exclu.sive  of  tea,  cofiee,  and  sugar,  $57,000,000  of 
agricultural  products  in  competition  with  our  home  interests,  the  policy 
propf^sed  by  this  bill  which  would  still  further  expose  the  farmer  to 
foreign  competition  wfll  not  be  ant  to  receive  the  approval  of  our  agricult- 
ural interests.  But  while  this  airect  protection  is  of  importance  to  the 
farmer,  the  indirect  benefits  accruing  to  him  from  the  diversification  of 
our  industries  are  much  greater  and  beyond  the  possibility  of  calcula- 
tion. In  this  iies  the  chief  advanlajje.  Every  farmer  tills  the  soil  for  a 
ilouble  purpose,  lir.-*t,  to  supply  the  necessities  for  himself  and  his  houae- 
liold  ;  and,  secondly,  to  seiure  a  surplus  with  which  he  may  obtain  those 
articles  of  necestfity  and  luxury  which  cannot  be  produced  from  the  soil. 

— BcRKOw.s,  Record,  3452. 

.\^rii-iilliiral  I.uikIm— Vailiio  <»!'.  how  iiicroaNefl. 

\o.  1  I.  — Where,  then,  on  the  face  of  the  globe  can  the  American 
faniif-r  market  bis  surplus?  At  home  or  nowhere.  This  liome  market, 
therefore,  should  be  to  him  the  object  of  his  deepest  solicitude  and  pro- 
tecting care,  for  upon  it  the  future  of  agriculture  in  this  country  depends. 
But  with  a  steady  market  at  home,  created  and  sustained  by  our  diversi- 
10 


AGR 


Sed  indiistriep,  the  demand  is  steady,  and  every  farmer  knowa  that  when 
he  sows  he  can  reap  with  prolit.  Another  advanta?;e  to  the  American 
farmer  from  the  eetabhshment  and  maintenance  c  f  manufacturing  indus- 
tries is  the  enhanced  vahie  of  hia  acre?.  You  cannot  buihi  up  anywhere 
a  prosperous  mauufacturins  industry  without  enhancing  the  vahieof  the 
farm  hinds  adja<:ent  thereto.  Cast  your  eye  over  the  map  of  tlio  liepub- 
hc  and  indicate  the  localities  where  industries  are  the  most  diversified 
and  the  fewest  people  are  engaged  in  agriculture,  and  there  you  will  find 
the  highest-priced  farm  lands.  Mark  the  localities  where  farming  is  the 
•chief  ©ccupation  of  tlie  people  and  o;her  industries  are  the  least  devel- 
oped ;  there  you  will  find  farm  lands  of  the  least  value.  To  demonstrate 
the  truth  of  this  assertion  I  will  insert  a  table  in  which  the  States  and 
Territories  are  divided  into  four  groups,  in  the  first  of  which  is  embraced 
that  portion  of  the  country  having  less  than  30  per  cent,  of  the  people 
-engageil  in  agriculture;  the  second,  over  30  and  less  than  50  ;  the  third, 
•overoO  and  less  than  70,  and  the  fourth  having  70  per  cent,  and  over 
■engaged  in  agriculture : 


Classes. 

Acres. 

Value  of 
lariDS. 

Value 
per 
acre. 

Per 
cent.  In 
agrlculi- 

ute. 

First- 

■Second 

77,250,742 
112,:<21,257 
2:*7, 873,040 
108,630.796 

$2,985,641,197 

3,  »3(i,y  15,767 

3,218,108,970 

562,430,84-2 

$38.63 

30.55 

13.53 

5.18 

18 
42 

Third 

r«iirlli 

58 
77 

From  this  table  it  will  be  discerned  that  where  77  per  cent,  of  the  peo- 
ple are  encaged  in  agriculture  the  average  value  of  farm  lands  is  only  a 
tride  over  $5  an  acre,  while  where  only  18  per  cent,  are  engaged  in  agri- 
■culture  farm  lands  average  over  ^oS  per  acre.  What  is  true  in  the 
country  at  large  is  equally  true  in  counties  and  States.  The  principal 
manufacturers  in  Pennsylvania  are  to  be  found  in  thirteen  counties,  and 
the  average  value  of  farm  land  within  these  counties  is  $80.73  per  acre, 
w  hile  in  the  remaining  counties  it  is  only  $42.02.  The  farm  lands  in  the 
tweh'e  chief  manufacturing  counties  of  Uhio  average  $07.85  pt-r  acre, 
-Ahile  in  the  balance  of  the  State  they  are  worth  only  $42.10.  The  farm 
lands  of  Ohio,  with  only  40  per  cent,  of  her  p€0|)le  engaged  in  agriculture, 
are  worth  $46  per  acre,  while  in  Kentucky,  separated  only  by  the  Ohio, 
but  with  02  per  cent,  engaged  in  agriculture,  they  are  worth  only  $14 
per  acre.  The  rugged  land  of  Pennsylvania,  with  21  per  cent,  of  her 
people  engaged  in  agriculture,  is  worth  $50  per  acre,  while  in  Virginia, 
where  51  per  cent,  are  engaged  in  agriculture,  they  are  value<l  at  only 
.511  an  acre.  By  the  census  of  18S(i,  in  the  six  States  of  North  Caro- 
lina, .South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  .Mississippi,  and  Arkan.sas,  77  per 
cent,  of  the  people  were  engaged  in  agriculture  and  only  5  per  cent,  in 
Tiianufactures,  and  the  average  value  of  the  farm  lands  in  thehe  six  States 
was  only  $5.18  per  acre. 

It  is  an  astounding  fact  derived  from  the  same  census  that  the  value 
•of  the  200,000,000  acres  of  farm  lands  in  the  eleven  States  composing  the 
late  Confederacv  are  not  equal  to  the  20,(;00,rOO  acres  of  farm  lands  in  the 
•States  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey.  I  lieg  to  assure  the  gentlemen  of 
the  South  that  I  have  drawn  this  contrast  in  no  inviditms  spirit,  but  only 
in  confirmation  of  the  fact  that  the  development  of  manufactures  tends 
to  enhance  the  value  of  agricultural  lands.  It  seems  to  me,  however, 
that  there  is  a  lesson  to  be  drawn  from  this  of  inestimable  value  to  you. 
The  South  needs  this  development.  Protection  has  brought  it  to  the 
JNorth — it  will  bring  it  to  you.  [.applause  ]  You  have  but  to  accept  it 
ii  17 


AGR 

and  it  will  brinn  to  you  an  era  of  unexampled  prosperity.  It  is  open  to 
develop  vour  niinee,  explore  your  forests,  lifxht  the  fires  of  your  furnaces, 
build  your  fac-toriee,  construrt  your  railways,  invite  rapital  to  investment, 
give  e'inplovinent  to  your  labor,  i)lunt  cities  in  your  waste  places,  and 
lead  your  pf^oplo  into  the  highway  of  industrial  progress.  [Applause.] 
You  have  already  entered  thereon.  During  the  last  ninety  days  .'ro(),000,- 
(KK)of  capititl  have  gone  into  your  manufacturing  industries.  In  this  I 
rejoice.  Tliere  is  not  an  industry  in  the  South  the  development  of  which 
would  redound  to  her  ylory  that  I  would  not  as  jealously  guard  as  though 
it  were  the  industry  of  ^lichigan.  I  believe  in  protection  not  for  my 
State  alone,  but  for  my  country,  [.\pplau8e]  I  believe  in  American 
industries,  American  capital,  American  labor  against  the  whole  world. 

— Bi'KROws,  Record,  3453. 

A :;ri culture  uiid  I^abor— I*rosi(loii(  hostile  to. 

\o.  15.— We  hear  a  great  deal  said  about  theopj)re69ion  of  the  farmer 
by  the  existing  taritl".  What  relief  is  proposed  by  tlie  President  or  by  the 
revenue  bill  under  consideration  to  thf  farmer?  His  prejudice  is  appealed 
to.  The  President  says  that  if  the  manufacturers  get  raw  material  free 
of  duly  they  can  stand  a  reduction  of  import  duties,  and  still  they  would 
maintain  their  proOts.  From  this  it  would  seem  that  the  President  does 
not  want  to  interfere  with  the  profits  of  the  manufacturers.  His  object 
is  to  reduce  the  revenue. 

It  is  plain  this  cannot  be  done  without  casting  the  burden  on  some 
other  industry  and  injuring  the  persons  engaged  therein.  Where  does 
he  place  the  burden  ?  He  places  it  on  the  producers  of  raw  material. 
Every  article  produced  on  the  farm  is  raw  material.  Labor  represents  a 
large  percentage  of  the  gross  cost  in  raw  material.  Ttie  policy  proposed 
by  tlie  President  is  hostile  to  agriculture  and  labor,  for  he  projKJocs  to 
unload  the  burdens  from  the  manufacturing  industries  and  place  Iheni 
on  the  farmer  and  on  the  labor  of  the  country.  In  order  that  the 
farmer  may  purchase  woolen  goods  at  cheaper  prices  he  must  con- 
sent to  a  repeal  of  the  duty  on  wool.  This  will  preserve  the  profit  to 
the  manufacturer,  and  then  he  can  reduce  the  price  of  the  goods.  Who 
is  to  pay  the  cost  of  this  transaction  ?  The  farmer  by  selling  his  wool  at 
a  lower  price  pays  the  cost. 

— Thomas,  of  Kentucky,  Record,  4.359. 

A;;rionltiiro  and  ^laiiuruftiiro— Profits  arisini;  from. 

Xo.  lO. — Our  i>rotective  policy  has,  in  spite  of  the  obstacles  it  has  en- 
countered, most  suggestive  results  in  this  regard,  and  these  results  have 
not  all  been  absorbed  by  the  manufacturing  industries.  Agriculture  has 
gathered  a  part  of  the  harvest  to  itself. 

In  the  ten  States  embraced  in  the  foregoing  table  one  effect  is  made 
apparent  by  the  statistics  of  the  census  of  ISSO,  which  should  be  studied 
by  all,  and  especially  by  those  engaged  in  agriculture.  In  all  of  tho.se 
States  there  are  counties  in  which  manufa<'turing  industries  have  been 
established,  and  others  in  which  this  result  had  not  been  realized. 
Takinir  the  ten  States  together  the  average  value  per  acre  of  land  in  the 
counties  in  which  manufactures  had  been  planted  was  $.35  80.  In  the 
other  counties  the  average  value  per  acre  was  $2l\41.  This  shows  an 
average  value  per  acre  in  favor  of  the  counties  in  which  manufacturing 
industries  were  yiresent  of  ^13.45.  In  a  large  majority  of  the  counties 
embraced  in  the  ten  States  named  manufacturing  industries  did  not  exist. 
Ti'j  -'1  ' '. -ts  that  the  jiroper  thing  to  do  in  the  matter  of  promoting  the 
i:  agriculture  is  to  multiply  manufacturing  plants,  and  to  induce 

a  ■  in  of  them  amongst  localities  where  they  are  not  now  present. 

This  cannot  be  done  by  applying  the  methods  recommended  by  the 
President  in  his  message.  If  we  follow  his  suggestions  and  give  eflTect  to 
IS 


them  we  will  not  multiply  manufacturing  plants  and  diptribute  them  to 
regions  where  they  ilu  not  now  exist.  Un  tiie  contrary,  we  will  embar- 
rass those  now  in  operation  and  repress  the  tendency  to  invest  capital  in 
others. 

— Senator  Wilson,  of  Iowa,  Record,  2SG7. 

AjC^ricuIturo— >liirket  at  lioiue  lii'Ips  rariuor«<i. 

^To.  17. — Not  only  that  but  the  price  of  land  is  greatly  increased  by 
their  proximity  to  and  diminished  by  their  remoteness  from  manufact- 
uring centers.  You  may  tind  land  selling  at  $50  an  acre  within  a  few 
miles  of  a  manufacturing  town,  and  you  may  buy  the  same  quality  of 
land  at  $5  an  acre  ">()  or  100  miles  from  manufacturing  centers.  And  why 
so?  Because  not  only  the  good  housewife  ha3  a  market  for  her  butter 
and  chickens  and  eggs  and  cheese,  and  everything  of  that  character 
that  is  produced  up«jn  the  farm,  but  the  farmer  himself  has  a  market 
for  every  bashel  oi  corn,  wheat,  rye,  etc.,  and  for  every  apple,  peach, 
pear,  melon,  and  everything  of  that  character  that  he  makes  upon  the 
farm  when  located  near  a  manufacturing  center  ;  and  he  gets  the  best 
price  for  his  corn,  flour,  meat,  and  other  necessary  articles  produced 
upon  the  farm.  So,  in  every  view  of  it  no  class  of  people  In  this  country 
are  more  benefited  by  the  increase  of  manufactures  and  the  diversity  of 
labor,  thus  putting  down  the  price  of  manufactured  articles  and  putting 
up  t tie  price  of  labor  and  the  price  of  farm  products,  than  the  farmers 
themselves. 

— Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  21. "»2. 

Affricnlture— Market  lor  f*arin  produce— Wlieiicc  coiiieM  it  ? 

No.  18. — That  the  shoemaker,  the  tailor,  and  the  blacksmith  find 
respectively  a  market  for  their  various  wares  among  those  persons  iwt  en- 
gaged in  the  same  pursuits  with  themselves  is  a  truth  which  probably 
few  will  be  found  to  question.  With  the  farmer  it  is  much  the  same.  He 
has  little  or  no  occasion  to  sell  to  or  buy  from  his  fellow-farmer,  and 
must  therefore  look  for  a  market  to  those  persons  who,  not  being  pro- 
ducers of  agricultural  products,  have  need  to  purchase  them. 

This  being  the  case  it  may  be  asserted  as  a  fact  so  clear  and  unques- 
tionable as  to  need  no  proof  that  the  interest  of  the  farmer  is  to  be  pro- 
moted by  increasing  the  proportion  of  the  people  engaged  in  other  than 
agricultural  pursuits.  Every  influence  exerted  to  draw  men  from  agri- 
culture into  other  employments  not  only  tends  to  increase  the  market 
for  farm  produce,  but  becomes  an  advantage  to  the  farmer  by  reducing 
the  number  oftho.se  competing  for  the  existing  market  for  that  produce. 
As,  however,  the  people  of  a  country  live  substantially  off  tiie  products 
of  that  country,  it  is  also  for  the  interest  of  the  farmer  that  as  large  a  pro- 
portion as  possible  of  those  not  engaged  in  agriculture  should  be  0(;cupied 
m  i»roductive  pursuits — the  entire  body  of  non-producers  drawing  their 
sustenance  from  the  producers. 

It  ia  in  view  of  these  things,  then,  a  matter  of  deep  concern  to  the 
farmer  that  there  should  be  adiversity  of  productive  pursuits — that  with 
a  large  and  increasing  number  of  miners,  operators,  artisans,  mechanics, 
and  engineers,  there  should  be  a  large  and  ever-growing  market  for  the 
products  of  agriculture. 

— H.  Carby  Baird. 

AKricnltiire— Near  and  distant  markets. 

3fo.  11). — The  farmer  who  has  a  market  close   at  hand  carries  the 

Eroduce  there  at  a  trifling  expense.     In  selling  directly  to  the  consumer, 
e  receives  from  him  the  full  amount  paid  by  that  consumer. 
He  who,  on  the  contrary,  is  dependent  upon  a  distant  market,  is  either 
obliged  to  pay  directly  the  cost  of  tran8ix)rtation  to  that  market,  or  to 

19 


AGR 

sell  his  produce  to  ftie  middle-man  or  trader,  and  receive  therefor  the 
amount  paid  by  the  consumer  less  the  transportation,  storage,  nnd  profits  of  the 
various  parti' s  who  stind  hdW'en  producer  and  consumer.  Hence  is  it  that 
while  the  farmer  near  iSTew  York  or  Philadelphia  eells  his  corn  at  70  cents 
per  bushel,  he  in  the  interior  of  Iowa  receives  for  his  but  25  cents  per 
bushel. 

These  statements  being  susceptible  of  proof  by  the  examination  of  the 
condition  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  markets  almost  any  day  in  any 
year,  it  is  clearly  manifest  that  it  is  to  the  interest  of  the  farmer  to  have 
the  consumer  brought  to  the  side  of  the  farm.  When,  then,  he  sees  a 
mine  opened,  a  furnace  put  in  blast,  the  fires  of  a  rolling-mill  lighted,  a 
foundry,  or  even  a  shop  for  the  prosecution  of  the  most  trifling  mechan- 
ical trade  started  in  his  neighborhood,  it  should  be  to  him  a  cause  for 
congratulation. 

— H.  Carey  Baihd. 

Agri(*iilturc— ^Market  for  small  products. 

Xo.  20- — You  go  back  into  the  portions  of  the  country  far  distant 
from  manufacturing  establishments  and  you  will  find  chickens  selling  at  10 
to  12  cents  apiece,  butter  at  10  to  15  cents,  eggs  at  10  cents  a  dozen,  and 
everything  produced  on  the  farm  or  in  the  dairy  at  a  price  that  is  scarcely 
remunerative. 

Now  change  your  location  and  go  into  the  neighborhood  of  one  or  more 
large  factories  where  there  is  a  large  number  of  officers,  employes,  and 
operatives  engaged  in  manufacturing.  They  produce  none  of  these  things. 
They  want  to  buy  everything  of  the  character  mentioned  that  is  made 
upon  the  farm,  in  the  garden,  or  the  dairy,  and  instead  of  chickens  being 
10  to  12  cents  apiece  frhey  are  from  20  to  30  cents;  instead  of  eggs  being 
worth  10  cents  a  dozen  they  are  worth  20  to  25  cents;  instead  of  butter 
being  10  or  15  cents  a  pound  it  is  worth  40  cents  a  pound,  and  so  with 
everything  the  farmers  and  the  farmers'  wives  make  for  sale  which  is 
needed  by  the  large  number  of  persons  engaged  in  manufacturing,  who 
do  not  make  these  necessary  articles. 

— Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  2151. 

Agriculture— Products. 

^'o.  31. — Wheat  now  bears  a  duty  of  20  cents  per  bushel.  India  and 
Russia  have  become  recently  large  producers  of  wheat,  and  from  their 
competition  in  the  London  market  wheat  has  fallen  greatly  in  price. 
England,  with  her  usual  care  for  her  own  interests,  has,  at  her  own  cost, 
constructed  a  vast  mileage  of  railroads  in  India.  The  Indian  farmer  pays 
his  ryots,  or  laborer:',  from  8  to  12  cents  per  day,  and  he  can  put  his  wheat 
in  London  at  a  protit  of  70  cents  per  bushel.  For  the  year  ending  June 
'50,  1887,  the  United  States  exported  to  all  countries  101,971,949  bushels 
of  wheat.  For  the  year  ending  March  31, 1887,  India  exported  41,558,250 
•>uphels  of  wheat. 

The  increase  of  this  Indian  competition  and  the  competition  from 
Russia  must  continue,  as  there  remain  In  those  countries  yet  rich  tracts 
to  be  brought  under  cultivation.  Our  Eastern  farmers,  foreseeing  this, 
have  given  attention  to  the  production  of  other  articles.  But  here,  too, 
they  find  that  the  present  protection  is  inadequate.  I  have  here  the 
"Summary  statement  of  the  imports  and  exports  of  the  United  States 
for  the  eleven  months  ending  May  21,  1888."*  From  this  official  docu- 
ment I  compile  the  following  statement  of  imports  of  farm  products  for 
that  period: 

-Vnimals,  free $3,162,613 

Animals,  dutiable 4,401,145 

Eggs 2,061,641 

20 


II 


AGR 

Farinaceous  substances 852,280 

Skins  other  than  fur 21,48;»,912 

Barley 8,0r>it.087 

Corn 19,928 

Oats 21,802 

Oatmeal 3G,14G 

Eve .20 

Wheat 314,979 

Wheat  flour 12  738 

Another.... 113023 

Bristles 1,138,299 

Fiax 1,599  250 

Hemp 0  195,057 

Figs 490.740 

Oranges  2,134,292 

Plums  and  prunes 2057,418 

Hay 850,220 

Hops 1,C04  511 

Barley  malt 137,077 

Prepared  meats 300,032 

All  other  meat  products 148,409 

Butter 24,549 

Cheese 1,101,184 

Milk,  condensed 335,110 

Flaxseed 1,380,535 

Leaf  tobacco 10  218,005 

Beans  and  peas 2,128,110 

Potatoes 3,550,572 

All  other  vegetables 1,013,077 

Wool 14,540,003 

By  this  bill  nearly  all  the  above  have  already  been  put  on  the  free- 
list,  and  now  it  is  proposed  to  do  the  same  wU'i  wool.  This  line  of  policy 
is  against  the  agricultarist  of  the  Eist,  and  I  must  vote  a;zainst  it. 

— Buchanan,  Record,  0931. 

Agriculture— Protection  of. 

No.  S3> — PETITION  FOR  MORE  EFFECTUAL  PROTECTION  OF  AGRICULTURE. 

"  To  Vie  Speaker  of  the  Hoiio'  of  Representatives  : 

"The  undersigned  respectfully  pray  that  agriculture  may  be  more  ef- 
fectually protected,  by  preventing  fraudulent  importations  of  cattle  on 
pretense  that  they  are  for  breeding  only  ; 

''By  a  duty  of  20  cents  per  bushel  on  barley,  with  proportionate  in- 
crease of  duty  on  malt ; 

"  By  duties  of  25  cents  per  bushel  on  potatoes  and  onions,  $2  per  100 
on  cabbages,  $3  per  ton  on  hay,  10  cents  per  pound  on  hops,  20  per  cent, 
on  beans  and  pease,  5  cents  per  dozen  on  ej'ge,  30  p'^r  cent,  on  fowls  and 
poultry,  and  on  '  vegetables  ia  their  natural  state  or  in  salt  or  brine,  not 
otherwise  provided  for,'  with  no  removal  or  reduction  of  duties  on  mar- 
ket garden  products  now  dutiable ; 

"  By  such  increased  duties  on  flax  and  on  linen  goods  as  will  effectually 
encourage  the  preparation  of  fiber  and  manufacture  of  goods ; 

"By  abolishing  all  duties  oq  sugar,  with  a  bounty  to  home  producerr- ; 

"  By  preventing  imports  of  leaf-tobacco  suitable  for  wrappers  at  tlu* 
duty  imposed  on  other  leaf-tobacco,  and  repealing  all  internal  taxes  on 
tobacco ; 

"  By  restoring  to  wool-growing  the  substantial  protection  enjoyed  un- 
der the  tariff  of  1807,  so  modified  as  to  meet  the  later  forms  of  foreign 
competition  and  of  evasion. 

21 


AGR 


''  The  undersigned  further  represent,  respectfully,  that  they  are  prac- 
tical farmers  of  this  loc.lity." 

liather,  then,  than  repeal  these  duties  and  these  direful  consequences 
follow,  let  us  grant  these  petitions  and  at  the  same  time  ful  fill  the  pledges 
made  to  the  people  in  1884  and  reiterated  in  1888  by  both  political  par- 

— Browne,  T.  H.  B.,  Record,  7219. 

Agriculture— Protection  or— Democratic  Testimony. 

Xo.  'i'.t, — Between  ISoO  and  ISGO  the  farmers  of  the  country  more 
than  doubled  their  wealth,  and  between  1870  and  1880  they  accumulated 
but  'J  per  cent,  increase. 

I  append  an  exact  and  verified  table  of  the  figures. 


1850. 

1860. 

1870. 

i          1880. 

$3.271.575,4'26 
5U,180.516 
151,587,038 

$6,645,045,007 

1.089,329,915 

246,118,141 

$9,202,803,801 

1,525,276,457 

330,878,429 

$10,197,056,776 

Farm  animals 

Farm  Implements 

l,5r,'«l,384,707 
400,52().(J55 

Total 

3,%7,a43,580 

7,980,493,063 

11,124,958,747 

12,104,001.538 

While  I  do  not  claim  that  the  high  tarift"  since  1861  is  the  sole  cause 
of  this  decay  in  the  industry  of  more  than  half  our  people,  I  do  most 
earnestly  contend  that  in  that  fact  is  to  be  found  the  secret  of  one  of  the 
most  potential  causes  of  the  terrible  blight  and  depreciation  of  values 
which  has  befallen  American  agriculture. 

If  this  is  not  true,  why  is  it  that  during  the  same  decades,  and  fostered 
and  protected  by  this  system,  the  manufacturing  districts  have  so  enor- 
mously increased  in  wealth  ?  There  is  but  one  answer.  Protection  ben- 
efits the  manufacturer  alone,  while  it  oppresses  and  levies  tribute  upon 
all  other  classes.     [Why  not  multiply  manufacturing  districts? — Ed.  ] 

— Hatch  (Dem.),  Record,  4572. 

Notp.— PRICES  OF  Agbicultobal  Prodocts.  Read  carefully  the  following  Nos.  24, 
25,  25,  27,  28,  by  Ford,  Burrows  of  Michigan,  and  Senator  brown  of  Georgia. —Eu. 

Agricultural  Products— Surplus  fixes  prices. 

Xo.  'i4.. — No  tariir  can  help  the  farmer  on  his  surplus  production,  be- 
cause the  price  at  which  it  is  sold  is  fixed  by  competition  with  all  the 
producers  of  the  world.  We  now  consume  at  home  about  70  per  cent, 
of  cur  agricultural  productions  and  export  about  30  per  cent,  of  them. 
Now,  mark  this:  Whenever  any  country  produces  more  than  it  con- 
sumes and  has  a  surplus,  the  price  of  that  surplus  will  fix  the  price  of 
the  whole  product.  Therefore,  so  long  as  our  farmers  produce  a  surplus 
(and  this  they  will  always  do)  the  price  of  the  agricultural  productions 
in  the  United  States  will  be  the  same  as  the  world's  price.  There  is  no 
escaping  this  conclusion.  You  may  pile  tarilTson  wheat,  corn,  beef,  pork, 
and  cotton  mountains  high  and  it  will  not  increase  the  jjrice  of  thoee 
products  in  this  country  a  penny — not  a  farthing. 

—Ford  (Dem.),  Record,  3009. 

AKricnlture— Surplus  products,  sale  of. 

No.  25. — Tor  the  disposition  of  this  surplus  he  requires  a  market, 
and  that  market  which  yields  the  best  returns  will  be  to  him  the  most 
advantageous.  There  are  but  two  markets  open  (o  him,  the  home  mar- 
ket and  the  foreign.  Can  it  be  popisible  that  the  farmer  can  be  deluded 
into  a  belief  that  a  policy  which  destroys  his  home  market  and  forces 
him  into  the  distant  markets  of  the  world  with  his  surplus  products,  with 
22 


AGR 

all  the  attendint,'  and  enormous  cost  of  transportation,  will  redound  to 
disadvantage?  Every  firmer  understands  that  the  nearer  his  market 
to  his  farm  the  more  abundant  his  protits.  Therefore,  any  policy  which 
tends  to  diversify  our  industries  and  give  employment  to  a  large  class  of 
our  people  outside  of  agriculture,  and  who  thus  become  consumers  of  the 
surplus  products  of  the  farm  at  home,  must  inure  to  the  beneflt  of  the 
American  farmer;  and  any  policy  which  tends  to  diminish  these  indus- 
tries and  force  the  capital  and  labor  employed  therein  onto  the  farm,  to 
become  producer  rather  than  consumer,  must  from  necessity  increase  the 
ajrricultural  product,  while  at  the  same  time  lessening  the  demand  there- 
for. I  can  conceive  of  no  calamity  more  appalling  than  that  which 
would  overtake  our  vast  agricultural  interests  by  the  destruction  of  our 
manufacturing  industries  and  the  consequent  annihilation  of  our  home 
market.  The  importance  to  agriculture  of  a  diversitication  of  our  indus- 
tries and  consequent  creation  of  a  home  demand  for  the  surplus  product 
of  the  farm  was  strikingly  set  forth  by  Alexander  Hamilton  nearly  a 
century  ago : 

"  This  idea  of  an  extensive  domestic  market  for  the  surplus  produce  of 
the  soil  is  of  the  first  consequence.  It  is  of  all  things  that  which  must 
effectually  conduce  to  a  flourishing  state  of  agriculture.  To  secure  such 
a  market  there  is  no  other  expedient  than  to  promote  manufacturing 
establishments.  Manufacturers,  who  coiLstitute  the  most  numerous  class 
after  the  cultivators  of  the  land,  are  for  that  reason  the  principal  con- 
sumers of  the  surplus  of  their  labor." 

But  the  advantage  of  such  a  policy  does  not  rest  for  its  support  upon  a 
theory.  It  is  affirmed  by  experience,  and  it  may  be  well  to  again  remind 
the  President  that  "  it  is  a  condition  that  confronts  us,  not  a  theory."  It 
is  estimated  that  to-day  our  population  is  not  less  than  (30,000,000,  of  which 
only  20,000,000  are  actually  engaged  in  any  gainful  occupation,  9.()00,C00 
of  whom  are  engaged  in  agriculture,  leaving  11,000,000  employed  in 
other  pursuits.  Nine  million  farmers  are  feeding  a  nation  of  (30,000,000 
of  people.  How  does  this  advantage  the  farmers?  The  estimated  value 
of  the  products  of  our  farms,  exclusive  of  cotton  and  tobacco,  is  $3,000,- 
000,000  annually,  and  yet  04  per  cent,  of  this  enormous  product  is  taken 
in  our  own  market  and  consumed  by  our  own  people.  The  farmers  are 
compelled  to  export  only  G  per  cent,  of  their  products.  In  this  connec- 
tion it  is  worthy  of  note  that  while  the  value  of  our  manufactures  reaches 
the  almost  fabulous  sum  of  $7,000,000,000  annually,  yet  more  than  UOper 
cent,  of  this  is  consumed  within  our  borders.  It  is  estimated  that  the 
value  of  our  industrial  products  of  farm  and  factorv  will  aggregate  an- 
nually $  11, OC 0,000,000,  and  yet  nearly  ?;i(i,000,000,000  6f  this  is  disposed  of 
in  our  market  and  consumed  by  our  own  people.  And  yet,  with  a  home 
market  of  such  absorbing  capacity,  built  up  and  sustained  by  a  diversiti- 
•cation  of  our  industries,  the  advocates  of  free  trade  are  constantly  hold- 
ing up  the  phantom  of  the  markets  of  the  world  as  the  one  thing  chiefly 
to  be  desired. 

— Burrows,  Record,  3452. 

Agriculf  lire— Tarifl'  rai.scs  prices. 

Xo.  20. — But  there  is  another  view  of  the  farmer's  interest  that  it 
would  be  well  in  this  connection  to  present.  The  advocates  of  the 
whisky  ring,  in  their  zeal  for  reducing  the  tarilfantl  retaining  internal- 
revenue  taxes,  lay  down  the  rule  that  the  tarilf  laws  rai.se  the  price  to 
consuraersof  all  articles  imported  and  subject  to  duty  the  sum  |)aid  for 
such  duties,  and  tliat  this  is  not  only  true  as  to  the  imported  article,  but 
that  it  raises  in  the  market  the  price  of  every  article  of  like  l:ind  produced 
iu  this  country,  and  that  the  people  pay  not  only  the  taritf  on  the  im- 

23 


AGR 

ported  article,  but  an  additional  sum  as  large  as  the  tariflF  on  the  price  of 
every  article  produced  in  this  countr}'  of  the  name  kind  and  quality  as 
the  imported  article. 

— Senator  Broayn  (Dem.),  Record,  2151. 

AKricultnro— Frotocfiou  applied  to  the  farmer. 

Xo.  '-JT.— The  rule  must  work  both  ways  or  it  is  not  a  good  rule.  To 
illustrate  the  manufa(;tnrers'  side  of  it :  We  will  say  that  the  taritf  on  cal- 
ico is  I'O  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  The  owner  of  a  factory  in  Canada  im- 
ports one  thousand  bolts  of  calico  and  pays  the  tariff  of  20  per  cent,  on 
It.  He  adds  the  tariff  to  the  price,  and  it  ig  paid  by  the  consumer.  This, 
according;  to  the  rule,  add?  20  per  cent,  to  the  price  of  all  the  calico  man- 
ufactured in  this  country,  and  all  purchasers  of  calico  pay  20  per  ceut_ 
more  than  they  would  have  paid  but  for  the  tariff  on  every  yard  of  cal- 
ico manufactured  in  the  United  States. 

Now  we  will  test  the  rule  by  an  illustration  on  the  farmer's  side.  Sup- 
pose the  tariff  on  wheat  to  be  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  A  farmer  in 
Canada  imports  into  the  United  States  1,000  bushels  of  wheat,  and  pays 
a  tariff  of  20  per  cent.  He  adds  the  tariff  to  the  price  of  the  wheat,  and 
it  is  paid  by  the  consumer.  It  follows,  under  the  rule,  that  this  at  once 
raises  the  price  of  every  bushel  of  wheat  made  in  the  United  States,  and 
all  purchasers  of  American  wheat  must  pay  20  per  cent,  more  for  it,  and 
the  farmers,  as  a  protection  under  the  tariff,  get  20  per  cent  increase  on. 
the  price  of  every  bushel  of  wheat  raised  by  them.  If  the  rule  is  correct 
when  applied  to  the  manufacturer,  it  must  be  correct  when  applied  to  the 
farmer. 

If  it  is  a  correct  rule  then  no  class  of  our  citizens  have  anything  like 
the  amount  of  protection  under  our  tariff  laws  that  is  given  to  the  plant- 
ers and  farmers  of  this  country. 

— Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  2151. 

Agriculture— TariJI"  added  to  priee. 

A   PRODIGIOUS  SHOWING   FOR  THE   FARMERS. 

Xo.  2S. — For  instance  there  is  a  tariff  of  10  cents  a  bushel  on  corn,^ 
and  the  official  statistical  report  puts  down  the  whole  quantity  of  corn, 
produced  in  this  country  last  year  at  1,936,130,000  bushels.  There  were 
imported  last  year  30,530  bushels,  which  paid  a  tariff  of  10  cents  per 
bushel.  In  other  words  the  taritf  was  added  to  the  original  price  of  the 
corn,  and  that  raised  the  price  of  all  corn  produced  in  this  country  IQ: 
cents  a  bushel.  Now,  what  was  the  result?  Ten  cents  a  bushel  on  the 
quantity  of  corn  above  mentioned  amounted  to  a  net  income  to  the 
farmers,  if  the  rule  be  correct,  of  $193,G17,G0O  on  account  of  corn  alone 
for  one  year. 

I  have  a  table  here  showing  how  much  under  that  rule  the  farmers 
made  net  on  corn,  wheat,  rye,  oats,  barley,  potatoes,  tobacco,  cattle 
horses,  and  sheep,  and  other  articles,  showing  the  aggregate  of  net  profit 
to  the  planters,  farmers,  and  stock-r.iisers  of  this  country  under  the  rule 
above  mentioned  of  twelve  hundred  millions  of  dollars  in  round  num- 
bers in  a  single  year.  Now,  who  will  say  in  the  face  of  these  figures, 
taken  from  the  official  reports,  that  the  farmers  are  not  well  protected 
by  the  tariff?  If  the  rule  laid  down  by  the  tariff- reformers  is  correct, 
then  there  is  no  escape  from  the  official  figures,  and  there  is  no  ques- 
tion that  the  farmers  made  last  year  by  the  tariff  over  a  billion  of  dollars. 

— Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  2151. 

.\Kri<-nlti]re  and  TariflT. 

So  20  — <  >ae  fart  will  show  how  wasteful  American  agriculture  might 
have  been.     In  1770  nearly  one-half  of  the  value  of  all  our  exports  con- 


AGR 

sisted  of  tobacco.^  And,  had  free  trade  continued,  we  would  now  be 
striving  to  monopolize  the  Piuropean  markets,  diverting  all  our  land  to 
the  production  of  wheat,  cotton,  and  tobacco.  We  would  never  have  de- 
veloped those  fourteen  "  principal  vegetable  productions "  and  those 
"  orchard  products  "  that  we  have  to-day.*  These  advantages  to  agricult- 
ure could  only  proceed  from  the  creation  of  a  home  market.'  On  account 
of  the  physical  properties  of  the  soil  there  is  still  another  reason  why  the 
home  market  is  more  advantageous  than  the  foreign.  When  agricultural 
products  are  consumed  near  the  farm  nitrogenous  refuse  may  be  returned 
to  the  soil.  But  when  those  products  are  shipped  to  foreign  markets^ 
there  can  be  no  such  return.  The  soil  is  practically  transported,  and 
lands  lose  their  fertility.  The  tariff  has  prevented  this  "earth- butchery" 
in  the  United  States.  The  advantages  to  agriculture  of  a  market  for  the 
surplus  is  strongly  affirmed  by  Mr.  Mill.  "A  country,"  he  says,  "will  sel- 
dom have  a  productive  agriculture  unless  it  has  a  large  town  population, 
or  the  only  available  substitute,  a  large  export  trade  in  agricultural  pro- 
duce." It  has,  I  believe,  been  thoroughly  established  that  such  a  market 
never  has  existed,  and  does  not  now  exist  abroad.  By  a  protective  tarifi 
we  have  created  such  a  market  at  home.  "The  arrival  of  manufacturers," 
to  use  Mill's  expression,  has  enriched  the  farmers  by  the  value  of  the  food 
that  would  not  have  been  produced  had  those  manufacturers  not  been 
here  to  consume  it,  or  which  would  have  been  produced  only  to  rot  iu 
granaries.  Nay,  more,  the  factory  has  stimulated  the  farm  to  still  greater 
efforts  to  supply  the  constantly  increasing  demand  for  food.  An  incal 
culable  advantage  of  the  tariff  to  agriculture  has  resulted  from  the  estab- 
lishment in  this  country  of  the  mechanical  arts.  The  methods  of  agri- 
culture have  been  vastly  improved  since  the  days  when  farmers  plowed 
their  lands  with  wooden  "bull-plows,"  sowed  their  grain  broadcast,  cut  it 
with  a  scythe,  and  thrashed  it  with  a  flail.*  Had  we  not  fostered  the 
mechanical  arts  by  a  protective  tariff,  would  the  agricultural  implement.s 
of  Auburn  and  Chicago  be  now  acknowledged  the  finest  in  the  world '"^ 
Would  American  agriculture  have  undergone  that  great  revolution  pro- 
duced by  American  steam-plows  and  stone-cutters,  and  reapers  and 
binders?  In  less  than  a  century  would  the  product  per  man  have  in- 
creased five-fold  :^  The  history  of  American  agriculture  negatives  such 
conclusions.  Colonial  agriculture  was  rude  and  exhausting;  for  the  fer- 
tilization of  the  soil  and  the  rotation  of  the  crops  were  never  practiced.' 
A  period  of  awakening  followed  the  revolution,  and  as  agriculture  under 
the  tariffs  became  more  profitable,  it  gradually  came  to  be  studied  as  a 
science.  >  With  the  invention  of  McCormick  thatscience  began  its  extraor- 
dinary development,  continually  furthered  by  agricultural  chemistry 
and  agricultural  machinery.  Ti)e  advantages  of  the  tariff'  to  the  agricult- 
ural industries  may,  therefore,  be  summed  up  in  the  two  words  of  Mr. 
Mill — a  "market"  and  "tools."  The  tariff' has,  therefore,  stimulated  those 
industries,  and  enabled  them  to  yield  a  greater  product  of  wealth. 

— IIknning's  Prize  E.ssay,  1SS7. 

Agricnltiirc  and  Tarifir. 

IVo.  ;jO  — Supposing  that  our  Democratic  free-trade,  tariff- for- re  venue- 
only  friends  shall  succeed  in  passing  this  bill,  every  industry  it  strikes 
must  either  reduce  the  wages  of  the  people  employed  therein  or  else  cloee 

'Macpherson's  Annals  of  Commerce,  vol.  in.,  p.  572. 
'(Compendium  of  the  Tenth  Census,  vol.  i.,  p.  7o8. 
'Political  Economy,  book  i  ,  chap.  viii. 

*McMaster'B  History  of  the  people  of  the  Ignited  States,  vol.  i.,  p.  18. 
^Bolles'  Industrial  History  of  the  United  .States,  p.  41. 
^  Tenth  Cen&U'?,  Agriculture :  History  of  American  Agriculture. 
Holies'  Ind\istrial  History  of  the  United  States,  p.  14. 


AGR— AL 

the  shops,  furnace?,  and  fairtories  wliich  give  them  employment.  In 
either  event  we  will  witness  increased  "strikes,"  "lock-outs,"  and  a  mill- 
ion of  wage-earners  that  are  now  finding  work  will  be  thrown  out  of  em- 
ployment and  of  necessity  be  driven  to  tilling  the  soil.  These  men,  who 
nave  been  cousumers  of  the  products  of  the  farm,  will  become  producers. 
The  farmer  needs  no  more  competition  in  his  chosen  pursuit.  That 
which  he  produces  to-day  scarcely  compensates  him  for  his  labor.  If 
tliese  people  who  are  now  engaged  in  other  pursuits  are  to  become  tillers 
of  the  soiland  producers  of  wheat,  corn,  and  potatoes,  where  are  the  agri- 
culturists to  lind  a  market  for  that  which  they  produce?  We  shall  not 
tind  it  in  our  own  country,  because  by  our  over-production  we  have  ruined 
our  home  market.  We  have  increased  producers  and  decreased  con- 
sumers, and  increased  our  productions  beyond  any  foreign  demand.  We 
shall  in  fact  become  a  nation  of  agriculturists,  and  no  nation  ever  has 
been  or  ever  will  be  prosperous  where  its  people  are  wholly  or  chiefly  en- 
gaged in  agriculture. 

— Brewer,  Record,  .%05. 

A(;ri<*iiltiiriMtM    vote  taxes  upon  tlieuiselves  for  railro»(ls 
a  11(1  i'aetorieN. 

>o.  HI. — It  is  our  protective  tariff  which  has  largely  built  up  our  va- 
ried industries,  and  which  has  tended  to  make  us  the  most  prosperous 
nation  in  the  world.  A  protective  tariff  tends  to  aid  and  build  up  ail  our 
industries,  to  bring  the  producer  and  consumer  nearer  together,  and 
thereby  largely  save  the  cost  of  transportation.  This  has  made  more 
valuable  the  farm  and  given  a  better  market  for  its  products.  This  is 
what  has  made  lands  near  our  large  cities  more  valuable  than  those  more 
distant.  This  is  why  the  lands  in  rough  and  rocky  New  England  and  in 
sterile  New  Jersej'  are  more  valuable  than  our  fertile  lands  in  Michigan 
and  Minnesota.  Every  farmer  knows  well  that  he  cannot  send  to  for- 
eign lands  his  potatoes,  vegetables,  and  many  other  things  which  he 
grows  upon  the  farm,  and  that  he  must  rely  upon  the  home  market  for 
the  same.  Hence  it  is  all  important  that  he  should  feel  a  deep  interest 
in  the  building  up  of  manufacturing  towns  and  cities  near  his  home, 
where  he  can  market  his  surplus  productions.  It  is  for  this  reason  that 
we  .see  them  often  voting  a  tax  upon  themselves,  or  aiding  by  a  volun- 
tary contribution  to  assist  in  building  railroads  and  in  the  erection  of 
factories.  They  understand  perfectly  well  that  it  is  to  their  advantage 
to  build  up  these  towns  and  bring  the  consumer  of  their  products  near 
to  them,  and  to  make  distant  markets  more  accessible.  Every  farmer 
who  produces  wool  understands  full  well  that  he  can  not  raise  wool  in 
competition  with  that  which  is  produced  in  Australia  or  South  America. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  and  free-trade  Congressmen  may 
try  to  convince  them  that  free  imported  wool  will  be  to  their  advantage, 
but  their  own  practical  experience  tells  them  otherwise. 

— Brewer,  Record,  3G05. 
Alum. 

(See  also  Soda.) 

Alum— Soda. 

\o.  Jlti. — There  are  about  twenty-five  firms  and  establi-shments  en- 
gaged in  the  production  of  alum  and  soda  of  various  kind/?.  They  con- 
etime  a  vast  amount  of  material  which  is  the  product  of  labor.  They 
consume  salt  to  the  extent  of  oOOjOSO  tons,  sulphuric  acid  513,000  tone, 
lime  and  limestone  700,000  tons,  coal  800,000  tons,  nitrate  soda  17,000 
tons,  alum  clay  50,000  tons,  sulphate  of  ammonia  25,000  tons,  pyrites 
5iM).000  tone,  and  packages  2,010,000  barrels. 

There  is  no  industry  in  the  whole  country  producing  a  manufactured 
article  in  which  labor  is  more  immediately  concerned  than  it  is  in  these 
26 


AI.-AMER 

industries.  The  es'ablishments  are  scattered  over  various  sections  of 
the  country.  The  United  States  consume  ."7  per  cent,  of  the  world's 
production,  and  in  the  United  States  at  present  we  produce  about  18  per 
cent,  of  the  total  consumption.  We  import,  therefore,  about  as  much  as 
we  produce.  In  my  district  there  is  one  of  these  establishments.  It 
employs  between  three  hundred  and  four  hundred  men.  It  has  strug- 
gled for  a  great  many  years  to  build  up  the  industry,  and  it  has  finally 
succeeded,  and  there  are  other  establishments  in  different  States  of  the 
Union  which  have  undergone  the  same  struggle  and  have  also  succeeded. 
The  accomplishments  brought  about  by  American  production  have  re- 
duced the  price  of  this  commodity  to  the  American  consumer  away  below 
what  it  was  before  our  home  industry  was  established. 

— Burrows,  of  Michigan,  Record,  6336. 
• 
Alum  and  Soda. 

Xo.  33.— The  alum  and  sulphate  of  soda  manufacture  would  cease 
entirely  if  those  articles  are  placed  on  the  free-list.  The  revenue  from 
the  other  forms  of  soda  would  be  greatly  increased  in  consequence  of 
reducing  the  duty  one-half,  as  England  is  forwarding  half  our  supply 
inder  the  present  duty. 

Ten  million  dollars  are  invested  in  the  alum  and  soda  works  and  half 
as  much  additional  in  contingent  and  allied  industries.  Fifty  thousand 
people  are  dependent  upon  them  for  support.  The  manufacturer,  the 
laborer,  the  consumer,  the  mine  owner,  and  the  carrier  would  see  their 
money  drained  out  of  the  country,  and  their  requisites  would  be  vastly 
diminished. 

The  alum  clay  deposits  of  Indiana,  Alabama,  South  Carolina  and  Vir- 
ginia are  now  being  developed,  and  this  would  cease  with  alum  on  the 
free-list. 

The  British  manufacturers  are  deeply  concerned  over  the  threatening 
evils  to  their  alum,  alkali,  and  soda  industries  by  reason  of  the  rapid 
development  of  those  industries  in  this  country.  Mr.  Weldon,  in  a  paper 
read  in  London  in  18S3,  gave  the  soda  production  of  the  world  at  710,000 
tons,  of  which  432,000  tons  were  made  in  England.  The  United  States, 
by  long  odds,  is  the  heaviest  consumer. 

— Farquhae,  Record,  5735. 

Aniorica— Her  hiilivark<$  protection. 

\'o.  31- — Sir,  the  higher  and  stronger  you  build  the  bulwarks  of  pro- 
tection to  American  industry  the  more  eflioient  and  potential  you  make 
the  American  man  and  the  more  firmly  you  establish  American  liberty 
and  equality  ;  for  by  protection  only  can  you  secure  stability  of  prices  at 
fairly  remunerative  wages  to  labor  when  subject  only  to  the  fluctuations 
incident  to  American  competition  uninterfered  by  cheap  labor,  the  prod- 
ucts of  cheap  labor,  cheap  money,  and  the  surplus  dump  of  despotic 
and  barbarous  nations.  Therefore,  my  cry  is  still  for  the  American  idea 
of  protection  for  American  labor,  and  against  class  legislation  in  the 
interest  of  cotton,  whisky,  and  (freat  Britain. 

— Brum.m,  of  Pennsylvania,  Record,  5218. 

Aniorioa  no  dumping  ii^round  for  Ensinnd. 

Xo.  3.>. — W^hy,  sir,  the  question  is  not  one  even  of  what  it  costs.  I 
wish  to  show  from  what  I  said  before  that  the  protectionists  as  a  rule  do 
not  go  half  far  enoueh  when  they  say  all  we  require  is  protection  sufli- 
€ient  to  cover  the  ditTeren(;e  in  wages,  as  I'lnglish  products  are  sent  to  this 
country  and  sold  for  less  than  they  cost  in  England.  They  do  this  to 
keep  their  surplus  product  from  lowering  their  home  market.  Therefore 
it  is  not  forced  upon  their  market,  but  is  dumped  down  upon  our  market. 

27 


AMER 

America,  •with  its  enormoue  resources,  with  its  industries  of  every  de- 
Bcription.  is  the  country  which  ICu^land^wisheB  to  preserve  as  a  dumping- 
ground  f  jr  its  surplus  productH,  regardless  of  the  price. 

— Bkumm,  Record,  5219. 

AtiiericH  not  IIiikIsiikI  iior  China. 

\o.  :{<J.  — Let  iiu»  assure  yon,  sir,  that  as  our  Republic  is  isolated  from 
the  rest  of  the  world,  politically  and  generically  as  well  as  peo<rraphically, 
we  can  pro:.'re83  in  the  solution  of  this  economic  problem  only  in  propor- 
tion as  we  are  socially  and  commercially  isolated  and  free  from  forei^jn 
alliances  and  entanplemente.  In  other  words,  to  be  eminently  successlui 
we  must  become  as  distinctively  American  in  our  commercial  indep>end- 
ence  as  we  are  in  our  political  systems  and  geographical  position. 

Sir,  when  our  fathers  created  th^s  Government  they  made  such  a  radi- 
cal departure  from  old-established  systems  that  even  precedents  and  ex- 
amples of  other  nations  became  of  but  little  value  to  us. 

— Brlmm,  Record,  5218. 
Asucrioan  l<abor. 

(See  also  Lauor,  VVac.es,  Workint;  People.) 
Aineriouii  labor  and  <'onNtitutia>n. 

\o.  U7. — Daniel  Webster  says:  '■  1  defy  the  man  in  any  degree  con- 
versant witii  the  history,  in  any  degree  acquainted  with  the  annals  of 
this  country  from  1787  to  1789,  when  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  to 
nay  that  protection  of  American  labor  and  industry  was  not  a  leading,  1 
might  almost  say  the  leading,  motive,  S)uth  as  well  as  North,  for  the  lor- 
iriition  of  the  new  Government.  Without  that  provision  in  the  Consti- 
tution, it  never  could  have  been  adopted." 

—Speech  at  Albany,  N.  Y.,  August  27,  1844. 

Ainorican  labor  an<I  Doinoccatic  platrorin,  1884.    (See  186.) 

Ainorican  labor,  conditions  of. 

Xo.  ;I8. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  heard  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side 
of  the  Chamber  declare  that  protection  does  not  protect  the  laborer  here 
in  America.  I  am  not  a  theorist,  and  yet  if  the  great  industrial  system 
of  protection  to  American  Ubor  does  not  protect  it  I  have  wonderei  why 
it  was  tliiit  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men  and  women  left  their  home? 
in  Kirope  every  year  and  emigrated  to  America  to  become  citizens  of 
the  Republic  and  coworkers  in  its  manifest  destiny.  .Sir,  do  you  believe 
that  all  these  thousands  come  here  to  be  made  slaves  ?  Would  they  flee 
from  the  oppres-sions  of  Europe  to  become  still  more  oppressed  here  by 
an  industrial  sj'stem  that  is  talked  about,  studied,  and  prayed  for  in  every 
humble  cottage  in  Sweden,  Germany,  Ireland,  wherever  there  is  a  reso- 
lute heart  that  yearns  for  larger  liberty,  better  wages,  and  a  greater  mar- 
gin of  profit  from  daily  toil? 

— CiiEADLE,  Record,  4G01. 

American  labor  insulted  by  comparison. 

\o.  ;J4). — It  placed  the  American  laborer  and  mechanic  upon  a  place 
60  elevated  that  it  is  an  insult  to  common  intelligence  to  institute  a  com- 
parison of  their  condition  with  the  white  slaves  of  Europe. 

It  has  made  America  the  workingman's  paradise.  Here  he  drinks  in 
knowledge  gratis  from  tlie  sparkling  fountains  of  education.  To  him  lies 
open  every  avenue  that  leads  to  wealth  and  political  station.  He  feels  he 
is  a  man,  a  sovereign,  an  integral  part  of  this  Republic,  one  of  the  pillars 
on  which  it  rests.  He  is  so  different  in  manner  and  dress  from  foreign 
workingmen  that  the  myriads  of  foreign  visitors  to  the  Centennial  Ex- 
poeition  looked  in  vain  for  the  laborers  of  America. 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4003. 
28 


AMER 

Aiueri<-un  uiuii iilacl iiros. 

(See  &ho  yi \sv f actv rk^^,  Mj-ciiaxics,  am>  Factozmes.) 

Auiorioau  inaiiiiructurcrM— Cau    they  coiupete  witU  Oreat 
Britain  ? 

Xo.  10—En£;land.  fifty  years  ago,  with  her  advantage  in  machinery  and 
skilled  labc",  had  no  fear  of  the  competition  of  any  couDtry,  ho.vever 
.much  cheaper  its  labor  might  be,  while  to  day  she  admits  that  Germany, 
and  Bel<:ijium,  and  France  are  sorely  pressing  her.  Now,  Mr.  President, 
confronted  with  thelivingfactsof  to-day,  laying  aside  all  fanciful  theories, 
generally  founded  on  error,  can  this  Republic,  with  all  her  admitted  ad- 
vantages, compete  with  Great  Britain  and  the  nations  of  the  Continent, 
even  in  laer  own  markets,  with  labor  abroad  from  one  to  two  hundred 
per  cent,  cheaper  than  here  ?    It  can  in  only  two  ways  : 

First.  By  enacting  into  law  the  policy  of  protection ;  that  is,  nearly 
equalizing  labor  by  a  duty. 

Second.  By  reducing  the  wages  paid  our  laborers  nearly  to  the  level  of 
European  wages. 

The  first  method,  fortunately,  is  now  no  experiment.  It  has  been  on 
trial  for  a  quarter  of  a  century  and  its  fruits  are  known.  During  that 
time,  though  for  four  years  millions  of  men  were  converted  from  pro- 
ducers to  destroyers,  though  lives  were  sacrificed  by  the  hundreds  of 
thousands,  thoufjh  treasure  was  expended  and  property  destroyed  by  the 
billions,  yet  we  increased  in  population  a  million  a  year — more  than  Eng- 
land, France,  Germany,  and  Austria  combined  in  the  same  time.  We 
increased  in  wealth  from  $17,000,000,000  to  $43,000,000,000— a  billion  a 
year.  Mulhall,  the  English  statistician,  no  enthusiast  in  our  favor,  says 
that  this  Republic  for  a  quarter  of  a  century  has  laid  up  every  year 
$885,000,000— almost  half  as  much  as  the  saving  of  the  whole  world. 
Gladstone  says :  "  England's  daughter  beyond  the  seas  is  pa.ssing  by  the 
mother  at  a  canter,"  and  she  passed  by  her  long  ago — almost  distanced 
her  in  the  race.  Mulhall  gives  the  value  of  the  annual  product  of  Great 
Britain  manufactories,  mines,  and  forestry,  $4,500,000,0[)0,  an  increase 
since  1850  of  30  per  cent.  The  same  product  in  the  United  States,  a.s  ap- 
jvears  by  the  census  of  1880,  was  valued  at  $5,500,000,000,  an  increase 
since  1800  of  100  per  cent. 

Since  18G0  our  farms  have  doubled  in  number,  increased  in  value  from 
$6,000,000,000  to  over  $10,000,000,00.),  while  their  product  has  increased 
•from  $1  800,000,000  in  1800  to  $3,600,000,000  in  1880. 

Mulhall  gives  the  entire  product  of  Great  Britain,  farms  and  all,  in  1880. 
as  worth  $( J, 200,000,000,  $172  to  an  inhabitant ;  her  exportations  same  year 
$1,3(X),000,000,  leaving  consumed  at  home  $130  worth  to  an  inhabitant. 
The  entire  product  of  the  United  States  for  the  same  year  was  valued  at 
$10,000,000,000,  $200  to  an  inhabitant,  and,  more  tignificant  of  pro.snerity 
than  any  other  statement,  $9,170,000,000  of  it  were  consumed  at  home. 
Our  home  r.  arket  consumed  more  than  Great  Britain's  home  cou.sunip- 
tion  and  exportations  combined.  Our  home  market  disposed  of  double 
in  value  the  combined  exports  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Germany, 
liuosia,  Holland  and  Austria. 

Great  Britain  has  20,000  miles  of  railroad,  while  we  have  130,000,  reach- 
ing 2,300  counties  of  our  44  States  and  Territories.  We  have  grown  weak 
in  but  one  direction,  our  foreign  carrying  trade,  which,  during  this  period, 
has  been  absolutely  without  protection  ;  but  our  coastwise  lleet  has  grown 
to  magnificent  proportions,  three  times  as  large  as  Cireat  Britain's,  five 
times  greater  than  that  of  any  other  country.  This  has  been  protectetl 
by  our  navigation  laws,  and  yet  the  honorable  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
can  see  no  reason  why  they  should  not  be  repealed.  These  re.-ult^,  Mr. 
President,  are  terrible  blows  to  theoretical  free  trade,  and  yet,  sir,  we 

20 


AMER 

have  not  accomplished  all  that  we  ousrht  the  past  year.  The  com- 
pleted returns  show  that  we  imported  last  year,  notwithstanding  the 
"vicious  "  tarill': 

Ironand  steel  and  their  manufactures $54,618,086 

Wool  and  its  manufactures 60,58(),()14 

Flax,  hemp,  and  jute  manufactures 33,807, 2S:> 

Silk  manuracluree 31,204.277 

Cotton  manufactures 29,50U,000 

Total 209,777,100 

The  same  returns  show  that  the  increased  importations  of  these  manu- 
factures over  that  of  1880  amounted  to  nearly  $2."),000,000;  that  the  in- 
creasKC  came  when  the  duties  had  been  slightly  reduced.  Now  nearly  all 
of  these  manufactures  might  just  as  well  have  been  produced  at  home, 
two  or  three  hundred  thousand  more  of  our  people  employed,  a  million 
more  supported,  a  larger  market  insured.  The  most  of  these  goo'ls  w^re 
those  in  the  manufacturing  of  which  labor  was  the  most  important  element, 
its  cheapness  abroad  enabling  the  foreign  manufacturer  to  pay  the  duty 
and  sell  the  goods  in  our  market  to  the  exclusion  of  ours. 

— Senator  Frye,  Record,  654. 

Ainerioau  systom— Devclopmont. 

Xo.  -41. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  listened  to  the  lamentations  of  the 
other  side,  who  forget  that  for  eleven  years  they  have  controlled 
this  House,  and  for  three  years  past  ruled  this  country.  If  the  plain 
people,  the  working  people  of  my  country,  can  be  diverted,  by  these 
querulous  complaints,  from  the  greatness  of  the  American  protective 
system  and  the  splendor  of  its  development  as  fashioned  by  the  national 
Republican  party  during  the  recent  twenty-five  years,  they  indeed  are 
our  people — 

■'  Like  the  people,"  to  borrow  from  an  old  philosopher, "  who,  when  they 
went  to  Olympia,  could  only  perceive  that  they  were  scorched  by  the 
sun,  and  pressed  by  the  crowd,  and  wetted  by  the  rain,  and  that  life  was 
full  of  disagreeable  and  troublesome  things,  and  so  they  almost  forgot 
the  great  colossus  of  ivory  and  gold,  Phidias's  statue  of  Zeus,  which  they 
had  come  to  see,  and  which  stood  in  all  its  glory  and  power  before  their 
perturbed  and  foolish  vision." 

I  believe  rather  that  the  vast  majority  of  our  people  will,  with  our 
foremost  statesman,  again  declare  for  "  that  policy  which  inspires  labor 
with  hope  and  crowns  it  with  dignity,  which  gives  safety  to  capital  and 
protects  its  increase,  which  secures  political  power  to  every  citizen, 
culture  and  comfort  to  every  home.     [Great  applause.] 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3840. 

Aiuoricun  l%'orkiu;;iuoii. 

(See  also   American  Labcjr,  Foreign  Labor,  Labor,   Wagbs,  and 

WORKINGMEN.) 

Ainorioan  worliinf;inen,  pictares  for. 

Xo.  12.— Such  are  the  utterances  of  British  statesmen,  and  that  is  the 
feast  to  which  the  Democratic  party  invites  the  people  of  this  country. 
But  before  accepting  the  invitation  let  us  ask  some  of  these  same  British 
statesmen  what  free  trade  has  done  for  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 
Tfiomas  ( 'arlyle  declared  only  a  few  years  ago  that — 
"  British  in  hntrial  existence  seems  fa,st  becoming  one  huge  poison 
swamp  of  reckless  postilence — physical   and  moral — a  hideous  living 
Grolgotha  of  souls  and  bodies  buried  alive.   Thirty  thousand  outcast  needle 
30 


AMER 

women  working  themselves  swifcly  to  death.  Three  million  paupers 
rotting  in  forced  idleness;  and  these  are  but  items  in  the  sad  ledger  of 
despair." 

What  a  picture  that  is  for  American  working  men  and  women  to  con- 
template, and  what  a  feast  is  that  to  which  free  trade  invites  them  ? 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3G88. 

Aincri4*iiu  workiii};iiieii  pclitioii  in  vain. 

Xo.  l;i. — Bus  Mr.  Chairman,  last  evening  I  received  such  a  petition 
from  many  hundieds  of  people  in  my  district  protesting  against  the  pas- 
sage of  this  most  unjust,  unwi?e,  and  uncalled-for  measure  that  I  am  im- 
pelled to  say  a  word  in  presenting  it  to  the  American  Congress.  This 
petition,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  signed  by  many  hundreds  of  people  in  my 
little  city  who  know  what  labor  is.  They  live  by  the  toil  of  their  own 
hands.  Glad  am  I  to  eay  that  they  are  intelligent  people.  They  under- 
stand the  meaning  of  protection.  They  know  what  the  passage  of  the 
Mills  bill  means  to  them,  they  know  what  it  means  to  all  American 
workingmen,  and  they  raise  their  voices  by  this  petition  in  solemn  pro- 
testation against  its  passage. 

Thousands  of  laboring  men  in  the  district  I  have  the  honor  to  repre- 
sent are  begging  Congress  to  defeat  this  bill.  They  are  workers  of  wool 
and  of  cotton,  of  iron  and  of  glass,  the  mechanic  and  the  farmer.  Mr. 
Chairman,  do  they  stand  alone  in  making  this  request?  Need  I  make 
answer?  Why,  sir,  the  terra  of  the  trentleman  from  Texas  is  hardly 
long  enough  to  enable  him  to  count  the  number  of  names  of  those 
throughout  this  prosperous  land  who  have  invoked  Congress  by  petition 
not  to  disturb  our  industries,  not  to  cripple  our  manufactures,  not  to 
place  our  happy  and  contented  and  prosperous  working  people  on  a  level 
with  those  less  favored  in  other  lands  by  the  passage  of  the  Mills  bill. 

These  petitioners  are  not  conlined  to  any  district  or  any  State.  Why, 
sir,  I  have  received  remonstrances  even  from  the  State  of  Texas. 

— Sherman,  New  York,  Record,  4321. 

American    workiiion— WIiou  more    degraded    aud    poorer 
paid  tliau  now? 

'So.  4  1. — I  heard  a  gentleman  on  the  other  side  of  the  House,  and  I 
heard  that  great  Democratic  Senator  from  Indiana — that  is,  what  is  left 
of  him  [laughter] — I  heard  them  ask,  "  When  was  the  American  work- 
man more  degraded  and  poorer  paid  than  now?"  That  is  what  we 
have  heard.  I  will  tell  you  when;  why,  every  day  the  Democratic  party 
was  in  power  in  this  country.     [Laughter  and  applause.] 

I  remember  in  1857,  when  my  own  father,  who  was  a  skilled  mechanic 
and  a  builder  of  wagons,  worked  for  seventy-tive  cents  a  day. 

You  remember  the  carpenter  who  went  South  and  applied  for  a  situa- 
tion aa  a  carpenter,  about  that  time,  of  a  planter,  and  the  planter  said, 
''  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  give  vou  employment ;  just  bought  two  carpenters 
yesterday.     [Apf)lause  and  laughter.] 

— Mason,  Record,  4S31. 

American  SiiippiiiK. 

Xo.  15. — A  recommendation  for  the  revival  of  American  shipping 
would  also  have  been  appreciated  by  the  people.  The  gentleman  from 
Missouri  [Mr.  Mansur]  said  ttiat  "tti'e  tariff  has  destroyed  our  shipping, 
our  merchant  marine."  It  surely  did  not  destroy  the  vessels  captured 
and  burned  during  the  war.  The  truth  i.'<.  our  shipping  has  not  since 
revived  because  it  is  in  direct  competition  with  the  ships  of  nations  whii-h 
have  by  subsidies  encouraged  their  merchants  to  exten<l  the  maritime 
influence  of  their  governments  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth.     I  am 

31 


AMER— BAG 

earnestly  in  favor  of  restoring'  our  flag  to  the  ocean,  so  that  our  people 
may  enjoy  their  fair  share  of  the  carrying  trade,  and  I  commend  to  the 
attention  of  the  Hout^e  the  following  extracts  from  the  report  of  the  Ad- 
miral of  the  United  States  Navy  : 

"  Our  shipping  cannot  be  revived  without  the  same  assistance  that  was 
given  the  ocean  steam  lines  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Italy,  Germany, 
and,  latterly,  Spain.  Heretofore,  when  it  has  been  proposed  in  Congress 
to  grant  Government  aid  to  assist  in  putting  afloat  lines  of  ocean  steam- 
ers, (juestions  of  free  trade  and  taritf  have  been  introduced  to  kill  the 
measure. 

******* 

"  There  is  a  growing  feeling  in  the  country  with  regard  to  the  nedect 
which  has  been  manifested  in  building  up  our  ocean  mercantile  marine, 
and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  feeling  will  «;pread  until  the  thousands  of 
unemployed  workmen  have  a  chance  to  earn  good  wages  and  the  Ameri- 
can ocean  steamers  have  a  fair  share  of  the  $150,000,000  annually  paid  to 
foreigners  for  carrying  our  goods. 

"  By  the  course  we  have  pursued  in  this  country  we  have  actually  given 
protection  to  foreign  steam-ships  at  the  expense  of  our  own.  The  wharves 
of  New  York  are  decorated  with  foreign  flags,  while  hardly  an  American 
ensign  can  be  seen  floating  above  a  steamer  suitable  for  conversion  into 
a  vessel  of  war.  This  is  free  trade  with  a  vengeance,  all  on  one  side  and 
for  the  benefit  of  other  nations.  We  ship  our  goods  in  foreign  bottoms, 
and  foreigners  get  the  lion's  share  of  the  profits.  No  American  steam- 
ships are  employed  in  foreign  trade  because  subsidized  ships  can  drive 
them  off  and  carry  freight  cheaper." 

— Post,  Record,  4345. 

Auti-puuper  bills.    (See  No.  301.) 

Army   blankets.    (See  No.  54.) 

B. 

BaKKiuR  for  covering  cotton. 

Xo.  40. — Missouri  manufactures  more  "  bagging  for  covering  cotton  " 
than  any  other  State  in  the  Union,  and  if  this  class  of  goods  is  put  on  the 
free-list  the  industry  in  this  State  would  be  destroyed.  The  "  bagging 
for  covering  cotton  "  is  made  especially  for  that  purpose  and  is  a  much 
coarser  grade  of  goods  than  "  burlaps  "  bagging  and  hence  can  be  made  in 
this  country,  as  it  does  not  require  such  skilled  labor  as  "  burlaps"  bag- 
ging. At  present  not  a  yard  of  this  class  of  goods  is  imported  :  it  is  all 
made  inthis  countrj* ;  hence  placing  "  bagging  for  covering  cotton  "  on  the 
free-list  would  not  help  to  reduce  the  surplus  in  the  Treasury  at  all,  as 
thereis  no  revenue  derived  from  it.  At  present  the  bagging  made  in  this 
country  for  covering  cotton  is  being  sold  at  cost,  or  less  than  cost,  all  over 
the  country,  the  con^petition  among  the  American  mills  having  brought 
the  market  to  this  condition,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  industry  is  pro- 
tected by  a  duly  on  imported  goods. 

If  "  burlaps  bagging"  and  "bagging  for  covering  cotton  "are  placed 
on  the  free-list,  the  entire  industry  in  America  will  be  transferred  to 
Eni^'land,  and  tver\'  bagging  mill  in  America  will  be  compelled  to  close 
«lown,  and  will  only  be  worth  what  they  can  be  Fold  for  as  ecrap-iron,  as 
the  machinery  cannot  be  used  for  any  other  purpose. 

It  is  proposed  by  Mr.  ^^lls's  bill  to  place  jute  butts  (the  raw  material 
for  makiiig  this  bagging)  on  the  free-list  also.  As  the  duty  on  jute  butts 
is  very  trivial,  being  only  $5  per  ton,  it  would  not  enable  the  American 
32 


BAG 

raiils  to  continue  to  make  bagginj;.  If  the  jute  butts  are  placed  on  the 
free-list  it  would  reduce  the  cost  of  manufacturing  bagging  in  this  country 
)2\  percent.  We  would  suggest  that  the  duty  on  "  burlaps  bagging," and 
■  bagging  for  covering  cotton"  be  reduced  in  the  same  proportion,  or  to 
.1  i  cents  per  pound. 

— Warner,  Record,  5671. 

~fSaa;gin!;— Xo  revenue  rerorm  in   thi.s. 

Xo.  47. — Of  the  50,000,(  00  yards  of  cotton  bagging  manufactured  in 
ihe  United  States  nearly  one-half  is  made  in  the  mills  in  the  city  of  St. 
Louis.  This  is  one  of  the  leading  of  the  many  industries  of  that  great 
loanufacturing  center.  Its  existence  is  threatened  by  the  provision 
under  consideration,  reducing  the  duty  from  3  cents  to  three-quarters  of 
a  cent  per  yard.  More  than  fifteen  hundretl  operatives  are  employed  in 
the  mills  of  St.  Louis  in  the  manufacture  of  jute  bagging  for  cotton. 

Messrs.  Warner,  Jones  &  Gratz,  the  agents  of  these  mills  in  St  Louis, 
v.rite  me: 

"  Missouri  manufactures  more  '  bagging  for  covering  cotton  '  than  any 
other  State  in  the  Union.  The  *  bagging  for  covering  cotton'  is  made  es- 
pecially for  that  purpose,  and  is  a  much  coarser  grade  of  goods  than  '  bur- 
laps' bagging,  and  hence  can  be  made  in  this  country,  as  it  does  not  re- 
■juire  such  skilled  labor  as  'burlaps'  bagging.  At  present  not  a  yard  of 
tnis  class  of  goods  is  imported;  it  is  all  made  in  this  country;  hence 
placing  '  bagging  for  covering  cotton  '  on  the  free-list  would  not  lielp  to 
reduce  the  surplus  in  the  Treasury  at  all,  as  there  is  no  revenue  derived 
from  it.  At  present  the  bagging  made  in  this  country  for  covering  cotton 
is  being  sold  at  cost,  or  less  than  cost,  all  over  the  country,  the  competi- 
tion among  the  American  mills  having  brought  the  market  to  this  con- 
edition,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  industry  is  protected  by  a  duty  on  im- 
ported goods." 

—Warner,  Record,  6694. 

fSassing— Petition  disresarded— Votes  will  speak. 

So.  48. — Sir,  I  fully  recognize  the  fact  that  evidence  piled  mountain 
high  will  not  change  the  vote  of  a  single  member  on  the  other  side  of 
tills  Chamber.  You  will  vote  on  this  amendment,  as  on  all  others,  ia  ac- 
cordance with  caucus  instructions.  Yet,  sir,  I  shall  submit  an  extract 
from  a  petition  to  the  American  Congress  signed  by  IGl  workingmen 
and  women : 

"  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  April  25,  1888. 
'  Memorial  of  operatives  of  the  Standard  Mills  Bagging  Company  of  St. 

Louis,  I\Io. 
'  To  ihe  CongrcHS  of  the  United  Stalen  : 

"  Your  petitioners  would  respectfully  represent  that  they  are  operatives 
and  employes  of  the  Standard  Mills  liagiring  Company  of  the  city  of  St. 
.'..ouie,  Mo.;  that  the  provisions  of  the  Alills  tariff  bill  reported  from  the 
Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  and  now  pending  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, reducing  the  tariff  on  jute  bagging  to  15  per  cent,  ad  valorem 
and  placing  hurhii)S  on  the  free-list,  will  compel  all  the  manufacturers  of 
these  fabrics  in  the  United  States  to  permanently  shut  down  their  fac- 
tories, or  will  compel  us,  your  petitioners,  to  work  for  the  low  wago^  pai<l 
to  the  operatives  of  Dundee,  and  after  a  short  time  the  still  lower  wages 
paid  to  the  pauoer  labor  of  Calcutta — in  the  former  case  less  than  one- 
half  and  in  the  latter  ciuse  less  than  one-fifth  the  wages  we  receive. 

"  Your  petition-^rs  would  rpspectfully  solicit  your  attention  to  the  oflicial 

report  of  Consul  Wells  to  the  S'ate  Department  on  the  condition  of  jute 

laborers  of  Dimdee  (Consular  Reports  on  Foreign  Labor,  volume  1,  page 

SO,  and  volume-,  page  'io4)  wherein  it  appears  that  the  average  weekly 

iii  ^  33 


wa^ee  of  females  are  li.it  i>-.  >  •;  itii'.  _  ^'-rn  peraons  live  in  8,t)30  sinj^le 
rooms — '  hoveU'— with  nothin,i  to  lie  on  but  the  bare  floor,  ami  no  cover- 
ing' but  coarse  burlap  cloth,  and  that  only  occasionally  ;  that  74,ei74  men, 
women,  and  chiUiren  occupy  l"l.ls7  two-room  houses,  and  that  thus  from 
extreme  poverty,  overcrowding' in  'these  vile  dens,'  filth  and  neglect, 
thev  are  Mul)jert'ed  to  all  kinds  of  wretchedness,  infectious  diseases,  and 
immorality,  with  hardly  a  chance  to  raise  themselves  to  the  level  of  a 
decent  manhood  and  womanhood, 

"  Your  petitioners  respectfully  sugjjest  that  provisions  of  law  which 
subject  us  as  wa^'e-workers  to  the  alternative  of  such  unhappy  conditions 
as  are  shown  in  these  ollicial  reports  cannot  be  in  accordance  with  the 
wi^ilom  of  your  honorable  body,  and  humbly  pray  relief  therefrom." 

CJentlemen,  you  may,  nay,  will  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  the  the  pleadinps  of 
these  and  tens  of  thousands  of  other  laborers  of  the  country,  but  beware 
of  the  ides  of  November ;  they  will  obtain  a  hearing  then. 

— Waknkr,  Record,  GG95. 

Ila«KiiiK— l»ri<'c  rc«lu€C<I  by  protootioii. 

>«».  1!>. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  cotton  planter  who  uses  the  product  of 
our  American  mills  is  not  being  oppressed  by  a  high  or  unreasonable 
price  for  the  bagging  he  purchases.  Before  these  mills  were  established 
in  the  United  States  he  paid  the  foreign  manufacturer  from  18  to  1*4  cei.ts 
for  every  yard  of  bagging  he  purchased.  Now  he  gets  American-made 
bagging  for  7  cents  a  yard.  Close  these  mills  by  unfriendly  legislation, 
and  in  the  near  future  he  will  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  English  syndicate 
that  controls  the  entire  product  of  the  mills  at  Dundee  and  Calcutta,  and 
we  will  be  sending  to  England  $4,000,000  a  year  for  foreign-made  bag- 
ging that  should  be  expended  at  home  for  the  benefit  of  the  wage-workers?- 
of  America. 

— \V.\u.N'ER,  Record,  (JG05. 

Itnrley  not  u  lariu  product.     (See  No.  310). 

Itcaisis -i'roo  list. 

\o.  50. — The  district  which  I  represent  is  very  largely  intere8te<l  in 
the  growth  of  beans,  some  of  our  farmers  raising  as  much  as  2,000  bush- 
els of  this  one  article.  In  reatling  this  bill,  I  have  been  at  a  loss  to  un- 
derstand upon  what  principle  this  product  is  selected  for  a  place  on  the 
free-list.  I  asked  this  (juestion  of  one  member  of  the  committee,  and  he 
could  give  me  no  reason.  I  really  wish  I  could  be  enlightened  as  to  the 
rea.son  why  this  particular  agricultural  product  should  have  been  selected 
for  a  place  on  the  free-list. 

If  the  answer  l)e  made  that  the  intention  is  to  make  food  cheap  for 
the  laboring  people,  why  is  not  every  agricultural  product  suitable  for 
foo<l  placed  on  the  free-list?  Why  not  Hour,  or  meal,  or  rice,  or  whea', 
or  cheese,  or  butter?  I  cannot  imagine  or  conceive  of  any  good  reason. 
None  has  been  given. 

This  bill  should  be  ba.sed  upon  some  consistent  principle.  No  one 
article  should  be  taken  off  or  put  on  the  free-list  unless  there  be  some 
goo«l  reason  for  it.  Rice  is  necessary  for  the  poor  man  and  the  Invalid  ; 
beans  are  also  necessary  for  the  poor  man  ;  why  should  not  these  two 
articles  be  placed  upon  an  e<|uality? 

—Sawyer,  New  York,  Record,  G20G. 

ItrlKiiiiu.     (Soo  yio,  306). 

Itisiiiarrk  on  tlio  tnrifr. 

.\o.  ."51.— The  opinion  of  Prince  Bisrnarck  regardinz  the  tariff  (luestion 
is  interesting.    In  ji  speech  before  the  Reichstag  hesaid :  "  The  success  of 
04 


the  United  States  in  material  development  is  the  most  illustrious  of  modern 
time.  The  American  nation  has  not  only  succesefiilly  home  and  eup- 
pre.sged  the  most  f;ij;antic  and  expensive  war  of  all  history,  hut  immedi- 
ately afterward  diehanded  its  army,  found  work  for  all  its  soldiers  and 
marines,  paid  off  most  of  its  deht,  ^;iven  lahor  and  homes  to  all  the  un- 
employed of  Kurope  aa  fast  as  they  could  arrive  within  the  territory,  and 
still  by  a  system  of  taxation  so  indirect  as  not  to  be  i)erceived,  much  less 
felt.  Because  it  is  my  deliberate  jud;^ment  that  the  prosperity  of  Amer- 
ica is  mainly  due  to  its  system  of  protective  laws,  I  ur^e  that  Cierniany 
has  now  reached  that  point  where  it  is  necessary  to  imitate  the  taritl* 
system  of  the  United  States." 

— Selected— Kd. 
ItluiiK*.  Jiiiucs  Cx.,  delVat  of.  in  l^Hl. 

.\o.  ."52. — Now,  my  friend  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Townshend]  who  liasjutt 
taken  his  peat,  seemed  to  be  yreally  troubled  aljout  a  leader  whom  he 
said  had  been  repudiated  by  the  people.  It  is  very  wonderful  that  a 
gentleman  in  a  foreipn  land,  troubling  nobody,  pursuine:  his  own  busi- 
ness, taking  no  part  in  American  politics  except  to  be  interested,  as  every 
patriotic  American  should  be,  in  the  magnificent  progress  of  our  country, 
should  be  such  a  source  of  anxiety  as  he  seems  to  be  to  some  of  our 
friends  on  the  other  side  of  the  House. 

He  says  he  was  repudiated  by  the  people,  butthestatementisnotlrne. 
He  was  repudiated  by  certain  Democratic  methods  which  prevented,  in 
certain  sections  of  this  country,  the  people  from  speaking  their  voice 
through  their  ballots  and  having  those  ballots  returned  truly  and  counted 
in  the  election.  And  I  say  to  the  gentleman  to-day  neither  he  nor  his 
party  dare  to  accept  the  honest  verdict  of  the  people  of  this  country. 
Ay,  if  he  knew  that  the  honest  verdict  throughout  the  land  was  to  be 
accepted  he  would  have  no  more  hope  of  the  election  of  his  candidate 
than  he  would  hope  to  climb  to  the  heavens  on  a  rainbow,  or  to  go  to 
heaven  himself,  holding  the  political  tenets  he  holds  to-day.  Intimi<lat- 
ing  voters,  committing  frau(ls  at  the  ballot-boxes,  making  false  counts 
and  fal.se  returns,  and  resorting  to  every  kind  of  ini()uity  to  put  their 
candidates  into  ofhce  has  betome  as  much  a  part  of  the  methods  of  the 
Demo(Tacy  as  hokling  conventions  and  voting  at  the  polls.  Manvof 
their  brightest  lights  and  most  effective  workers  are  in  penitentiaries' for 
their  assaults  upon  the  franchise,  but  altogether  too  many  of  them  are 
still  running  at  large. 

— MiLMKEN,  Record,  4250. 
lllaiiii'.  JaiiK'N  <■.— Opinion  of  liic  issno,  INH^. 

\<>.  ."5:5.— '■  The  issue  i  [)rotection  or  free  trade)  which  the  Republicans 
maintained  and  the  iJduiocrats  avoided  in  1S81,  has  been  prominently 
and  S(>erilically  brou>;ht  forward  by  the  Democratic  President  and  cannot 
be  hidden  out  of  sight  in  isss.  The  country  is  now  in  the  enjoyment 
of  an  industrial  system  which  in  a  (juartcr  of  a  century  has  assured  a 
larger  national  growth,  a  more  rapid  accumulation  ar,d  a  broatler  distri- 
bution of  wealth  tliau  fr,r  Itefore  known  to  histori/.  The  American  people 
will  now  be  openly  and  formally  asked  to  decide  whether  this  HV:3tem 
shall  be  reckleasly  abandoned  and  a  new  trial  made  of  an  ol<l  experiment 
which  has  uniformly  led  to  national  embarrassment  and  widespread  in- 
dividual distress.  On  tlie  resuUa  of  such  an  hsur  fnirhj  prrsenled  to  the 
popular  JH^lf/mrni,  there  it  no  room  for  doubt.  (letter  from  Florence,  Jan- 
uary L'."),  ISSS. 

Blanket— A  (liMtcracoluI  Government  eontraet. 

\o.  5  1.— On  the  i.'")th  of  March,  1SS7,  the  Knited  States  Government, 
advertised  for  bids  for  the  purchase  of  blauketa  for  the  use  of  the  medi- 
cal department  of  the  Army. 

35 


There  were  fjreiga  bid-*  anJ  thera  were  Amaricau  bi«ia.  Now,  if  the 
IVeaidont  i^  ri^ht  in  aaviu^  that  the  d  ity  i.s  aided  to  the  C03t,  thea  the 
foreign  cost,  duty  added,  ou2;ht  to  be  just  equal  to  the  American  price. 
N  iw,  what  are  tlie  facta  of  this  transaction?  The  foreign  bid  wa^  dr  a 
ibur-poiind  blanket  for  medical  purposes,  the  American  bid  was  $2.5'3, 
ibere  biinjia  diflerence  of  SOj^^  cents. 

Who  do  you  suppose  gJt  the  contract?  There  was  a  foreign  bid  and 
an  American  bid,  and  the  dillerence  between  the  bids  was  30  cents  on 
♦iach  blanket.  Now  tell  me  which  manufacturer,  which  country,  got  the 
contract  ? 

Is  there  anybody  here  who  would  not  have  given  it  to  the  American 
there  l>einj?  a  difference  of  only  30  cents  between  the  bids? 

Is  there  any  gentleman  on  this  floor  who  would  send  abroad  to  get  a 
pair  of  blankets  merely  to  save  30  cents  on  them,  thus  taking  away  from 
the  American  manufacturer  and  the  American  farmer  and  the  American 
laborer  that  much  bu=?ineBs?  However  that  may  be,  that  contract  did  go 
abroad.  English  labor  made  those  2,000  blankets  for  the  use  of  our  army. 
American  labor  was  boycotted  and  they  came  in  without  paying  any 
duty.  The  Government  took  advantage  of  a  law  that  stands  on  the 
statute-book  and  admitted  them  in  free  of  duty.  There  being  so  little 
revenue  in  the  Treasury,  it  was  necessary,  of  course,  to  save  every  penny, 
80  they  took  advantage  of  that  law  which  permits  the  United  S:ate8  to 
bring  in  goods  free  of  duty. 

Now  let  us  look  at  the  figures.  The  duty  on  blankets  of  that  quality 
is  18  cents  a  pound  and  3.3  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  Eighteen  cents  a 
pound  upon  2,000  blankets,  4  pounds  each,  is  $1,440;  35  per  cent,  ad 
valorem  is  .$1 ,570.40,  making  a  total  du'y  upon  those  2,000  blankets,  which 
were  bought  from  a  foreign  blanket  maker,  of  $3  01G.40.  The  cost  of  those 
blinket.^.'therefore,  with  the  duty  added,  would  be  $7,520.40. 

Now,  if  the  President  is  right  and  if  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Ways  and  Means  is  right  in  saying  that  this  duty  is  added  to  the  price 
to  the  American  consumer,  then  $7,520.40  is  exactly  what  the  American 
price  would  be. 

Now,  then,  gentlemen,  what  was  the  American  price?  The  American 
pr'ca  was  ■*5,120.  That  i",  it  was  $2,400  less  than  the  foreign  cost,  duty 
added.  Without  any  duty,  the  ditl'erence  between  the  cost  of  the  Amer- 
can  and  the  cost  of  the  foreign  blankets,  the  whole  2,000,  was  about$G00. 
Now  you  see  the  American  manufacturer  does  not  get  the  duty,  and  that,  [ 
submit,  is  a  euflicient  reason  why  he  does  not  give  it  to  his  workman.  I 
am  very  sorry,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  President  of  the  United  States 
did  not  know  of  this  transaction,  which  had  occurred  under  his  own 
administration,  so  that  he  might  have  avoided  making  the  blunder  which 
he  made  in  his  message  when  he  said  that  the  diuty  was  added  to  the 
cost.  And  I  do  not  know  what  those  about  me  may  think  about  it,  but 
I  am  very  sorry  that  our  Government  went  abroad  and  bought  those 
bl-inkets  j  ist  to  save  ■'>>  cents  apiece  on  them. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  wish  that  this  Government  of  ours,  which  is  supported 
by  its  own  people,  would  patronize  its  own  people.  I  think  that  is  an 
example  of  patriotism  which  it  should  set  for  its  people.  I  wi-<h  the  ni  ni 
who  pay  the  taxes  to  support  this  Government,  to  pay  the  President's 
salary  and  other  expensesof  the  Government,  would  be  patronized  when 
the  Government  has  anything  to  buy,  don't  you?  And  are  you  not  a 
'.ittle  ashamed  of  this  transaction,  all  of  you?  I  do  not  know  whether 
the  like  was  ever  t\ine  under  any  former  administration  or  not;  but  it 
never  ought  to  be  done,  except  in  time  of  war  or  great  public  necessity, 
bv  any  future  administration  of  my  ;i;irty. 

— M>  Kin-ley,  K3Cord,  4756. 
3'". 


BLA 

BlaiikotM— Poor  inau's. 

'So.  >i^. — The  cost  of  a  pair  of  five-pound  woolen  blankets  in  England 
is  $4  A'j.  American  blankets  of  precisely  the  fame  weitiht  and  quality 
cost  $5.20.  The  duty  ia  $4.2o  and  custom-houte  fees  <j5  cente.  If  the 
free-trade  argument,  that  the  cost  is  incrcaEed  by  the  amount  of  the  duty, 
were  tiue,  the  poor  man's  blanket  should  cost  ^O.'V)  instead  of  $5  20,  and 
that  without  allowing  anything  for  transportation  and  incidental  ex- 
penses of  exchange. 

But  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota  [Mr.  Macdonald],  whom  I  do  not 
see  in  the  House,  whose  figures  submitted  here  a  few  days  ago  I  have 
examined,  would  go  at  it  in  this  way  : 

Price  of  one  pair  poor  man's  blanketa (5  -M 

Kobber  taria *  '.'"> 

Price  of  oi.o  pair  poor  mau'a  blankets  with  robber  tariff  repealed '-'j 

Gain  to  poorman 4  'J5 

—  Congressional  Record,  3947. 

He  would  have  you  believe  that  under  free  trade  a  pair  of  blankets 
could  be  bought  here  for  2')  cents.  This  is  exactly  the  process  of  his 
deductions  in  dguring  up  the  "gain  "  on  necessaries  under  this  bill.  The 
proposition  is  too  absurd  for  further  comment. 

— Haugkn,  Record,  4231. 

Blanketf4,  Poor  man's. 

Xo.  56. — Now,  the  gentleman  had  a  lot  of  blankets  here  the  other 
day.  The  very  climax  of  the  gentleman's  speech  wag  reached  when  he 
came  to  a  description  of  the  American  blankets,  and  the  enormous  bur- 
dens that  the  tariff  laid  upon  the  poor  man's  bed  an<l  covering.  Why, 
you  would  have  suppoaeil  that  he  was  enunciating  the  national  issue  for 
1888,  and  I  think  really  that  is  about  all  they  have  left  now  that  civil- 
service  reform  is  gone. 

Now,  what  is  the  fact?  He  told  you  that  for  one  pair  of  5-pound 
blankets,  which  he  exhibited,  the  price  was  $2.51,  the  labor  cost  35  cents, 
the  tariff  $1.90,  and  the  difference  between  the  labor  and  the<luty  $1  55. 
Then  the  gentleman  from  Texas  turned  to  this  Hcu^eand  to  his  admir- 
ing associates  and  listening  audience  and  said  :  "  Why  does  not  the  man- 
ufacturer give  the  laborer  thatSl. 55,  the  difference  between  the  labor  cost 
and  the  duty?"  which  was  followed  by  deafening  applause. 

Did  he  not  leave  the  impression  upon  the  mind  of  every  one  that  the 
manuflicturer  got  the  duty  ?  He  asked  why  he  did  not  give  it  to  the 
laborer?  and  turning  he  eaid  :  "  Of  course  he  would  not  do  that ;  he  put 
it  into  his  pocket."  I  will  tell  you  the  reason,  or  at  least  a  sullicient  reason 
why  the  manufacturer  did  not  give  it  to  the  laborer.  It  was  because  he 
did  not  get  it  himself. 

I  do  not  know  where  the  gentleman  got  his  figures,  but  I  have  a  care- 
ful statement  from  one  of  the  leading  blanket  manufacturers  of  this 
country,  and  I  intend  to  give  the  facts  I'ully. 

Blankets  are  numbered  according  to  grade  and  according  to  weight. 
There  are  several  grades  of  five-pound  blankets  numbered  1,2, 3,4,  and  5. 
A  No.  1  five-pountl  blanket  made  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia  Bells  for 
$1.72.  The  labor  represented  in  the  l)lanket  is  S7^.  cents;  the  duty  is 
$1  02.  Of  a  fccarlet  blanket,  five  pound?,  the  price  is  ?2.27  ;  the  labor  is 
s7.^  cents  ;  the  duty  is  |;:{.17.  Of  the  white  all-wool  Falls  of  Schuylkill 
blanket  the  price  is  ?3.fi2;  the  labor  $1.05  ;  the  duty  $2<;o.  Of  t!ie  Gold- 
Medal  blanket  the  price  i^  $4.5:5 ;  the  labor  $1  (i5  ;  the  duty  $.'...50. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  duty  wan  added  to  the  cost,  what  would  Vw 
American  manufacturers  get  for  these  blankets?  They  sliould  get  l.)i 
the  first  blanket  $2  74.  How  much  do  they  get?  They  get  only  $1.72. 
They  should  get  for  the  second  blanket,  duty  adde<1,  ?3  77.     How  mu  h 


BLA 

tlo  they  get  ?  They  pet  $2.27.  They  should  get  for  the  third  $5.12.  How 
mmh  do  thevpet?  They  get  $3.17.  They  should  get,  duty  added,  for 
the  fourth  dafiB  $0  22.  How  much  do  they  get?  They  get  $4.35.  They 
should  get,  duty  added,  for  the  highest  grade,  $8.03.  How  much  do  they 
get?    Thoy  get $4.05. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  what  did  these  same  blankets  cost  in  18GD  under 
a  revenue  tariff,  under  a  free-trade  domination  of  this  country  by  the 
Democratic  party  ?  What  did  we  pay  for  the  same  blankets  that  year  as 
contrasted  with  wiiat  we  pay  now?  Tlie  blanket  that  sells  to-dav  for 
$1.02  sold  in  18G0  for  ^2.  The  blanket  that  sells  now  for  $1.45  sold  in 
1800  for$2.50.  The  blanket  that  sellsnow  for  $1.31  sold  in  18')0  for  $2.25. 
The  blanket  that  sells  now  for  $1.'.)0  sold  in  1860  for  $3.50.  The  blanket 
that  sells  now  for  $2.58  sold  for  $3.75  in  1800.  The  blanket  that  sellsnow 
for  $4  35  sold  for  $7.50  in  1800.  The  blanket  that  sells  for  $5.85  now  sold 
for  $10  in  1800.    The  blanket  that  sells  now  for  $0.80  sold  for$13  in  18G0. 

Now  let  us  see  how  the  wages  are,  for  that  is  an  essential  element  in 
this  question.  In  ISCO  a  spinner  got  $6  a  week  in  this  same  establish- 
ment, and  I  am  speaking  from  the  books  of  the  manufacturer.  It,  is  no 
idle  and  hearsay,  second-hand  statement  that  I  am  making,  nor  does  il 
come  from  any  foreign  source,  nor  is  it.  leased  on  any  information  from 
abroad.  It  is  taken  from  the  actual  books  of  a  manufacturer  of  blankets 
in  Philadelphia,  who  has  been  manufacturing  for  a  great  many  years.  A 
spinner  got  for  a  week's  work  in  ISliO,  $0.  What  doe3  he  get  now?  Fif- 
teen dollars.  Six  dollars  a  week  in  1800,  and  $15  a  week  in  1888!  A 
piecer  boy  got  $1.15  a  week  in  1860,  and  he  gets  $3.50  now.  A  weaver 
got  $4  in  1800,  and  $10  in  1S88.  A  finisher,  unskilled,  got  $4.15  in  1860, 
and  he  gets  $0  in  1888.  A  skilled  finisher  got  $G  in  1800,  and  $10  in  1888. 
A  dye-house  hand,  unskilled,  got  §4.25  in  1800,  and  he  gets  $0  in  1888. 
A  common  laborer  $4  in  ISOO,  and  gets  $7.50  in  1888.  A  skilled  laborer 
got  $4.50  in  1860,  and  he  gets  $9  in  1888.  An  engineer  got  $0.50  in  1860, 
and  he  gets  $10  in  1888. 

The  weekly  earnings  of  the  spinner  in  1860  could  buy  three  pairs  of 
cheap  blankets  for  one  week's  work.  The  spinner  under  American  pro- 
tection in  18S.S,  for  the  price  of  one  week'.s  work,  can  buy  fifteen  pairs  of 
blankets.  T.ilk  about  i)roductive  capacity!  Tliink  about  buying  capac- 
ity !  The  spinner  buys  his  blankets  for  one-half  what  they  coat  him  in 
1800  ;  and  he  gets  two  and  a  half  times  as  much  for  hi3  labor  in  18S8  as 
he  got  in  1860.  Do  you  wonder  these  men  do  not  like  your  bill?  [Ap- 
plause.] Do  you  wonder  these  men  condemn  the  action  of  your  com- 
mittee for  not  listening  to  their  story  ? 

— McKiNi.EY,  Record,  4755. 
ItluiikotH,  IVooIoii. 

><».  tiT. — I  was  very  murh  interested  the  other  day  when  I  heard  the 
distinguished  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  [Mr.  Mills] 
.'^peaking  in  regard  to  the  great  burden  in  the  shape  of  a  tax  which  was 
pla(X'd  on  "  the  poor  man'n  blanket."  He  talked  so  pathetically  in  regard 
to  this  subject  that  I  wondered  whether  what  he  said  could  be  true.  I 
recollected  that  we  had  out  in  my  State  a  woolen  mill  or  two,  and  I  con- 
Huded  to  send  out  to  that  State  for  a  pair  of  blankets.  1  have  those 
blankets  here,  and  I  ask  that  two  of  tne.se  page-boys  take  (hose  blan- 
kets out  into  the  area  in  front  of  the  Clerk'.s  desk  that  members  may  see 
them.  [The  blanket.s  were  exhibitc;!  in  accordance  with  Mr.  Gear's  re- 
quest.] Sir,  there  is  a  pair  of  blankets  as  good  as  can  be  made  in  Eng- 
land or  anywhere  in  America.  They  weigh  5  poundtiand  2  ounces,  and  it 
lequired  for  their  manufacture  11  pounds  of  wool.  They  are  made  of 
Iowa  wool  in  an  Iowa  mill  t»y  Iowa  employes. 

The  gentleman  from  Texas  spoke  of  $2.50  as  the  cost  in  one  case  and 
$2.70  as  the  cost  in  another  case  of  a  pair  of  li  ve-i)Ound  blankets ;  and  re- 


BOO 

member  each  of  these  blankets  is  just  5  pounds.  The  gentleman  from 
Texas  said  that  the  duty  on  those  blankets  would  be  $1.00  per  pair,  and 
that  this  was  the  amount  which  the  manufacturer  put  in  his  pocket. 
Now,  sir,  to  manufacture  this  pair  of  blankets  which  the  House  has  be- 
fore it  took  11  pounds  of  wool,  at  27  cents  a  pound.  Now,  11  pounds  of 
wool  at  27  cents  per  pound  would  be  $2.07  ;  to  that  add  Gl  cents,  which  the 
trentleman  from  Texas  Bays  is  the  costof  making,  and  the  amount  will  be 
$3.58;  add  to  that  the  duty  on  blankets,  $1  00,  and  the  amount  is  $5.48. 
Now,  if  it  be  true  that  the  amount  of  the  tarifl'duty  is  added  directly  to 
the  cost  of  the  American  blanket,  the  cost  of  these  blankets  should  be 
$5.48 ;  and  allowing  the  retailer  a  fair  profit,  they  should  sell  at  $G  per  pair. 
But,  sir,  I  have  a  certificate  from  the  manufacturer  certifying  as  to  the 
■fj  lality  and  price.  The  wholesale  price  is  $4-50,  and  the  retail  price  at 
any  store  in  Iowa  is  $5  per  pair. 

I  want  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  my  friend  from  Texas  in  his 
illustration  does  not  give  the  price  at  which  the  American  blankets  he 
talked  about  are  sold — not  at  all ;  and  I  want  to  call  attention  also  to  the 
fact  that  the  majority  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  when  they 
revise  the  taritl',  and,  as  they  say,  take  ths  tax  off  "  the  poor  man's  blan- 
ket," do  not  take  oil' one  penny  in  favor  of  the  poor  man. 

— Ge.\r,  Record,  5548. 

Boots  and  Shoes. 

(See  also  Leather  ) 

Boots  and  Shoes— New  Eugland. 

]Vo.  5H. — In  the  manufacture  of  boots  and  shoes  the  entire  country 

employs  forty-three  million  doliara  in  capital ;  over  one  hundred  and 
two  million  dollars  are  expended  for  material,  and  from  it  products  are 
manufactured  to  the  value  of  over  one  hundred  and  sixty-six  millions  of 
dollars.  Of  this  industry,  felt  and  known  in  every  home  of  the  nation, 
and  marked  in  the  foot-prints  of  the  legislators  from  the  Southern  States, 
theHix  New  England  States  employ  nearly  twenty-five  millions  of  capi- 
tal, considerably  more  than  one-half  of  all;  they  pay  seventy  millions 
of  djUarafor  material,  about  three-fjurths  of  all,  and  yield  a  product  of 
one  hundred  and  twelve  million  dollars,  slightly  over  two  thirds  of  the 
w  hole,  and  is  the  best  customer  for  hides  that  the  South  has  or  will  have 
in  all  time  to  come. 

— G.VLLiNGER,  Record,  3G80. 

Boots  vs.  Corn,  nudor  a  Democratic  Tarifl',  1816. 

Xo.  59. — 1  was  making  a  speech  soon  after  that  time  in  another  part 
of  the  country  to  an  immense  crowd  of  farmers.  I  was  making  about  the 
same  sort  of  a  speech  that  I  am  making  to-day.  I  happened  to  refer,  as 
I  well  remember,  to  the  time  when  corn  sold  at  10  cents  a  bushel.  At 
that  point  a  prominent  old  farmer  in  the  crowd  whom  I  had  known  all 
my  life — he  was  much  older  than  myself,  but  we  had  been  in  the  army 
together  and  1  knew  hiia  very  well — called  out.  "Hold  on  a  moment  1 
Under  the  Democratic  tarill"  of  ]S4il  I  hauled  50  bushels  of  corn  right 
across  the  river  there  and  put  it  in  Emmet  Munday'n  corn-crib  for  one 
pair  of  boots,  the  price  being  $5  for  the  bjots  and  lo  cents  a  bushel  for 
the  corn."  I  then  said,  "Jake" — for  down  in  my  country  I  call  people 
by  their  first  names — "  how  many  people  will  50  bushels  of  corn  shoe  now 
under  this  rascally  Republican  policy  of  protection?"  "By  George!  it 
would  shoe  a  family  of  a  dozen  for  at  least  two  years."  [Laughter  and 
applause.]     That  is  a  fair  illustration. 

— Hoik,  Record,  4103. 

39 


BOR 

l<ora\. 

\«».  00.— Placing  borax  on  the  free  list  will  destroy  an  important  in- 
dustry on  the  Pacific  coast.  It  was  greatly  sHmulated  by  the  increased 
tariff  ^iven  it  by  the  law  of  ISSis  eince  which  the  produclion  has  in- 
creased from  r),(;no,0(¥)  pounds  in  188:;  to  10,182,000  pounds  in  1887,  and 
•  luring  that  period  the  prices  have  ruled  lower  in  the  United  States  than 
at  any  other  period  of  pro<luction.  In  187.1  the  price  was  33  cents.  It  i? 
now  ('t\  cents  ;  all  due  to  American  production  under  the  encouragement 
of  a  protective  tariff.  This  is  to  be  withdrawn  and  our  markets  again 
placed  in  the  control  of  the  foreigner. 

The  bill  will  be  disastrous  in  its  effects  upon  the  chemical  industry, 
an  industry  which  employs  from  3'),000  to  40,000  people,  and  with  an  in- 
vested! capital  of  not  lees  than  $140,000,000.  The  president  of  the  Manu- 
facturing Chemists'  Association  of  the  United  States  informs  ue. 
under  date  of  March  31,  1SS8,  that  the  free  list  and  the  reduced  rates 
of  duty  fixed,  applicable  to  the  chemical  schedule,  will  greatly  injure  it 
not  be  fatal  to  the  continuance  of  their  manufacture  in  the  United 
States. 

—House  Kept.  1-50  (Tariff),  No.  1496,  p.  23. 

Borax— A  foroi;;;!!  monopoly. 

Xo.  61. — For  the  forty  years  prior  to  1872,  when  the  borax  market 
was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  a  foreign  monopoly,  the  American  consumers 
were  never  able  to  buy  a  pound  of  borax  for  less  than  2S  cents.  The- 
Duke  de  Lardrell,  controlling  ttie  great  Tuscany  product,  was  able  to  fix 
the  price  to  suit  himself.  Boracic  acid  is  nowhere  found  in  a  pure  state 
in  any  quantity  except  at  the  boracic  springs  in  Tuscany,  owned  by  the 
titled  gentleman  just  named. 

The  discovery  of  borax  was  first  made  in  California  in  the  year  1856. 
Tnere  was  no  production,  however,  of  any  consequence  until  the  year 
isr>.">,  when  a  few  hundred  tons  were  placed  on  the  market  at  about  2" 
cents  per  pound  in  San  Francisco.  At  that  time  and  for  forty  years  pre- 
vious an  importing  firm  in  New  York,  representing  a  prominent  English 
houFe,  controlled  the  market  of  this  country,  receiving  the  supply  either 
as  refined  borax  or  boracic  acid,  the  latter  being  the  essential  ingredient 
in  the  borax  of  commerce. 

— Morrow,  Record,  573»'5. 

Itorax— Bad  faith  ofroiuo^  ins  the  <lnty. 

\o.  <>2. — Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  another  feature  to  which  I  wisli  to 
call  attention.  The  borax  fieMs  are  located  on  lands  designated  in  our 
land  laws  as  "mineral  lands,"  and  the  people  who  have  taken  up  these 
fields  have  done  so  in  good  fai»h,  supposing  that  the  industry  had  the 
friendship  of  the  Government.  Tney  have  gone  on  and  expended  tlieir 
money, paving  $2  50  an  acre  for  the  land;  and  the  borax  being  a  scatterei! 
product,  they  have  found  it  necessary  to  take  up  quite  a  I'lrge  quantity 
of  land  otherwise  worthUs^,  for  which  they  paid  the  price  for  mineral 
land.  Now,  having  made  these  purchases,  I  submit  they  had  the  right 
to  suppose  that  the  law  would  not  be  changed  so  as  to  destroy  the  vahie 
of  their  lands. 

— Morrow,  Record,  5737. 

Borax— How  tlio  monopoly  acted. 

\'o.  <13. — In  ls72  some  important  borax  fields  were  discovered  in  the- 
desert  reirions  of  California  and  Nevada  from  which  borax  was  taken  in 
considerable  quantities.  The  result  was,  as  I  have  just  stated,  that  a  large 
amount  was  placed  on  the  market  in  1873.  This  domestic  product  in- 
duced the  foreign  importer  to  come  to  Congress  for  a  reduction  of  the 
40 


!• 


BOX— BRI 

tariff,  in  which  he  was  successful ;  and  in  1874  borate  of  lime,  crude  borax, 
and  boracic  acid  were  placed  on  the  free-list.  The  effect  of  the  removal 
of  the  duty  was  to  dif  coura<;;e  the  producers,  and  the  industry  was  accord- 
ingly restricted. 

But  it  must  be  remembered  that  at  the  time  when  the  tariff  of  1883 
went  into  effect  the  importer  holding?  a  monopoly  of  the  foreign  product 
iftported  an  immense  quantity  of  boracic  acid.  I  believe  the  amount  was 
4,178,737  pounds,  as  I  find  it  reported.  This  large  importation  was  in  an- 
ticipation of  the  action  of  Congress  in  placing  borax  on  the  dutiable  list, 
and  the  effect  has  been  such  that  the  market  has  been  carrying  a  large 
surplus  ever  since,  or  until  quite  recently.  The  domestic  producer  hag 
been  suffering  from  this  unfortunate  competition,  designed  as  a  means  to 
Eecure  his  utter  destruction. 

— Morrow,  Record,  5737. 

Boxes— Orange  or  lemon. 

Xo.  04. — The  exporting  agent  of  the  manufacturers  writes  me  that  he 
has  paid  as  high  as  5^5,000  for  freight  on  these  boxes  in  a  single  month, 
and  that  he  has  collected  more  than  $1,750,000  for  the  shooks  thus  ex- 
ported from  this  country,  all  of  which  came  from  the  foreign  purchaser 
and  was  distributed  among  the  manufacturers,  workmen,  and  farmers  of 
my  section.  « 

I  would  state,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  thisremifsion  of  duty  will  not  stimu- 
late competition  with  California  or  Florida  oranges,  as  the  boxes  are  used 
for  Mediterranean  fruit  that  comes  here  at  a  eeason  when  it  dots  not  in- 
terfere with  the  domestic  product,  as  would  be  the  case  with  Jamaica  or 
Porto  Rico  oranges  that  are  imported  in  barrels. 

Now,  what  is  proposed  by  this  amendment  is  not  an  increase  of  the 
revenue,  but  a  decrease.  It  provides  simply  that  when  a  cargo  of  oranges 
shall  come  from  Sicily  or  Messina  or  other  porta,  bearing  wiih  it  the  veri- 
fication of  the  American  consul  that  those  oranges  are  in  boxes  manufact- 
ured in  the  United  States — and  I  will  say  that  all  the  regulations  have 
been  carefully  made  by  the  Department,  under  the  old  law,  and  carried 
out  for  years  to  prevent  any  difhculiies  in  this  regard — thereupon  there 
shall  be  a  remission  of  duty  to  the  extent  of  5  cents  for  each  full  box  and 
3  cents  for  each  half  box,  giving  to  that  extent  an  advantage  to  the  man- 
ufacturer of  the  American  boxes  and  thereby  inciting  the  foreign  fruit- 
grower to  use  the  American  shooks  instead  of  the  foreign  shcoks,  t!  U3 
giving  to  labor  on  this  Bide  of  the  ocean  the  advantage  of  carrying  on  that 
industry.  I  say  this  was  the  law  from  1875  to  1883.  It  was  intended  to 
be  reincorporated  in  the  law  of  1883  ;  was  reported  favorably  by  the  TaritI 
Commission  and  by  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  this  House,  but 
was  omitted  by  inadvertence. 

As  no  tariff  bill  was  passed  in  either  House  during  the  previous  two 
Congresses,  since  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1883,  it  has  been  impossible 
until  now  to  remedy  the  omission.  I  do  not  think  there  can  be  any  valid 
objection  by  anybody  to  the  amendment  and  I  therefore  hope  it  will  be 
unanimously  agreed  to. 

The  CiiAinMAN  declared  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  BouTELT>E  deminded  a  division. 

The  committee  divided  ;  and  there  were — ayes  54,  noes  72. 

So  the  amendment  was  disagreed  to. 

— BocTELLE,  Record,  694S. 

Brick. 

No.  65.— There  are  made  annually  in  the  United  States  over  3,822,- 
000,000  common  brick,  and  in  the  State  of  New  York  over  576,000,000  <-.[" 
Buch  brick. 

41 


liRI 

The  capital  inve8te<l  in  the  United  States  in  the  brick  anil  tile  manu- 
facture (exclusive  of  fewer  and  drain  tile)  is  over  $27,"HX),000,  the  number 
of  employes  is  over  iKi.OOi)  (of  wiiom  over  ry.),()00  are  males  above  sixteen 
vearn  «f  a^),  and  the  amount  of  wa^es  paid  them  per  year  is  over  $13,- 
40i).UK).  In  the  S:ate  of  New  York  the  Bame  manufacture  employs  nearly 
J4,6jO(XK)  of  capital,  and  over  7,00  )  hands,  of  whom  over  G,700  are  males 
over  sixteen  yearj  of  age.  The  wapes  pai*i  them  amount  to  over  $1,0UU,- 
OtKt  per  year,'aud  the  nroduct  amounts  to  over  ?  1,000,C00. 

Fmlef  the  existing  law  the  duty  is  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Ttie  value  of  the  importation  last  year  (other  than  lire-brick)  amounted 
to  over  $31,00i\  i)ayink;aduty  of  over  !?M,0(iO.  What  the  importation  would 
liave  been  with  ihe  duty  removed  no  man  can  tell. 

— P.\RKKR,  Record,  C150. 

Note- Democratic  Metuoi>s  of  AnorMENT.    Boo  Nos.  CO,  G7,  C8,<;9,  on  Wealth.— Eu. 

Itritisli  K<>I«1— ^VIktc  is  it ?— Doiuocratic  luetliod.s  ol'ar;;ii- 
iiiciit  oxpoMod. 

\o.  <Hi.— Since  the  protective  element  entered  into  tarilf  lepislation 
in  I>^til  tlie  .\nieriian  farmers  have  soM  in  iho  lOuropean  market  bread- 
stulls,  provisions,  and  cotton  to  the  amount  of  over  $l(),50U,00U,<t()0.  Since 
1801  this  enormous  sum  in  j,'old  has  been  brou;jht  from  the  Old  World 
to  the  New  as  the  sum  of  the  foreign  marketings  of  our  agriculturists, 
and  for  which  there  were  no  home  markets  for  them. 

Where  is  the  money  now?  Where  is  this  British  gold?  Let  us  see. 
Massachusetts  has  now  in  her  savings-banks  .'?;517,Ol»7,49'J.  What  has 
Illinois  to  show  for  her  part?  Mortgages  on  her  farms  to  the  amount  of 
$41t),o00,00*J,  mostly  held  in  the  manufacturing  States.  Massachusetts 
does  not  raise  enough  on  her  farms  to  feed  her  people.  Bahold  the  con- 
trast !  Maine  has  in  her  savings-banks  $3S..'»1'J,G43,  while  Kan?as  has  on 
her  farms  mortgages  to  the  amount  of  $12o,00),000,  mostly  held  by  people 
in  the  nine  manufacturing  States.  Connecticut  has  over  Jl()2,0()0,00u  in 
her  savings-banks,  while  Indiana  farms  are  mortgaged  for  $2S(),5()0,000, 
mostly  to  i)Eople  in  New  l^ngland.  The  manufacturing  State  of  New 
York'  iuis  in  her  savings-banks  $482,500,000,  while  the  farms  of  the 
agricultural  State  of  Iowa  are  mortgaged  for  ;?l25,.3!:0,000.  The  manu- 
facturing State  of  Khode  Island  ha.s  in  her  savings  banks  $53,2.S."),0(K) ;  the 
farms  of  Missouri  are  mortgaged  for  $108,5'J0,000.  The  manufacturing 
State  of  Pennsylvania  has  in  her  savings-banks  $42,220,000,  while  Min- 
nesota is  mortgaged  for  $  1 22,501  >,000.  The  manufacturing  State  of  New 
Hampshire  has  in  her  savings-banks  $50,822,01)0,  and  the  agricultural 
State  of  Michigan  has  farm  mortgages  to  the  amount  of  $129,220,55;5.  The 
manufacturing  State  of  New  Jersey  has  pavings-banks  deposits  in  the 
sum  of  $27,500,0(10,  while  the  agricultural  State  of  Wisconsin  has  farm 
mortgages  to  the  amount  of  $175,000,000.  Vermont,  a  manufacturing 
Slate,  has  in  her  savinijs-banks  $15,587,000,  while  Ohio  ha«»  farm  mort- 
gages to  the  amount  of  $350,000,000. 

— Wn.soN,  Minnesota,  Record,  3G19. 

lVli<>r<>  is  tlic  iiionoy  ?— .liiHwered. 

,\«>.  <17. — Sir,  we  have  a  .-system  of  banking  in  this  country  which  we 

ca!'   •' i'jnal-bank  svHtem.     Its  capital  is  $578,462,7(55;  its  surplus 

fi;  MIO;  its  undivided  prolits  are  $71,450,107;  making  a  total 

of  .  ,2.    The  general  impression  is  that  the^e  banks  are  owned 

ami  controlle<l  by  rich  men.  Tuat  is  not  a  fact.  In  all  the  country 
banks  laboring  men  have  more  or  leas  part.  I  have  a  statement  here 
from  the  Comi>troller's  report  showing  the  number  of  persons  who  own 
stock  in  these  banks  and  who,  of  course,  own  the  surplus  fund  and  the 
undivided  prolite.  Outside  of  corporations  there  are  2.'53,i!s0;  of  corpo- 
42 


BRI 

ration",  7,492;  total.  241,172.  Of  thi.s  number  ir,9,SV.)  own  $1,000  or  less 
than  $1,000  each.  Thus?  it  can  l)e  .seen  where  the  wealth  of  the  country 
>ia3  ^one.  Seventy-three  thousand  two  hundred  and  live  own  over 
$1,000  and  lesa  than  $5,000,  and  then  the  balance  is  divided  between 
$.'),000  and  $:30,000. 

—Senator  Teller,  Record,  2203. 

Whore  is  tin'  iiioiiej  ?— .Viiswero*!. 

Xo.  <»S.— Our  irovernmeut  receijjts  in  l.%0  were  $50,054,599.  In  1887 
they  were  $;;71,40.'!.277.  Since  I  made  these  tipures  I  cut  from  a  paper — 
the  Boston  Advertiser — this  Btatement,  whiih  I  desire  to  reatl : 

"The  condition  of  the  savinjrs-banks  of  New  York  i.s  a  standing  refu- 
tation to  the  cry  that  the  country  ia  heooming  impovori.shed  and  the 
working  p3ople  growing  poorer  under  tariff  burdens.  It  i^  an  admitted 
fact  that  the  amounts  on  deposit  with  the  savings-bank's  of  New  York 
City  are  largely  made  up  from  the  savings  of  the  workin5-cla6se3  of 
people. 

'•  Reports  of  the  eleven  banks  of  the  city  for  January  1  show  an  in- 
<■rea.se  of  $12,000,000  in  deposit  over  the  amount  of  la^t  year,  while  the 
whole  number  of  banks  in  the  State  show  an  increase  of  $20,(100.00(1. 
These  banks  stte  said  to  be  in  an  unusually  safe  and  prosperous  condi- 
tion at  the  present  time,  owing  to  the  stringent  lawa  regulating  their 
business." 

That  is  in  one  State  alone  where  the  laboring  people  of  this  country 
have  added  to  their  wealth  $2(),000,000  deposited  in  sAvings-banks  alone, 
and  nobody  can  tell  how  many  millions  they  have  added  in  other  ways. 
TheSenator  from  Massachusetts  tells  me  that  the  savings-banks  of  Massa- 
I'husetts  hold  over  $300,000,000.  The  Senator  from  Connecticut  the  other 
day  declared  that  in  his  State  the  savings-banks  held  more  money  owned 
by  the  laboring  people  than  all  the  savings  banks  outside  of  the  United 
S:ate8 — in  the  world.  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  told  the  truth,  and  that 
he  was  informed  whereof  he  spoke. 

— Senator  Teller,  Record,  2203. 

IVIioro  iM  tiK'  moiK'.v  •*— Viis%*«'r«Ml. 

A«.  <»y. — Our  industries  are  organized  under  the  corporations  laws  of 
the  State,  by  which  the  moileratesubscriptlons  of  individual  stockholders 
are  aggregated  into  the  capital  stock  of  the  corporations,  many  of  which 
have  hundreds  of  stockholders. 

But  we  are  a  fairly  prosperoits  community,  and  the  eleven  millions 
and  a  lialf  of  deposits  in  our  8avings-l>anks  prove  that  our  workingmen 
Iiave  their  full  share  in  our  prosperity.  Sir,  I  have  listened  with  some 
impatience  to  the  attacks  which  have  repeatedly  been  made  upon  the 
State  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  in  part  here,  but  I  know  tliat 
she  needs  no  defense  from  me  or  any  one. 

Kor  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  iier  career  has  been  luminous  in  the 
pathway  of  history,  and  wouM  grace  and  illustrate  a  ilistinct  nationality 
"f  a  thon.'^and  years.  Within  her  limits  are  the  historic  spot:^  which  the 
t ranger  visit*  to  nmew  his  love  of  liberty,  anil  to  awaken  inspiring  recol- 
''•ctions  of  an  heroic  epoch.  The  sim})le  nhaft  which  rises  from  Huiiker'a 
1  leight  tells  its  mute  but  glorious  story  of  courage,  devotion,  and  jvitriot- 
i^ra  to  every  coming  generation.  The  world  knows  by  heart  the  namea 
f  the  patriots  and  statesmen  which  Massachusetts  has  given  to  the  serv- 
iiv  of  their  country  and  humanity. 

Her  orators  and  men  of  letters  grace  the  literature  of  our  age,  and  her 
Hv.stem  of  education,  her  institutions  of  learning  and  charity,  and  her 
wise  and  liberal  legislation  are  the  pride  of  her  children  and  the  ex- 
ample of  her  bister  States.     And,  sir,  all  that  she  is  or  has  been  is  not 

4.; 


r.Ki 

hers  alone,  and  ehe  does  not  eeek  to  appropriate  it.  It  is  an  inseparable^ 
part  of  the  common  heritage  and  the  common  glory  of  the  nation,  and 
aa  such  ehculd  be  valued  and  cherished  by  every  American.  But,  .'^ir, 
thi8  themo  is  too  lofty  to  treat  here  and  now,  and  I  would  not  have  vent- 
\ired  to  utter  a  v.ord  relating  to  it  were  I  a  native  son  of  Massachueetts 
but  I  owe  something  to  the  noble  Commonwealth  which  has  sheltef^d 
me  from  infancy  and  granted  me  favors  and  honors  far  beyond  my 
deserts.    [Applause.] 

— Davis,  Massachusetts,  Record,  3853. 

BritiMli  policy  in  free-trade. 

\o.  70. — The  nature  of  the  competition  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain, 
against  which  our  home  productions  and  home  labor  have  to  contend, 
is  oj)icial'y8ta.te<l  in  the  following  extract  from  the  "  Report  of  the  Com- 
mi&eioner  appointed  under  the  Provisions  of  the  '  Actio  and  G  Vict.,  c.  99,* 
to  inquire  into  the  operation  of  that  act,  and  into  the  state  of  the  popula- 
in  the  Mining  Districts  1854.  Presented  to  both  Houses  of  Parliament 
by  command  of  her  Majesty,"  p.  I'O. 

'"  I  believe  that  the  laboring  classes  generally  in  the  manufacturing: 
districts  of  this  country,  and  especially  in  the  iron  and  coal  district,  are 
very  little  aware  of  the  extent  to  which  they  are  often  indebted  for  their 
being  employed  at  all  to  the  immense  lossen  which  their  employers  vol- 
untarily incur  in  bad  times  in  order  to  destroy  foreign  competition,  and 
to  gain  and  keep  possession  of  foreign  markets.  Authentic  instances  are 
well  known  of  employers  having  in  such  times  carried  on  their  works  at 
a  loss  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to  three  or  four  hundred  thousand 
pounds  in  the  course  of  as  many  years.  If  the  efforts  of  those  who  en- 
courage the  combinations  to  restrict  the  amount  of  labor  and  to  produce 
strikes  were  to  be  successful  for  any  length  of  time,  the  great  accumula- 
tions of  capital  could  no  longer  be  made  which  enable  a  iew  of  the  most 
wealthy  capitalists  to  overwhelm  all  foreign  competition  in  times  ol 
^reat  depression  and  thus  to  clear  the  way  for  the  whole  trade  to  step  in 
when  prices  revive,  and  to  carry  on  a  great  business  before /om^rn  capita  J 
can  again  accumulate  to  such  an  extent  as  to  be  able  to  establish  a  com- 
petition in  prices  with  any  chance  of  success.  The  large  capitals  of  this 
country  are  the  great  instruments  of  warfare  (if  the  expression  may  be 
allowed)  against  the  competing  capital  of  foreign  countries  and  are  the 
most  essential  instruments  npw  remaining  by  which  our  manufacturing 
supremacy  can  be  maintained;  the  other  elements — cheap  labor,  abun- 
dance of  raw  materials,  means  of  communication,  and  skilled  labor — being: 
rapidly  in  process  of  being  equalized." 
(The  Italics  are  in  the  original.) 

— 11.  Carey  Baird. 

ItritiMli  policy— liioii  skin  pieced  with  the  Fox. 

]\'o.  71. — Great  Britain  has  never  ceased  to  deplore  the  loss  of  her, 
American  Colonies  an'I  their  remunerative  trade.  She  struck  us,  as  she 
thcu::ht,  a  deadly  blow  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  during  our  late  civil  war 
she  did  her  best  to  sunder  the  two  sections  and  to  cripple  us.  Since 
then  she  has  changed  her  policy,  and  instead  of  force  she  resorts  to  per- 
suasion and  advice.  Her  agents  every  where  recommended  free-trade  to 
us.  She  ekes  out  the  lion's  skin  with  that  of  the  fox.  It  does  not  escape 
UP,  however;  the  conditions  of  the  two  countries  as  well  as  the  elements 
of  the  two  governments  are  diametrically  opposed.  A  sea-girt  island,  she 
has  sought  to  absorb  the  commerce  and  markets  of  the  world,  and  she 
has  not  been  scrupulous  how  she  did  it.  Wherever  she  could  she  ha? 
seized  the  controlling  points  of  the  great  water  ways  of  trade.  She  hold  i 
with  the  grip  of  death  Gilfraltar  to  dominate  the  Mediterranean,  and  sh  v^ 
44 


BUT— BUY 

•controls  the  Red  Sea  by  occuplng  Bal)-el  ManJeb.  So  it  is  and  always 
has  been  with  her.  With  all  her  pretense  of  morality,  she  has  compelled 
the  hundreds  of  millions  of  Chinese  to  poison  themselves  with  her  opium. 

— Rand.vli.,  IVIay  G,  las^, 

Buchanan  (Pro>«idcnt)  stateiuont  of  suspeudcd  Tactories. 
(See  «0».) 

Butter  and  t'hoese— Xew  l-2uKlaud  vs.  South. 

]Vo.  72. — Again,  of  the  seven  hundred  and  seventy-seven  million 
pounds  of  butter  produced  in  the  nation  the  Southern  States  furnished 
about  one  hundred  and  four  million  pounds  from  over  three  million  cows, 
or  about  one-third  of  a  pound  to  a  cow,  while  the  New  England  States 
furnished  sixty-six  million  pounds  from  seven  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand cows,  or  eighty -eight  pounds  per  cow. 

The  same  discrepancy  exists  in  regard  to  cheese,  statistics  showing  Chat 
of  the  twenty-seven  million  pounds  made  in  the  country  the  Southern 
Statds  furnished  only  four  hundred  and  thirty-eight  thousand  pounds, 
while  the  output  of  the  New  England  States  was  about  five  and  a  quarter 
million  pounds,  or  about  seven  and  a  quarter  pounds  per  cow,  in  addition 
to  the  butter  product. 

Gallinger,  Record,  3G91. 

Buy  where  you  can  buy  the  cheapest. 

iVo.  73. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  never  have  been  in  favor  of  sending  a  man 
to  the  penitentiary  for  preaching  free  trade.  I  do  not  think  that  ii  a  good 
cause,  but  when  a  man  like  the  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Com- 
mittee of  this  House  stands  up  here  and  talks  by  the  hour  in  favor  of  free 
trade,  and  then  tells  U3  that  it  is  all  for  the  benefit  of  the  laboring  men  in 
this  country,  it  makes  me  tired.     [Laughter  on  the  Republican  side  ] 

Here  comes  an  American  shoemaker,  who  says  to  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  AVays  and  Means :  "  Mr.  Mills,  I  understand  you  are  in 
favor  of  buying  your  shoes  where  you  can  buy  them  cheapest  ?  "  "  Oh, 
yes."  "  Why  do  you  want  to  buy  them  where  you  can  buy  them  cheap- 
est?" "Why,  just  to  help  you  poor  American  shoemakers."  [Laughter.] 
The  next  man  is  a  spinner  of  yarn  or  a  weaver  of  cloth,  and  he  says  : 
"  Mr.  Mills,  you  say  we  ought  to  have  free  trade ;  that  we  oujht  to  be 
permitted  to  buy  our  clothes  wherever  we  want  to  and  wherever  we  can 
get  them  cheapest.  You  can  bay  vour  clothing  cheaper  in  England,  I  ba- 
lieve."  "Oh,  yes,"  says  Mr.  Mill^.  "Won't  you  tell  me,"  says  the 
American  clothman,  "  why  you  want  to  bay  your  clothing  in  England  ?  " 
"()i,  yes;  it  is  to  help  yoi  pD:)r  Aaadrioan  clothiers,"  says  Mr.  Mills. 
[Renewed  laughter]  And  here  comes  a  man  with  swarihy  brow  and 
borny  hand,  an  iron-worker,  who  says:  "  I  understand,  Mr.  Mills,  you 
want  to  buy  your  shovels  and  your  hoes  and  all  your  ironware  in 
England,  where  you  can  get  them  cheap."  "Oh,  yes,"  says  ilr.  Mills, 
"'  but  it  ii  all  for  the  b3nefit  of  vou  poor  Am3rican  iron-workers." 

Now,  Mr.  C;hairman,as  I  said  before,  while  I  do  not  believe  in  sending 
a  man  to  the  penitentiary  for  preaching  free  trade,  yet  when  a  man  stands 
up  here  and  talksfree  trade, and  says  that  hedjes  itall  f>r  the  benefit  of 
American  workingmen,  I  do  think  he  ought  to  be  sent  down  for  six 
months  twice  a  year  for  fifty  years  for  hypocrisy.  [Liughter  on  the  Re- 
publican side.]    [See  also  No.  OJ-',*:-,.] 

— >L\soN,  Record,  4S30. 

0. 

Calhoun  and  Protection. 

No.  71. — It  was  then  that  Mr.  Calhoun,  the  representative  of  South 
Carolina,  appeared  upon  this  floor  as  the  earnest  and  able  champion  of 
the  protective  svstem.    lie  found  the  agricultural  interests  of  his  own 

4o 


(JAN 


S'Jite  suffering  in  competifion  with  India,  and  the  fact  was  cited  by  a 
gjntlemaa  speaking  of  that  competition,  that  it  wan  iu  vain  for  our 
country  to  successfully  grow  cotton  and  weave  cotton  fabrics  in  competi- 
tion witia  India,  where  the  raw  material  was  4  pence  a  pound  and  the 
wages  of  the  laborer  in  weaving  4  pence  a  day. 

Against  the  destructive  influence  of  competition  with  India,  Mr.  Cal- 
houn, standing  in  his  place  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  advocated 
the  imposition  of  a  protective  tariff;  and  a  protective  tariff  was  levied 
upon  goods  imported  from  the  other  side. 

One  item  in  that  sctiedule  levied  a  duty  of  3  cents  a  pound  on  cotton, 
which  Wiis  about  75  per  cent,  of  the  cost  of  its  production  by  their  Indian 
competitor. 

— BuTTERwoRTH,  Record,  5392. 

Caii:i<!si*<«  bad  f'uitii  iu  keeping  treaty  obligations. 

X<>.  7.>. — ''Some  of  the  specific  counts  in  the  indictment  against 
Canada  may  be  briefly  mentioned.  By  an  order  of  council  a  rebate  of 
18  cents  per  ton  has  been  allowed  on  the  tolls  on  grain  passing  through 
the  Weliand  and  St.  Lawrence  canals,  if  shipment  be  made  to  Montreal. 
This  is  a  premium  offered  for  the  diversion  of  American  commerce  from 
American  seaports  and  transportation  lines.  This  is  an  open  infraction 
of  article  27  of  the  treaty  of  Washington,  and  should  be  met  by  the  im- 
mediate imposition  of  a  tonnage  tax  on  all  Canadian  vessels  passing 
through  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie  Canal.  In  like  manner  the  international 
arrangements  relating  to  the  transit  trade,  which  is  of  immense  value  to 
Canadian  corporations,  are  violated  in  Manitoba,  where  the  Dominion 
Government  refuses  to  allow  grain  to  be  shipped  in  bond  over  American 
railroads  to  Montreal.  For  five  years  Canada  has  failed  to  place  on  the 
free-list  various  articles  from  which  duty  was  entirely  taken  off  in  the 
United  States  when  the  tariff  was  revised ;  and  this  neglect  is  in  direct 
violation  of  an  act  passed  by  the  Dominion  Parliament  in  1879  providing 
for  reciprocity  in  this  respect  whenever  the  same  articles  should  be  ad- 
mitted from  Canada  without  payment  of  duty.  Other  instances  of  bad 
faith  are  given  in  connection  with  a  brief  summary  of  the  denial  of  com- 
mercial privileges  to  American  fishermen  in  Canadian  harbors. 

The  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter  is  this :  Canada  has  been  allowed 
to  impose  upon  the  forbearance  and  good  nature  of  the  United  States. 
The  restraints  of  international  law  and  the  engagements  of  reciprocal  com- 
pacts do  not  interfere  with  sharp  practice  by  which  temporary  advan- 
tages may  be  secured  for  the  commerce  of  the  Dominion.  The  ambitious 
designs  of  Canada  have  been  pursued  in  a  particularly  aggressive  spirit 
since  the  present  Administration  has  been  in  power  in  Washington. 

— Baker,  New  York,  Record,  4480. 

CaiiatSa— Farm  imports,   1880-'H7. 

\<>.  70. — The  cheaper  farm  labor  of  Canada  is  even  now  largely  able 
to  overcome  our  taritf  duties,  which  the  Canadians  pay  on  many  products 
and  then  compete  with  us.  For  instance,  the  following  imports  for  1880 
and  1887  will  show  the  quantity  and  also  the  increase : 


Imports. 


Cattle bead... 

Horses do 

Bbeep _ do 

Barley bushels... 

Eggs dozens... 

Hay tuns... 

Potatoes bushels... 

Wool pounds... 


4fJ 


1887. 


59,653 

2.">,525 

450,175 

10.351,895 

13,082.914 

78,255 

1,228,406 

1,010,123 


$1,080,645 

3  4  tl>,594 

1,215,437 

6,170.660 

1,930,844 

789,129 

339.163 

357,142 


1880. 


7,126,436 
7,662.008 


600,056 


In  1880  Canada  sold  into  the  United  States  nearly  $14,000,000  in  agri- 
cultural products,  and  in  1887  they  had  increased  to  $18,000,000.  When 
the  duty  is  removed  let  our  farmers  answer  how  much  more  these  im- 
portations will  cut  the  farmers'  home  market. 

— Hermann,  Record,  4765. 

Canada,  imports  Tront.    (See  Xo.  335.) 

Canada— Imports  to  L'nited  States— Fiirmcr's  protection. 

Xo.  77. — Some  sneeringly  tell  us  that  the  farmer  needn  no  protection, 
as  his  competitors  are  too  faraway  to  become  successful  rivals.  The  follow- 
ing table  disproves  this  assumption.  In  1880  Canada  alone,  after  pay- 
ing the  tariff  duties,  sent  into  the  United  States  agricultural  products 
amounting  to  nearly  $14,000,000,  and  in  1887  it  was  increased  to  nearly 
$18,000,000.  Take  off  the  duty  which  holds  them  in  check  and  the  prices 
for  products  of  the  farm  would  soon  be  forced  down,  running  the  loss  to 
our  farmers  up  to  tens  of  millions  of  dollars. 

Statement  showing  the  quantities  and  values  of  agricultural  products  imported 
into  the  United  States  from  the  Dominion  of  Canada  during  each  of  the  years 
ending  June  30,  1880  and  1887. 


Agricultural  products. 


1880. 


Quantity.        Value.        Quantity.        Value, 


Animals : 

Cattle number... 

Horses do 

Sheep do 

Another 


59,653 
25,52.5 
450,175 


$l,f86,C45 

H,430,594 

1,215,437 

114,837 


(*) 
(*) 

(*) 

(*) 


Total  animals I     5,847,513  j. 


Breadstuffs : 

B.irley bushels... 

Oats do 

Uvo do 

Wheat do 

All  other  breadstuCTs 


10,3.51,895 

8t5,2y<i 

18,408 

277,510 


6,170,060 

27,715 

10,718 

218,551 

103,864 


7.126,436 
489,364 
532,380 
451,712 


Total  breadstuff^ I      6,531,508  |. 


Eggs - dozen... 

Flax,  raw tons.. 

Fruits 

Uay ....! tons.. 

Malt,  barley ...bushels.. 


13,682,914 
1,682 


78,255 
206,203 


1,930,844 
298,079 
337,838 
789,129 
149,444 


7.662,068 
1,022 


Total  eggs,  etc | j      3.505,234 


Provisions : 

Meats , 

Butter pounds.. 

Checso.. do.. 

Milk 


234,756 
2,335 


123,788 

37,864 

424 

1,039 


Total  provielonB.. 


163,115 


(t) 

1,023,411 


Rice pounds- 
Seeds 

Spices pounds... 

Sugar,  brown do 

Molasses gallons.., 

Tobacco,  leaf pounds... 

Total  rice,  etc 


1,298,230 


11,473 
326,R18 

9'2.283 
419,450 


24,913 

9,793 

2,773 

2U,7S8 

20,129 

222,346 

300,474 


562,170 


31,500 

7,20l,8(r7 

367,P4;» 

59,010 


(*) 

(*; 
(*) 


$3,628,300 


4.527,?I82 

152,495 

37:!  13.5 

615  S'S 

05,294 


5034.134 


894, :U9 
155,999 
113,402 

829,407 


(•; 


666,193 


15,146 
90  975 

7,2:i9 

.38J.7HI 

'.i:i,.5n:( 

24,184 


47 


CAN 


Statement  shauring  the   quarUUies   and  values  of  agricultural  product»,et\~- 

Continued. 


ucts. 

1887. 

1880. 

Agilcuiwrai    prod 

Quantity. 

Value. 

Quaatlty, 

Valu«. 

Vegetables : 

bushels... 

597,741 
1,228,405 

556,430 
339,163 
91.639 

327.271 
660,056 

272,084 

do 

177.755 

987,232 

449  839 

pouuds... 

1,010,123 

357,142  j      4,076,665 

1,051,389 

li57,142 



17.692.586 

13,838  .%;3 

•  Not  staled  separa'el 

•■ 

t  Not  staled. 

WM.  F.  SWITZLER, 

Chief  of  Bureau. 

Tbeasubt  Depabtmest,  BnBEAc  OF  Statistics,  March  7, 1883. 

— Henderson,  Iowa,  Record,  3681. 

Canada  lifted  by  protective  duties. 

'So.  7*». — We  may  learn  from  our  adversary  a  lesson — England 
preaches  to  us  free  trade;  but  just  across  our  border  we  have  the  Cana- 
€ian  provinceB,  a  part  of  the  British  Empire.  But  a  short  time  since 
they  were  neither  prosperous  nor  independent. 

They  demanded  of  the  home  government  parliamentary  powers  and 
independence,  and  secured  them  ;  and  then,  following  in  the  footsteps  of 
the  Americans,  adopted  their  protective  system,  and  put  up  the  barriers 
against  British  free  trade.  They  copied  almost  entire  the  protective 
schedule  of  the  Americans.  Now  a  British  vessel  coming  into  Canadian 
waters  is  met  at  the  wharf  by  an  officer  of  customs  and  pays  the  same 
duty  substantially  as  if  she  came  into  American  waters  and  to  an  Ameri- 
can wharf.  As  a  consequence,  Canada  is  growing  great  and  strong, 
manufacturing  establishments  are  springing  up  all  over  the  land,  no 
longer  rotting  wharves,  no  longer  dying  cities  and  villages,  but  thrift  and 
independence,  and  strength,  and  the  promise  of  future  great  advance- 
ment. 

Australia  has  followed  the  lead  of  the  protective  syetem,  and  another 
English  province  has  closed  its  doors  and  guarded  its  wharves  against 
English  free  trade. 

— Kennedy,  Record,  4.358. 

<'anada,    .Mills    bill    favorable    to— Report   of  Sir   C'harles 
Tupper. 

Xo.  71).— I  say  that  under  this  bill  which  has  been  introduced,  and 

which,  1  believe,  will  pass,  for  it  does  not  require  two-thirds  of  the  Senate 
where  th"*  Republican  majority  is  only  one  in  the  whole  House  to  pass 
this  bill,  it  requires  a  majority  of  one  only,  and  I  am  very  sanguine  that 
this  bill  will  pass  during  tti3  present  session.  Modified  it  may  be,  but  I  am 
inclined  to  think  the  amendments  will  be  still  more  in  the  interests  of 
Canada  than  as  the  bill  stands  to-day. 

If  this  is  the  case  I  think  we  may  congratulate  ourselves  upon  securing 
the  free  admission  of  our  lumber,  upon  which  was  paid  during  the  last 
48 


CAN 


year  no  less  than  $1,315  450.  On  copper  ore,  made  free  by  the  Mills  bill, 
^ve  paid,  or  there  was  paid — to  make  it  meet  the  views  of  the  honorable 
gentlemen  opposite  more  correctly — $9(VJ-1-'- 

On  salt  $21,992  duty  was  paid.  Thid  is  rendered  free  by  the  Mills  bill, 
I  am  sorry  to  find,  as  I  hoped  would  be  the  case  from  the  first  copy  of 
the  bill  that  came  to  me,  that  potatoes  were  not  inclu.led  in  vegetables. 
I  am  sorry  to  find  there  is  a  doubt  as  to  whether  the  terra  "  vegeta- 
bles '  not  specially  enumerated  will  not  exclude  potatoes.  In  grappling 
with  this  policy  of  making  the  natural  products  of  the  two  countries  free, 
you  do  not  expect  any  person  who  wants  to  carry  a  bill  to  put  a  heavier 
load  upon  his  shoulders  than  he  is  able  to  carry,  lest  he  may  break  down 
and  do  nothing.  You  expect  him  to  take  it  in  detail,  and,  as  I  believe, 
you  will  find  the  policy  contained  in  this  bill  of  making  those  natural 
products  of  Can^da  free  carried  out  until  you  have  perfect  freedom  of 
intercourge  between  the  natural  products  of  Canada  and  the  United 
estates.  Of  wool  we  sent  last  year  1,319,309  pounds  of  one  kind  and  a 
variety  of  other  kinds,  upon  which  a  duty  was  paid  to  the  extent  of 
$183,852.  Now,  as  I  say,  on  articles  of  prime  importance  and  interest  to 
Canada  the  removal  of  duty  by  the  Mills  bill  amounts  to  no  less  than 
511,800,103. 

In  the  measure  I  submit  I  believe  will  be  found  a  bill  of  vital  impor- 
tance to  Canada  to  pass. 

— Jackson,  Record,  G205. 

Canada — Mills  bill  favorable  to. 

Xo.  80. — Every  one  of  our  farm  products  is  fenced  out  of  Canada  by 
her  protective  laws,  but  this  bill  proposes  to  let  all  of  her  goods  enter  our 
ports  free.  I  enumerate  a  number  of  the  farm  products  with  the  Cana- 
dian tariflf,  the  United  States  tariff,  and  the  proposed  rating  bv  the  Mills 
bill : 


Articles. 


Canadian  rate. 


Potatoes 

Beans 

Peaae 

Tomatoes 

All  other  vegetables.  In- 
cluding sweet  potatoes. 

Plums 

Currants 

Peppermint  and  other  es 
soutlal  oils. 

1!1  idling 

ii.h'Us 

Broiims 

I',rualie3 

Flux  (raw) 

ilax  (hackled) 

T.>w 


10  cents  per  bushel 

1"' cents  per  bushel 

10  cents  per  bushel..... 

30  cents  per  bushel 

20  percent 


1  cent  per  pound. 

1  cent  per  pound.. 

20  percent 


2.5  per  cent 
20  per  cent 
2.5  percent 

2.5  percent 25  percent, 

S20  per  ton ;  $20  per  ton 


United  States  rate. 


15  cents  per  bushel., 

10  percent 

10  to  20  percent , 

10  percent 

10  per  cent 


1  cent  per  pound Free. 

1  cent  per  pound Free. 

25  per  cent |  Free. 


Mills  rate. 


Free. 
Free. 
Free. 
Free, 
Free, 


$40  per  ton '  $40  per  ton., 

$10  per  ton $10  per  ton. 


25  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

20  per  cent I  Free. 

25  per  cent I  20  per  cent. 

;  20  per  cent, 

1  Free. 


Free. 
Free. 


— OwioN,  Record,  .5551, 
Canada  repudiates  KuKliiiib  i'roe  trade. 

Xo.  81.— Why,  even  Canada,  a  dependency  of  free-trade  England,  is 
too  wise  to  favor  t'le  false  doctrines  of  her  mother. and  has  rejected  her 
teachings,  and  to-day  is  prosperous  under  a  protective  system  which  .she 
in  the  main  borrowed  I'rom  us.  I  wish  every  citizen  might  read  the 
budget  speech  of  the  minister  of  finance  in  Canada,  and  contrast  it  with 
that  of  my  honored  but  misguided  friend  from  Texas,  On  the  12th  of 
May,  1887,  in  the  Commons,  Sir  Charles  Tiipper,  in  speaking  of  a  pre- 
vious period  in  the  history  of  Canada  under  free  trade,  said  : 

iv  49 


CAN 

"When  the  lan^,'niHhing  in-lastries  of  Canada  embarragsed  the  finance' 
minister  of  that  day,  when  instead  of  lar^e  surplus  large.  deficitB  euc- 
ceeded  year  after  year,  the  opposition  urged  upon  that  honorable  gentle- 
man that  he  Hhould  endeavor  togive  increased  protection  to  the  industries 
of  Canada,  which  would  prevent  tnem  from  thus  languishing  and  being 
destroved.  We  were  not  succesBful — I  will  not  say  in  leading  the  hon- 
orable'genfleman  himself  to  the  conclusion  that  that  would  be  a  sound 
policy,  for  I  have  some  reason  to  believe  that  he  had  many  a  misgiving 
on  that  question — but  at  all  events  we  were  not  able  to  change  the  policy 
of  the  gentleman  who  then  ruled  the  destinies  of  Canada.  As  is  well 
known,  that  became  the  great  issue  at  the  subsequent  general  election  of 
1878,  and  the  Conservative  party  being  returned  to  power,  pledged  to 
promote  and  foster  the  industries  of  Canada  as  far  as  they  were  able, 
brou>4ht  down  a  policy  through  the  hands  of  my  honored  predecessor, 
Sir  Leonard  Tilley,  *  *  *  and  I  have  no  hesiiatlon  in  saying  that 
the  success  of  that  policy  thus  propounded  and  matured  from  time  to 
time  has  been  such  as  to  command  the  support  and  confidence  of  a  large 
portion  of  tlie  people  of  this  country  down  to  the  present  day." 

Under  this  system  he  proceeds  to  show  that  Canada  has  enjoyed  a 
prosperity  the  like  of  which  she  never  enjoyed  before,  and  then,  insteafl 
of  recommending  a  reduction  of  duties,  proposes  the  increase  of  duties 
upon  certain  foreign  merchandise,  to  the  end  that  Canadian  industries 
mav  be  fostered  thereby. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4757. 

Canada  TarifTLiaws. 

Xo.  82. — Canada  now  collects  duties  upon  a  number  of  American- 
y)roduct8,  while  our  tariff  laws  admit  Canadian  products  of  like  kind 
free  of  duty.  This  she  has  been  doing  for  many  years,  although  by  her 
tariff  of  1878,  chapter  83,  section  9,  it  is  provided  : 

"  That  any  or  all  of  the  following  things — that  is  to  say,  animals  of  all 
kinds,  green  fruit,  hay,  bran,  seeds  of  all  kinds,  vegetables,  including  po- 
tatoes or  other  roots,  plants,  trees,  and  shrubs,  coal  and  coke,  salt,  hops, 
wheat,  peas,  and  beans,  barley,  rye,  oats,  Imlian  corn,  buckwheat  and  all 
other  grain,  flour  of  wheat  and  flour  of  rye,  Indian  meal  and  oatmeal  and 
flour,  or  meal  of  any  otlier  kind,  butter,  cheese,  fish,  salt  or  smoked  ;  lard,, 
tallow,  meats,  either  salted  or  smoked,  and  lumber — may  be  imported 
into  Canada  free  of  duty,  or  at  a  less  rate  of  duty  than  is  provided  by 
this  act  by  proclamation  of  the  governor-general  in  council,  which  may 
issue  whenever  it  appears  to  his  satisfaction  that  similar  articles  from 
Canada  may  be  imported  into  the  United  States  free  of  duty,  or  at  a  rate 
of  duty  not  exceeding  that  payable  on  the  same  under  such  proclamation 
when'imported  into  Canada." 

Some  of  the  articles  above  named  are  already  on  our  free-list,  and  yet 
they  are  dutiable  under  Canadian  laws,  and  no  proclamation  of  reci- 
procity has  yet  been  made  by  the  governor-general  •  and  it  is  proposed 
under  this  bill  to  increase  the  free-list  with  farm  proQucta,  upon  which  a 
high  tariff  is  now  levied  by  the  Canadian  law. 

llow  long  will  the  rate  of  agricultural  wages  be  continued  in  tne 
United  States  under  such  legislation  ?  What  sort  of  reciprocity  is  this  ? 
This  will  be  a  direct  benefit  to  the  Canadian  farmer  and  a  most  serious 
blow  to  the  American.  The  whole  bill  has  that  tendency,  and  seems  to 
be  subject  to  the  criticism  that  it  was  framed  to  benefit  other  countries 
rather  than  our  own. 

—House  Rep.  1496, 1-50  (Tarifl),  p.  19. 

Canada  vct;etublo*<  and  erain: 

Xo.  s;i. — Cana'la  sells  o,OOo,<iOO  bushels  of  rve  into  our  conntrv  every 
year.     In  IS'^7  we  imported  18,000,000  dozen  eggs  and  4,000,000  bushels 

50 


CAN— CAR 

of  potatoes.  In  spite  of  the  farmers'  taritl"  we  last  year  imported  $57,- 
000,COO  worth  of  his  products.  The  present  bill  proposes  to  strike  down 
his  protection  and  leave  him  defenseless  before  competition. 

— Owen,  Record,  5551. 

Canada  waiitN  t'lovolaiifl  oloofod: 

]Vo.  ^»  1. — No  wonder  the  Montreal  Gazette,  in  discu&sing  oar  coming 
elections,  recently  expressed  an  earnest  desire  that  President  Cleveland 
might  be  re-elected,  with  a  Democratic  Congress,  giving  these  reasons 
for  its  choice : 

"  Canadian  people  have  a  special  and  deep  interest  in  the  Presidential 
contest  in  the  United  States.  *  *  *  The  fishery  treaty  might  possibly 
be  ratified  by  the  Senate,  if  ^Ir.  Cleveland's  administration  is  apprf)veci 
by  the  people.  *  *  *  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  chances  of  its 
ultimate  acceptance  will  be  greatly  increased  if  Mr.  Cleveland's  adminis- 
tration is  indorsed. 

"There  is,  however,  an  even  more  important  reason  why  Canadians 
should  wish  for  the  success  of  Mr.  Cleveland.  The  great  issue  of  the  day 
among  our  neighbors  is  tarifl' reform.  *  *  *  Mr.  Cleveland's  succes's 
meaning  the  passage  of  the  Mills  bill,  and  the  passage  of  the  Mills  bill 
meaning  a  free  market  in  the  United  States  for  our  lumber,  wool,  iron 
ore,  salt,  and  some  other  products,  Canadians  will  watch  with  deep  in- 
terest the  progress  of  the  campaign  and  the  final  outcome." 

What  makes  this  treatment  of  Northern  farmers  more  unjust  is  the 
fact  that  the  Mills  bill  imposes  OS  per  cent,  on  sugar  to  protect  Louisiana 
and  100  per  cent,  on  rice  to  protect  South  Carolina  rice. 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  G757. 
Canadian  reciprocity  with  Cuited  States. 

Xo.  H5. — Mr.  President,  must  it  not  seem  strange  to  the  farmers  of 
this  country  that  we  should  be  importing  every  year  large  quantities  of 
beans,  peas,  potatoes,  cabbage,  eggs,  hay,  and  other  articles  of  food  for 
man  and  beast?  But  this  we  do  in  spite  of  the  fact  we  possess  a  surplus 
of  these  articles  after  supplying  all  demands  for  home  consumption. 
The  present  tariff  allows  plants,  trees,  shrubs,  vines  of  all  kinds,  seeds  of 
all  kind«i,  and  eggs  to  be  imported  free  of  duty.  Cannot  our  farmers, 
nursery-men,  and  seedsmen  supp'y  all  of  these  articles  that  we  need? 
Of  course  they  can.  But  do  they  do  it?  Whv,  from  Canada  alone  there 
was  sent  into  the  United  States  of  these  articles  in  the  year  18S5  $l,s;n,- 
000  worth  ;  in  18S«?;i,72S,00O:  in  1S87  *1,827,C00;  making  an  aggregate 
for  the  three  years  of  ^i'.IJSOOOO. 

And  this  was  done  while  Canada  was  collecting  customs  duties  on  like 
articles  sent  into  that  country  from  the  United  States,  notwithstanding 
she  had  agreed  by  the  statute  of  May  15, 187!',  thatshe  would  admit  such 
products  imported  from  this  country  on  the  same  terms  that  we  should 
admit  those  sent  by  her  to  us.  And  thus  we  see  that  it  is  not  only  the 
rights  of  American  fishermen  that  Canada  has  been  disregarding,  but 
also  those  of  our  farmers,  nursery-men,  and  seedsmen.  And  now  the 
President  and  his  supporters  propose  to  enlarge  our  agricultural  free-list, 
and  thus  allow  Canada,  as  well  as  all  other  countries,  to  reap  still  greater 
advantages  at  the  expense  of  our  farmers. 

—Senator  Wilson,  Iowa,  Record,  2871. 

Capital  and  ialM»r.    (See  JSo.   101.) 
4'arlisle  answore*!.    (See  No.  557.) 

Car  wiioels,  cost  of. 

IVo.  80. — But  I  have  another  statement  here.  lie  gives  an  instance 
of  the  cost  of  a  car-wheel, and  usee  the  following  language: 

51 


CAR 

"Here  is  a  car- wheel  weighing  .")00  pounds;  cost,  $13;  labor  cost,  85 
cents;  tariil"  rate,  l.'A  cents  per  pound,  equivalent  to  .$12.50,  to  cover  a 
labor  cost  of  s.')  cents  I  Why,  Mr.  ( "hairuian,  these  laborers  of  ours  ought 
•o  get  imuiensely  rich  if  they  could  get  all  that  Congresp  votes  to  them, 
if  the  manufacturers  did  not  stop  the  bounties  intended  by  the  Cjovern- 
ment  to  reach  the  pockets  of  the  wcrkingmen." 

Now,  here  is  not  only  an  implication  from  him,  but  a  direct  statement 
that  the  balance  of  the  cost  over  and  above  85  centg  for  the  labor  goes 
into  the  manufacturers'  pockets. 

I  have  three  statements  here  made  by  manufacturers  of  cast-iron  car- 
wheels  in  America,  and  I  find  here  that  the  cost,  instead  of  being  .'^13,  as 
Mr.  Mills  says,  ranges  from  .$7.50  to  $8.25.    One  manufacturer  says: 

"Tub  J.\(  kson  &  Woodin  Manufacturing  Company, 

"  BervAck,  Columbia  Comity,  Pennsylvania,  May  4,  1888. 

"Dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  2Sth  ultimo  received.  We  regret  the  delay 
in  answering.  We  notice  Mr.  Mill's  extravagant  statement  and  are  glad 
to  give  you  the  information  you  desire. 

"The  cost  of  car-wheels  is  nearly  all  made  up  of  labor,  as  follows: 
Cutting  wood,  burnine  charcoal,  and  furnace  labor  on  iron  sufficient  to 
make  one  wheel.  $ii.25 ;  digging  coal  to  melt  iron  in  cupola,  10  cents; 
labor  getting  sand  for  molding.  10  cents;  molding  and  handling  the 
wheel  in  foundry,  it5  cents;  total,  .$7.40.  This,  of  course,  allows  nothing 
for  the  interest,  insurance,  and  othcc  labor,  which  would  be  fully  40 
<;ents,  or  a  total  of  $7..sO.  The  only  item  in  the  wheel  cost  that  is  not 
labor  would  be  the  royalty  on  the  ore  of  25  cents  on  a  wheel.  A  500- 
pound  wheel  to-day  is  freely  ottered  for  from  $7.50  to  $8.25,  according  to 
•  luality.  We  should  like  to  have  an  order  for  a  very  large  number  of 
wheels  at  the  latter  price,  and  will  agree  to  make  as  good  a  wheel  as  can 
be  made  in  this  or  any  other  country,  and  we  think  our  reputation  in 
this  line  is  ecjual  to  the  best.  It  might  be  well  for  you  to  sugtrest  to 
friend  Mills  that  we  should  like  to  have  some  of  his  orders  at  $13  .50 
apiece,  and  we  would  be  glad  to  pay  him  a  commission.  He  could  prob- 
ably make  more  money  this  way  than  he  could  in  the  House.  Shall  be 
glad  to  give  you  any  further  information  you  want. 

"  Yours,  truly,  C.  H.  Zehnder,  Secretary." 

— Kennedy,  Record,  4359. 

<'»rpets. 

\o.  S7. — The  manufiicture  of  carpets  in  the  United  States  has  been 
largely  developed  during  the  period  of  the  high  tariff.  We  now  success- 
fully compete  with  the  best  manufacturers  of  Europe,  in  Brussels,  ingrain, 
Wilton,  Axminster,  Venetian,  tapestry,  velvet,  cottage,  and  Dutch  car- 
ptrts,  as  well  as  rugs,  druggets,  lastings,  and  serges.  The  country  has  in- 
vested a  cai)ital  of  twenty-two  millions  of  dollars  in  these  manufactures 
of  wool,  which  ^ve  employment  to  twentv-one  thousand  people,  whose 
wanes  are  upwarl  of  seven  millions  of  dollars  annually. 

The  materials  used  include  thirty-live  million  pounds  of  foreign  wool, 
two  million  pounds  of  domestic  wool,  twenty-five  million  pounds  of 
scoured  wool,  inclusive  of  waste  and  shoddy,  besides  about  fifty  million 
pounds  of  mohair  and  camel's  hair.  These  materials,  together  with 
•ihemicals,  dye  stuffs,  etc.,  cost  the  manufacturers  about  twenty  millions 
A  year,  and  the  finished  product  sells  for  about  thirty-three  inillions  of 
dollars. 

In  this  industry  the  New  F.ngland  States  have  invested  eight  millions 
of  dollars,  more  than  one-thinl  of  the  whole,and  they  give  employment 
to  five  thousand  people,  paying  them  over  three  millions  of  dollars  an- 
ntially.    They  use  nearly  one-half  of  the  foreign  wool,  thus  being  the 


CAR— CHE 

heaviest  tariff  payers,  and  also  use  almost  one-half  of  the  scoured  wool. 
Their  annual  production  is  worth,  at  wholesale  price?,  over  ten  millions 
of  dollars,  or  nearly  one-third  of  the  total  product  of  the  country. 

— Ctali.inger,  Record,  3690. 

Carpets— Ro<lnction   in  price  ol". 

'So.  88. — Particularly  is  this  so  with  reference  to  any  commodity  the 
manufacture  of  which  was  not  attempted  in  this  country  prior  to  1801, 
and  which  was  really  created  by  the  taritl'  of  ISGl.  1  have  at  this  mo- 
ment in  mind  the  carpet  industry  in  its  liner  grades,  almost  entirely 
developed  in  this  country  within  twenty-five  years.  Body  Brussels  sold 
within  the  recollection  of  all  before  me  but  a  few  vears  ago  in  crude 
colors  and  wretched  designs  for  ^2.75  to  ^o  '■>()  per  yanf,  while  to-day  you 
can  buy  the  best  Brussels  from  the  finest  looms,  with  the  most  delicate 
colors,  the  most  original  and  charming  designs,  for  $1.2'3  p-^r  yard  ;  while 
for  those  who  do  not  buy  Brussels,  but  prefer  the  tasty  ingrains,  there 
has  been  the  same  advantage,  and  they  buy  to-day  at  75  cents  per  yard 
what  they  paid  $1.35  to  $1.50  for  but  a  few  years  ago. 

— Allen,  Massachusetts,  Record,  3842. 

Cement— Reduction  in  price. 

So,  81>. — The  reduction  in  the  price  of  foreign  cement  in  the  Ameri- 
can market,  which  fell  from  $4  in  1870,  when  American  Portland  began 
to  be  manufactured,  to  $1  85  and  $2  in  1887,  when  American  competition 
became  stronger,  is  evidence  of  the  fact  that  foreign  makers  with  cheap 
labor  are  selling  their  goods  here  lower  than  at  home  to  hold  the  mar- 
ket, and  are  driven  even  to  undervaluation  to  maintain  their  hold  in  face 
of  the  American  competition  which,  thougli  but  a  small  industr>',  is 
slowly  becoming  established.  2so  reduction  of  the  duty  can  safely  be 
made  in  this  case  without  doing  a  great  injury  to  a  native  industry,  rep- 
resenting, in  all  its  branches,  many  millions  of  dollars  and  some  ten  or 
twelve  thousand  laborers. 

— SowDKx,  Pennsylvania,  Record,  6323. 

Cereals.  1860--80. 

So.  IMK— In  1800  the  total  production  of  cereals  of  all  kinds  in  the 
United  States  was  1,'.  30,000,000  bushels;  in  18S0,  2.700,('00,000  bushels. 
The  Agricultural  Report  shows  that  the  production  in  18S7  amounted  to 
3,000,000,000  bushels  of  grain  of  various  kinds. 

—Senator  Telleb,  Record,  2204. 

Cheap  bn.vins  not  always  best.    (See  No.  73.) 
Cheap,  cheaper,  vs.  Ketter  prices. 

So.  iil. — Tlie  Mills  bill  makes  its  chief  assaults  upon  the  farmer,  and 
curiously  enough  scarcely  one  of  its  advocates  has  failed  to  pose  as  the 
champion  of  agriculture. 

It  takes  protection  from  his  wools,  his  flax,  and  other  proilucts  he  has 
to  sell,  puts  them  on  the  free-list,  and  makes  dutiable  all  he  has  to  buy. 
It  cheapens  what  the  former  has  to  sell,  but  not  what  he  has  to  buy. 

As  in  all  history  it  is  diilicult  to  tind  tyranny,  however  brutal;  nlavery, 
however  wickerl ;  crimes,  however  revolting;  oppres.oion,  however  hide- 
ous, that  did  not  exist  ami  were  not  maintained  in  the  name  of  liberty  ; 
so  now  agriculture  is  to  be  destroyed,  niannfactures  repressed,  labor 
pauperized  in  the  name  of  the  public  welfare.     [Applause.] 

Manufacturers  are  told  that  the  absence  of  protection  will  be  more  than 
compen<«ited  by  cheap  labor  and  cheap  raw  material.  Labor  is  told  there 
will  be  an  increased  demand  for  it,  cheaper  food,  cheaper  clothing,  and 


CHE 

cheaper  shelter  for  it,  and  therefore  marvelous  advantages  to  it,  even  if 
Babjected  to  free  and  unrestricted  competition  with  the  ill-paid  and  de- 
graded labor  of  the  Old  World. 

The  fartners  are  told  tliat  they  will  get  more  for  their  breadstuffs  be- 
cause the  markets  of  the  world  will  be  opened  to  them. 

—Ryan,  Record,  4826. 

Cheap  hiiyiuK  uol  our  mission. 

Xo.  «2.— I  should  like  to  know  why,  if  the  rule  is  that  it  is  the  func- 
tion of  statesmanship  to  make  it  possible  to  sell  where  you  can  sell 
dearest  and  buy  where  you  can  buy  cheapest,  I  would  like  to  know  at 
what  point  of  time  legislation  has  the  right  to  interfere  and  say  that  the 

rroducer  shall  not  hire  his  labor  at  as  low  a  price  as  others  are  hiring  it. 
conilemn  without  qualification  the  doctrine  which  the  gentleman  has 
announced.  It  is  heterodox  in  the  political  church  I  belong  to.  I  do 
not  believe  that  it  is  the  true  mission  of  statesmanship  in  America  to  buy 
where  we  can  buy  cheapest  and  sell  where  we  can  sell  dearest.  I  do  not 
believe  in  that  doctrine,  because  conditions  that  surround  the  laboring 
classes  in  this  country  are  widely  different  from  the  conditions  that  sur- 
round the  laboring  men  of  other  nations;  and  we  should  be  false  to  the 
position  we  have  taken  if  we  did  not  draw  a  line  of  di.stinction  between 
the  men  of  other  countries  and  the  men  of  this  country.  The  laboring 
men  of  America,  whether  farmers,  miners,  mechanics,  or  operators,  are 
not  to  be  judged  by  any  standard  of  comparison  brought  across  the  water. 
(See  also  No.  73.) 

— Grosvenor,  Record,  4G50. 

I'iioiip  eoH'ee  for  five  years  antler  tariff'.    (See  No.  1S8.) 
C  heap  Koods  don't  make  people  happy. 

>'o.  1)3. — The  greatest  advantage  of  protection,  however,  is  to  be  seen 
in  the  condition  of  labor  under  its  mantle.  Wages  are  not  only  higher 
than  in  England,  Ireland,  Italy,  Hungary,  Poland,  and  other  free-trade  or 
semi-free-trade  countries,  but  the  condition  of  the  laborer  is  infinitely 
more  bearable  and  hopeful.  He  may  live  comfortably  and  respected, 
and  he  may  educate  his  children  and  expect  them  to  become  worthy, 
useful,  and  leading  citizens.  They  are  eligible  to  all  places  under  the 
Government,  capable  of  any  business  enterprise,  and  m^y  hold  any  social 
position.  This  state  of  things  exists  only  where  protection  is  general, 
an(f  it  is  that  only  in  the  United  States.  Goods  are  cheap  in  Italy,  in 
Hungary,  and  in  Poland,  but  labor  is  cheaper,  and  the  laborer  cannot 
buy.  The  laboring  man  emigrates  from  free-trade  countries  to  protective 
ones,  not  from  protective  countries  to  free-trade  ones. 

—E.  B.  Taylor,  Record,  6931. 

<  heap  RoodM— Free  wool. 

\o.  1)1.— If  this  bill  (the  Mills  bill)  becomes  a  law,  and  such  protection 
to  wool  as  now  exists  is  lost,  it  cannot  be  po.ssible  that  fine  and  medium 
wool-raising  will  continue  in  this  country.  It  will  cease  to  exist,  and  the 
vast  capital  employed  in  that  business  will  be  mostly  lost.  Foreign  wool 
will  come  in  at  prices  so  low  as  to  drive  the  sheep  to  the  slaughter-house 
at  any  price  of  mutton.  But,  says  the  free-trader,  "  the  consumer  of 
woolen  goods  will  buy  cheaper."  Ah  I  there's  the  ruls.  Will  he?  When 
the  wool  syndicate  of  I^ndon,  which  controls  all  the  wools  of  the  world 
save  that  pnjduced  in  the  United  States,  finds  the  markets  of  America  in 
its  hands,  without  competition,  why  should  it  sell  at  low  i>rices?  It  will 
not,  and  wools  and  woolens  will  runge  higher  than  now,  and  the 
'"science"  of  political  economy  will  invent  some  new  lie  to  cover  the 
failure  of  its  prophecy. 

— E.  B.  Taylor,  Record,  6920. 
5-1 


CHE 

Cheap  labor. 

ZVo.  95.— Cheap  labor  is  a  national  curse.  Nay,  more,  it  is  barbarism 
itself.  Ill-paid  labor  means  a  degraded  standard  of  life.  Therefore,  well- 
paid  labor  and  its  attendant  consequences  are  to  be  desired  and  are  not 
to  be  feared.    (See  also  No.  132.) 

—From  Wages  Tract,  Tariff,  11. 

Cheap  laibor  not  our  wish. 

Xo.  90. — The  nation,  largely  through  the  efforts  of  American  labor, 
repudiating  the  principle  that  you  should  buy  or  procure  where  you 
can  buy  or  procure  the  cheapest,  prohibited  the  introduction  of 
cheap  Chinese  labor  as  destructive  to  the  interests  of  our  industrial 
classes  and  antagonistic  to  the  genius  of  our  civilization.  The 
Chinese  must  go ;  "  cheap  labor  is  not  our  shibboleth  or  belief " 
was  the  sentiment  which  crystallized  into  a  statute,  and  has  be- 
come a  settled  principle  in  our  laws.  Humanity  has  heart  and  soul  in 
its  movements,  and  the  decree  went  forth  that  the  cold  and  unfeeling 
rule  of  trade,  buy  labor  or  good.s  where  you  can  buy  the  cheapest,  should 
be  moderated  by  that  more  humane  and  Christian  rule,  "live  and  let 
live,"  Wealth  under  any  conditions  of  government  will  not  come  to  all, 
but  comfortable  living  should  be  within  the  reach  of  each  and  the  reward 
of  reasonable  and  continued  toil. 

— Seymour,  Record,  4413, 

Cheap  lauds  make  hi$;h  wages. 

Ao.  97. — But,  Mr,  Chairman,  brother  Nelson  says  that  the  tariff  has 
notiiing  to  do  with  high  wages,  but  that  cheap  lands  make  high  wages. 
How  about  Africa,  South  America,  Texas,  Canada,  etc.?  He  wants  wages 
dear  and  everything  else  cheap,  including  farm  products  or  food,  but  how 
he  is  going  to  bring  it  about  he  does  not  explain. 

— Brumm,  Record,  5220. 

Cheap  Living. 

Xo.  98. — The  cost  of  living  is  reduced  to  a  common  factor.  The  price 
fixes  the  condition.    Barbarism  is  the  condition. — Kd. 

<Clieap  living  in  England  compensates  for  low  wages. 

Ao.  99. — The  reckless  assertion  has  sometimes  been  made  that  the 
-cheaper  cost  of  living  in  Great  Britain  fully  compensates  for  the  lower 
rate  of  free- trade  wages.  In  the  thirty-tive  years  ending  in  1887,  4,222,000 
immigrants  from  the  British  Kingdom  came  into  the  UnitCil  States,  and 
their  action  brands  the  assertion  as  a  colossal  inveracity.  The  meaning 
of  this  is  further  accentuated  by  the  fact  that  the  total  number  of  foreign- 
born  residents  in  the  United  Kingdom  at  the  last  census  was  less  than 
the  half  of  1  per  cent,  of  the  population.  The  British  low-grade  wages 
and  living  breed  discontent  at  home,  and  attract  no  Americans,  but  ex- 
pelled last  year  281,487  of  their  own  subjects,  of  whom  72  per  cent  came 
to  the  United  States,  and  all  are  swift  witnesses  against  free-trade  fabrica- 
tions. 

The  wages  of  laboring  men,  beyond  all  dispute,  are  far  greater  in  the 
United  States  than  in  any  other  country  in  tlie  world,  and  the  cost  of 
subsistence  here  is  only  increased  by  ita  higher  grade  and  more  generous 
amount.  Undoubtedly  it  is  more  didicult  for  our  8ixty-two  million  of 
people  to  tind  profital»le  employment  in  ISSS  than  it  wa.s  for  thirty-live 
or  thirty-six  million  in  1S(')1,  and  the  ditliculty  would  be  greatly  aug- 
mented should  free  trade  or  the  policy  of  non-protection  ever  become 
dominant  in  tariff  legislation. 

—Senator  Morbill,  Record,  3020. 
55 


CHE 

(iH'apoiiiiiK  laltor  oiilianres  citpital. 

\«.  lOO.— Wliat  is  tbo  object  of  placinn  wool  on  the  free-list?  AVhaC 
is  the  object  of  the  pai?.sage  of  the  bill  itself?  My  friends  on  the  other 
side  of  the  House  claim,  and  I  will  not  impugn  their  motives,  that  it  i& 
to  reduce  the  price  of  jioods  and  products  to  the  consumer.  Ijai  me  say 
to  vou,  whenever  you  cheapen  the  products  of  labor  you  reduce  the  price 
of  labor  itaelf,  and'  you  cannot  avoid  it.  And  whenever  you  chen.pen- 
products  you  increase  the  purchasing  power  of  the  bonds  and  securiiies, 
the  money,  the  mortgages',  and  the  notes  held  throughout  the  country 
bv  rich  people.  If  you  cheapen  products  20  per  cent,  you  increase  the 
p'urchasmg  power  of  the  wealthy  to  the  same  extent.  Money  and  se- 
curities are  their  capital  stock,  their  wealth,  while  laboralone  constitutes 
the  capital  stock  of  the  poor.  You  do  not  increase  the  purchasing  power 
of  his  capital,  but  you  impair  it  by  compelling  him  to  submit  to  a  reduc- 
tion in  the  price  of  his  wages. 

—Caswell,  Record,  6749. 

Cheapness,  l.abor  fights  against. 

'So,  101. — The  chief  end  of  the  Democratic  tariflf  argument  is  uni- 
versal competition  and  cheap  goods.  Sir  Edward  Sullivan,  an  authority 
seldom  quoted  by  (  obdenites,  says  that  "  free  trade  means  untaxed  for- 
eign competition  :  that  foreign  competition  means  competition  in  cheap- 
ness ;  competition  in  cheapness  means  competition  in  cheap  labor ;  com- 
petition in  cheap  labor  means  competition  in  flesh  and  blood,  and  com- 
petition in  llesh  and  blood  is  slavery. 

Facilis  eM  descensus  Averni.     [Eisy  is  the  descent  to  hell.] 

It  has  cost  the  American  workmen  millions  of  dollars  in  wages  and 
lost  time  to  reach  the  vantage-ground  in  work  and  wages  which  they  now 
occupy.  The  capitalist  and  the  wage-earner,  the  employer  and  the  em- 
ploye, after  tierce  years  of  struggle  and  misunderstanding,  now  generally 
respect  and  consult  each  other's  interests.  What  benefits  one  benelite 
the  other.  Arbitration  is  supplanting  strikes  ;  co-operative  production 
will  succeed  arbitration,  as  co-operation  is  the  child  of  confidence.  He 
is  a  mean  workman  who  begrudges  his  employer  fair  remuneration  for 
his  capital,  and  he  ie  a  mean  employer  who  does  not  pay  a  fair  day's  wage 
for  a  fair  day's  work  ;  for  good  labor  at  good  wages  is  cheaper  than  poor 
labor  at  poor  wage?.     Professor  Tnonipson  says : 

"  The  lowest  wages  that  you  can  get  a  man  to  live  on  will  not  get  the 
best  work  out  of  him.  Put  a  whole  people  on  such  wages,  and  keep 
them  there,  if  you  can,  for  two  or  three  generations,  and  you  will  have 
crushed  the  energy,  the  spirit,  the  heart  out  of  that  people,  and  made 
them  a  very  inferior  and  unprofitable  class  of  workmen.  On  the  other 
hand,  wages  that  put  heart  and  hope  into  a  man,  that  make  him  feel  that 
his  personal  efforts  and  his  best  work  are  needed  to  keep  them  at  present 
rates,  that  offer  him  the  prospect  of  becoming  his  own  master  by  fru- 
gality, that  enable  him  to  educate  his  children  to  fill  a  place  like  his  own 
intelligently,  or  perhaps  to  rise  to  a  higher  place,  such  wages  are  in  the 
long  run  the  best  of  investments," 

— Farquhak,  Record,  4487. 

Cheese.    (See  No.  72.) 

<'hoini4-aI  In«lnstries. 

\o.  I02.— In  iscu  there  were  but  4  establishments  in  the  United 
Slates,  but  under  the  wise  system  of  protection  established  in  1880  they 
numbered  1,349.  The  number  of  people  employed  in  these  chemical 
industries  in  the  United  States  in  18C0  were  only  o,93C,  but  by  the  census 
of  1880  they  gave  employment  to  more  than  29,500. 
o6 


cm— CHO 

The  capital  invested  in  the  chemical  industries  in  the  United  States  in 
IStiO  was  a  little  over  $7,000,OOU.  In  1S80  there  was  invested  capital  in 
chemical  industries  in  this  country  of  more  than  Ss">,Oi):),000.  We  paid 
in  wages  in  1850  a  tritle  over  a  million  of  dollars,  but  in  1880  the  chemical 
industries  of  the  United  States  paid  nearly  $12,000,000  to  American  labor 
entxaged  in  them. 

The  material  used  iivthe  chemical  industries  of  the  United  States  in 
1850  was  a  tritie  over  eight  millions,  and  in  1880  we  -used  seventy-seven 
millions  of  material  in  our  chemical  industries.  We  produced  in  18")()  a 
trifle  over  fourteen  millions  of  chemical  products,  and  in  ISSO  we  pro- 
duced more  than  one  hundred  and  seventy  millions  of  products. 

And  this  industry  embraced  in  this  echedule  the  majority  of  this  com- 
mittee propose  to  strike  down,  and  the  gentleman  from  Arkansas  and 
others  nave  said  that  they  do  this  because  it  is  a  tax  on  the  consumers 
of  these  articles.  I  challenge  them  to  name  one  single  article  in  this 
schedule  which  cannot  be  purchased  cheaper  to-day  by  the  consumer 
than  before  the  tarifl'  was  imposed.  I  challenge  them  to  name  one  sin- 
gle article  in  this  schedule  that  is  not  now  produced  cheaper  than  before 
the  tariff  upon  it  was  imposed.    I  claim  there  is  not  one. 

— BuKROws,  of  Michigan,  Record,  G3;34. 

Cliinosc  labor  is  exclii4le<l  from   the    L^nitcd  States  upou 
the  same  principle  that  a  protective  tariff  is  euacted. 

Xo.  103. — What  would  be  the  necessity  of  excluding  the  Chinese  from 
our  shores  if  the  fruits  of  their  labor  in  China  are  permitted  to  come  in 
competition  with  the  fruits  of  American  labor?  What  is  to  prevent 
Chinese  shoemakers  (and  they  are  skilled  artisans)  from  flooding  our 
markets  with  hand-sewed  shoes  costing  a  few  cents  a  pair  and  annihilat- 
ing their  manufacture  in  Newark  and  elsewhere,  where  the  wholesale 
price  is  $5.50  per  pair  ?  The  answer  is,  nothing  put  a  high  protective 
duty. 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4003. 

Choate,  Rnfns,  on  protection  in  1842. 

Xo.  104. — The  Senator  from  Maine,  I  think,  said  that  up  to  1842  not 
eo  much  attention  had  been  paid  to  the  effect  of  a  protective  taritt'  upon 
the  laborer  of  the  country  as  to  the  developmentof  its  manufactures  ;  but 
I  have  never  known  the  matter  better  stated  than  by  Rutus  Choate  in  a 
speech  which  he  made  on  the  14th  of  March,  1842,  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  in  which  he  said  : 

"  But  this  I  am  ready  to  avow  ;  that  the  protection  of  American  labor, 
on  all  its  fields  and  in  all  its  forms,  is  to  be  kept  constantly  and  anxiously 
in  view  in  all  our  arrangements  ;  that  you  have  the  constitutional  power 
to  secure  that  protection,  and  that  you  are  bound  to  do  so,  regardless  of 
everything  and  everybody  but  the  Constitution,  justice,  and  a  true  and 
large  American  policy." 

If  these  words  had  been  spoken  in  1SS8  they  could  not  have  been  mere 
pertinent  to  the  situation.  I  pause  to  remark  that  if  when  Kufus  Choa'e 
delivered  that,  speech  in  the  Senate  in  the  year  1842,  aniuunoing  tli.i' 
the  object  of  this  protective  tarifl  was  (o  protect  labor  in  all  its  fields,  ;iiiy 
one  had  ventured  to  predict  tlie  marveluus  development  which  thisioti::- 
try  has  seen  from  the  year  1842  under  that  8ysf(  iii,  varied  as  it  has  b»v  n 
at  times,  but  generally  maintained,  he  would  have  been  put  down  as  .i 
chimerical  dreamer.  If  Kufus  Choate,  with  prophetic  vision,  had  dartd 
to  predict  what  his  policy  of  protection  would  do  for  America,  he  would 
have  been  laughed  at.    From  that  day  to  this  the  cause  of  protection  has 


CIV— CLA 

been  the  cause  of  labor.  No  nophistn',  no  railing  abont  manufactureB  can 
change  that  issue.  Under  the  American  system  of  protection  labor  has 
reached  its  highest  standpoint  in  the  history  of  mankind. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1055. 

CiTll  Service  Kerorm. 

Xo.  105. — INCRKASB  OF  OFFICE-HOLDEHS. 

There  is  another  matter  which  attracted  much  attention  in  the  politi- 
cal contest  of  four  years  ago.  The  orators  of  the  party  now  in  jjowcr 
dwelt  long  and  vociferously  over  the  appalling  fact  that  100,000  oHice- 
holders  were  running  the  country,  and  pointed  out  the  dangers  to  the 
nation  from  this  class.  The  present  Executive,  then  as  now  a  candidate, 
was  uneasy  over  this  force  of  servants  of  the  public,  and  alluded  to  the 
mischief  they  were  capable  of  performing.    . 

If  you  will' examine  Senate  Report  No.  507,  made  by  Senator  Cockrell, 
of  Missouri,  on  page  .'^  of  that  document  you  will  find  that  the  total  array 
of  "ollicers  and  employes  in  the  Feveral  branches  of  the  civil  nervice  ' 
reaches  the  startling  number  of  132,0721  If  this  ppecies  of  reform  con- 
tinues, ere  another  four  years  goes  by  the  office- holding  forces  of  this  Re- 
public will  become  a  vaguelj'  defined  host,  which,  like  Israel  of  old,  it  is 
forbidden  any  man  to  number.  And,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  grieve  to  say 
that  this  army  of  placemen  can  only  be  truthfully  described  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  present  Executive  as  "a  horde  of  ofiice-holders  with  a  zeal 
born  of  benetita  received  and  fostered  by  the  hope  of  favor  yet  to  come, 
ptantl  ready  to  aid  with  money  and  trained  political  service"  the  reform 
ticket  nominated  at  St.  Louis.  Here  are  132,072  officials  of  the  nation. 
Is  it  anv  wonder  the  executive  trembled  when  the  force  was  an  even 
100,000?  And  yet  the  addition  of  32,072  will  not  change  his  ideas  of  civil- 
eervice  reform,  or  that  of  the  party  with  which  he  is  identified,  including 
the  "  horde  "  spoken  of  by  the  President. 

— O'DoKNELL.  Record,  6833. 

Civilizations,    two   <ili!itiacU  iuvolvcd   in  free   trade.    (See 
\o.  1  :».>.) 

Clay  I*ipeN. 

>o.  lOO. — Mr.  Chairman,  there  were  leas  than  $17,000  of  duty  col- 
lected on  clay  pipes  last  year,  less  than  $48,000  worth  of  the  articles 
having  been  imported.  But  that  $4S,(t00  represented  nearly  the  whole 
trade  in  clay  pipes,  and  meant  the  taking  of  that  much  money  from  the 
pockets  of  the  working  people  of  this  countrj'.  More  than  95  per  cent, 
of  the  cost  of  clay  pipes  is  paid  for  labor,  and  doubtlesfl  for  this  reason 
the  importations  are  estimated  at  OS  i)er  cent,  of  the  whole  consumption, 
leaving  but  2  per  cent,  to  be  supplied  by  the  domestic  luarufacturer. 

In  my  district  is  a  pipe  factory  capable  of  turning  out  .']0,0(0  pipes  per 
day.  It  is  operate<l,  however,  but  one-third  or  one-half  of  the  time,  for 
the  simple  reason  tliat  its  employes  are  paid  double  the  wages  of  those 
in  the  pame  line  across  the  waters,  and  that  means  a  double  cost  to  the 
manufacturer,  for.  as  I  said,  nothing  but  the  question  of  labor  is  involved, 
the  clay  being  right  at  the  door  of  the  factory.  With  a  duty  of  even  25 
cents  per  gross  this  whole  market  for  their  labor  would  be  transferred  to 
the  American  workmen,  whilst  the  consumer  would  be  in  no  wise  in- 
juriously affected  thereby. 

The  cost  of  the  article  to  the  consumer  is  now  at  the  lowest  price  within 
the  medium  of  our  currency,  namely,  one  cent  per  piece  fc*  those  in 
meet  general  use. 

58 


CLE 

The  only  possible  tendency,  therefore,  of  tne  commiltee  a  provision 
would  be  to  exterminate  the  trade  in  this  country  altoiiether,  whilst  if 
the  amendment  I  propose  is  adopted  it  would  materially  help  our  people, 
and  hurt  no  one  wnose  interests  are  identical  with  ours. 

The  amendment  was  rejected — ayes  52,  noes  67. 

—Yost,  Record,  6947. 

Cleveland,  EueIaud*M  couipliiuout  to.    (See  No.  205.) 

ClevelanUN  Cabinet  and  I'roo- trade. 

Xo.  107.— But  let  us  in(iuirtj  whtther  or  not  there  ia  an  ultra  free- 
trader in  the  United  States  who  has  not  full  confidence  in  the  free-trade 
principles  of  the  present  Administration. 

The  Reverend  Professor  Perry,  of  Williams  College,  more  anxioup, 
perhaps,  to  be  known  as, tke  free-trade  leader  of  the  Democratic  party 
than  for  his  college  connection  with  the  "  Dismal  Science  of  Political 
Economy,"  says : 

"Secretary  Manning  has  done  for  free-trade  in  the  United  States  the 

?aat  year  more  ell'ective  work  than  any  other  man  in  the  country. 
ostmaster-General  Vilas  is  an  outspoken  and  an  undoubted  friend  of  a 
free  commerce.  President  Cleveland  will  go  as  fast  and  far  towards  that 
goal  as  the  people  and  Congress  will  permit  him." 

—Senator  Morrill,  Record,  3017. 

Cleveland  Cabinet — Manuiii;;*^  abMurdity. 

Xo.  108. — We  are  told  in  his  rei)ort  that  it  is  not  worth  while  to  reduce 
the  receipts  by  removing  $51,000,000  of  duties  from  sugar,  because  that  is 
only  90  cents  to  each  individual,  and  he  turns  from  that  to  the  removal 
of  $5,000,000  of  duties  upon  raw  wool,  which  is  only  8  cents  to  each  in- 
dividual, and  to  the  removal  of  the  duty  upon  ready-made  clothing,  that 
would  relieve  the  people  of  only  2  cents  per  capita.  If  it  be  any  reason 
why  we  should  retain  the  duty  on  sugar  that  it  is  only  90  cents  per 
capita,  is  it  any  reason  that  we  should  remove  the  duty  on  raw  wool 
that  it  is  only  S  cents  ner  capita,  or  upon  ready-made  clothing,  which  is 
only  2  cents  per  capita?  The  grand  climax  is  reached  in  the  single  sen- 
tence, printed  in  capitals : 

"UNTAX  THE  CLOTHINO  OF  SIXTT  MILLIONS  OP  PEOPLE." 

And  the  people  are  to  be  relieved  just  2  cents  each  in  the  clothes  they 
wear,  while  they  are  still  to  pay  90  cents  each  for  the  .sugar  on  their 
table,  and,  if  the  scheme  works  well,  in  addition,  "  2  cents  a  pound  tax 
on  coffee  and  half  as  much  from  tea." 

— Senator  Dawks's  speech,  December  13,  188G. 

<'Ieveland  <'abinet— No  protection. 

No.  low. — But,  sir,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  [Mr.  Manning]  has 
oome  into  the  field  ami  taken  an  ailvanced  position  in  this  content  against 
home  prote<Hion  and  labor.  Henceforth,  according  to  his  theories,  there 
is  to  enter  into  the  poli(;y  which  is  to  control  in  imposing  the  dutie:s  of 
the  future  no  idea  of  protection  to  American  industry.  Let  me  read  what 
hesavB: 

"The  true  ground  of  choice  among  articles  suitable  for  taxation  is  not 
the  circumstance  that  they  are  produced  at  home  or  imported  from 
abroad." 

Leaving  out  the  reasoning,  I  complete  his  statement : 

"The  true  ground  of  choice  is  that  .iiiiong  all  articles  thus  consumed 
within  our  own  borders  pome  are  better  8uit«<l  for  an  equitable  taxation 
than  others.    They  are  universally  consumf  d,  like  engar,  or  easilv  iilen- 


CLE 

tifieil.  like  cotfee.  or  their  consumption  may  be  safely  impeded,  like  di^- 
tilletl  spirits  or  fermented  li'iuors  or  tobacco,  or  they  are  luxuries,  likt 
winee,  silks  and  diamonds." 

He  even  lookj"  forward  to  the  time  when,  after  the  removal  of  what  h«? 
calls  the  war  taxe->  on  raw  material,  we  shall  live  in  the  elysium  of  Bni«- 
piyin^ralltiurexpendvlurHS  from  the  taxes  on  ''  whisky,  tobacco,  and  beer." 
though  perhaps  We  may  be  driven  back  to  )t:et ''  ten  millions  of  revenue 
from  two  cents  a  f>ound  on  coffee  and  half  as  much  from  tea." 

— Senator  D.\wes,  of  Massachusetts,  speech,  December  13,  ISSR. 

<°l<>v<>laii4l    conipur<Ml    to    other  Presidents    on    the    tariil' 
i<»sue. 

\<».  HO. — Mr.  Chairman,  every  period  of  protection  in  the  history  <>i 
our  couutry  has  ^iven  it  prosperity  ;  every  era  of  tarilf  for  revenue  han 
brou>:ht  to  it  disaster.  President  Oleveland'H  message  is  cited  in  this  de- 
bate as  worthy  of  our  serious  consideration,  as  a  text  from  the  political 
pospel  from  which  to  exhort.  Let  me  cite  you  from  the  me6.sage8  of  other 
Presidents.  Likely  they  were  not  .<is  profound  students  of  the  science  of 
pi  ilitical  economy  as  is  the  present  Executive,  but  they  certainly  were  as 
ardent  in  their  love  of  country  and  as  devoted  to  its  interests. 

President  Jackson  in  his  message  of  December  4,  1832,  said  : 

"  Our  country  presents  on  every  side  marks  of  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness, unequaled,  perhaps,  in  any  other  portion  of  the  world.  If  we 
fully  appreciate  our  comparative  condition,  existing  causes  of  discontent 
will  appear  unworthy  of  attention,  and  with  hearts  of  thankfalne.ss  to 
that  Divine  Being  who  has  filled  our  cup  of  prosperity,  we  shall  feel  our 
resolution  strengthened  to  preserve  and  hand  down  to  posterity  that  lib- 
erty and  that  union  which  we  have  received  from  our  fathers,  and  whicii 
constitute  the  source  and  shield  of  all  our  blessings.  *  *  *  The  re- 
jvirt  which  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  in  due  time  lay  before  you 
will  exhibit  the  national  finances  in  a  highly  prosperous  state." 

Remember,  if  you  please,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  tliis  epitome  was  written 
by  a  Democratic  President,  "of  Jefferaonian  simplicity,"  and  during  th«' 
highest  protection  period  of  our  history,  to  that  date.  After  that  came 
the  "revenue  only  tariff,"  the  compromise  tariff,  from  1833  to  1842.  By 
virtue  of  it  our  industries  were  paralyzed,  our  capital  unemployed,  our 
labor  idle.  Our  importers  were  busy,  and  foreign  manufacturers  sup- 
plied our  market :j.  Oar  own  establishments  for  manufacturing  were 
closed  and  our  connumers  paid  higher  for  necessities  than  ever  before. 
<  »iir  people  tasted  of  the  very  dregs  of  the  bitter  cup  of  "  revenue  reform." 
The  burden  was  greater  than  they  could  bear,  and  they  re-enacted  the 
protective  policy  in  1842.  This  is  what  President  Polk  said  of  the  situa- 
tion under  that  enactment.  I  read  from  his  message  of  December  8, 
1S40: 

"  .Since  your  last  session  no  afflicting  dispensation  has  visited  our 
countn.-;  general  good  health  has  prevailed;  abundance  has  crowned 
the  tod  of  the  husbandman;  and  labor  in  all  its  branches  is  receiv- 
ing an  ample  reward,  while  education,  science,  and  the  arts  are  rapidly 
enlarging  the  means  of  social  happiness.  The  progress  of  our  country 
in  her  career  of  greatness,  not  only  in  the  vast  extension  of  our  territo- 
rial limits  and  the  rapid  increase  of  our  population,  but  in  resources  and 
wealth,  and  in  the  happy  condition  of  our  people,  is  without  an  exam- 
ple in  the  history  of  nations." 

Then  came  the  repeal  of  the  act  of  1842.  Although  "  Polk  and  Dallas  " 
had  been  elected  as  friends  of  that  measure,  Dallas  cast  the  vote  that 
destroyed  it,  and  we  had  the  revenue  tariff  of  184G,  known  as  the  "Walker 
act."  From  another  like  it  "Good  Lord,  deliver  us."  A  few  years 
after  its  enactment,  and  while  it  was  still  in  force.  President  Fillmore 
69 


CLE 

said — I  quote  from  his  message  of  December  2,  ISol.  To  tlT^  T  particu- 
larly request  the  attention  oi  the  gentleman  from  Texas  [Mr.  Mills], 
who  stated  in  his  speecli  a  few  days  since  that  the  pa"sage  of  the  pend- 
ing hill  would  henetit  the  farmers  of  this  country  hy  stimulatin.L'  the  ex- 
portation of  grain.     President  Fillmore  said: 

"  The  value  of  our  exports  of  breadstuffs  and  provision*,  which  it  was 
supposed  tlie  incentive  of  a  low  tariff  and  large  importations  from  abroad 
would  have  greatly  augmented,  has  fallen  from  ^G8,701,021  in  1847,  to 
$l!(>,051,:;7.';  in  iS.'iO,  and  to  $21,S4S,(m.'',  in  ISo],  with  a  strong  probability, 
amounting  almost  to  a  certainty,  of  a  still  further  reduction  in  the  cur- 
rent year.  *  *  *  The  policy  which  dictated  a  low  rate  of  duties  on 
foreign  merchandise,  it  was  thought  by  those  who  promoted  and  estab- 
lished it,  would  tend  to  benelit  the  farming  population  of  this  country 
by  increasing  the  demand  and  raising  the  price  of  agricultural  products 
in  foreign  markets.  The  foregoing  facts,  however,  seem  to  show  incon- 
testably  that  no  such  result  has  followed  the  adoption  of  this  policy." 

Again  do  I  quote  from  President  Fillmore,  from  his  message  of  Decem- 
ber (5,  1852: 

"Without  repeating  the  arguments  contained  in  my  former  meSvSage 
in  favor  of  discriminating  protective  duties  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  call 
your  attention  to  one  or  two  other  considerations  affecting  this  eubject. 
The  first  is  the  effect  of  large  importations  of  foreign  goods  upon  our 
currency.  Most  of  the  gold  of  California,  as  fast  as  it  is  coined,  finds  ita 
way  directly  to  Europe  in  payment  for  goods  purchased.  In  the  second 
place,  as  our  manufacturing  establishments  are  broken  down  Ijy  compe- 
tition with  foreiguers,  the  capital  invested  in  them  is  lost,  thousands  of 
honest  and  industrious  citizens  are  thrown  out  of  employment,  and  the 
farmer  to  that  extent  is  deprived  of  a  home  market  for  tha  sale  of  his 
surplus  produce.  In  the  third  place,  the  destruction  of  our  munufact- 
ures  leaves  the  foreigner  without  competition  in  our  market,  and  he 
consequently  raises  the  price  of  the  article  sent  here  for  sale,  as  is  now 
seen  in  the  increased  cost  of  iron  imported  from  England." 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  inevitable  result  of  a  tariff  for  revenue  followed. 
The  condition  of  our  country  was  most  deplorable,  sad  beyond  descrip- 
tion. If  my  friends  on  the  other  side  take  exceptions  to  my  citations 
from  President  Fillmore, because  he  did  not  agree  with  them  politically, 
nor  believe  in  the  doctrine  that  they  now  advocate,  I  beg  them  to  re- 
member that  I  have  also  quoted  Presidents  Jackson  and  Polk  to  the  like 
effect,  and  surely  their  testimony  should  be  "gilt-edged  "  to  my  Bourbon 
friends  of  the  Cleveland  persuasion.  But  if  they  still  demur,  if  they 
are  not  yet  convinced  of  the  error  of  their  ways,  I  offer  them  the  follow- 
ing, from  one  who  moved  for  many  years  as  a  chieftain  among  the  cap- 
tains in  the  camps  of  Democracy.  They  are  also  the  words  of  a  Presi- 
<lent,  one  who  had  achieved  the  great  ambition  of  his  life,  anil  one  who 
from  his  high  position  seemed  to  realize  that  after  all  life  w;is  a  fail- 
ure, and  that  the  great  parly  whose  battles  ho  had  fouglit,  whose  victo- 
ries he  had  won,  and  whose  honors  he  had  worn,  stood  fur  principles 
utterly  destructive  of  the  interests  of  the  confuling  people  whose  desti- 
nies were  in  its  keeping,  and  who  in  sorrow  and  much  tril)ulation  turnetl 
to  him  for  relief.  I  read  from  the  message  of  President  Buchanan  to 
the  Congress,  dated  December  s,  18.")7: 

"The  earth  has  yiei<led  her  fruits  abundantly  and  has  bountifully  re- 
warded the  toil  of  the  husbandman.  <  )iir  great  staples  have  commanded 
high  prices,  and  until  within  a  brief  period  our  manufacturintr,  mineral, 
and  mechanical  occupations  have  largely  partaken  of  the  general  pros- 
perity. We  have  passea-^etl  all  the  elements  of  material  wealth  in  rich 
abundance,  and  yet,  notwithstanding  all  the.se  advantages,  our  country 
in  its  monetary  interests  is  at  the  present  moment  in  a  deplorable  con- 


CLE 

(Ution.  In  the  midst  nf  uneurnaBse*!  plenty  in  all  the  productionfl,  and 
in  all  the  eleinontw  of  natural  wealth,  we  tind  our  luanufactureH  eus- 
ptnded.our  public  works  retarded,  our  private  enterpriees  of  difTerent 
kinds  abandone«l,  and  thousands  of  useml  laborers  thrown  out  of  em- 
ployment anil  reduced  to  want." 

— GoFF,  Record,  3615. 

<'IoTrlHnd  and  Deuiorrntie  party. 

\«.  111.— I  assutiu*,  Mr.  ("hairnian,  that  Mr.  Cleveland  is  not  the 
Democratic  party.  It  is  true  beyond  a  question  that  he  has  the  Demo- 
cratic party  by  the  throat  and  is  compclliutr  it  to  do  what  he  pleases.  1 
notice  gentlemen  on  this  Moor  who  are  Democrats  and  have  been  all 
their  lives,  whq  come  here  as  the  representatives  of  Democratic  constitu- 
encies, that  squirm  and  wri^'irle  in  the  ti^'ht  ^rrasp  of  this  political  despot, 
bu',  th«'v  cannot  escajie  ;  they  brud  to  hi«  will  beciute  he  has  possession 
of  the  llesh-pots,  which  have  always  l)een  attractive  since  the  days  when 
Moses  led  the  Israelites  from  the  land  of  Kgypt  and  out  of  the  house  of 
bondage.  Holding  the  llesh-pots  as  he  does,  ladling  out  the  pork,  Mr. 
Cleveland  is  the  Democratic  party.  The  others  nish  to  the  feed-trough 
at  his  call  and  obey  his  commands.  Taking  him  as  the  Democratic 
party,  I  will  not  permit  that  he  select  what  are  and  what  are  not  war 
taxes  that  ehoulu  be  removed. 

— NiCHOLUB,  of  Indiana,  Record,  4579. 

Clevolund  lor  Tree  trade. 

\o.  112. — Mr.  President,  is  that  the  language  of  a  protectionist  or  of 
a  free-tr.ider.  Tiiere  is  not  a  free-trade  club  in  the  United  States  or  in 
Knirian'l  where  that  would  not  be  adopted,  and  accepteil  as  the  language 
of  a  free-tra<ler.  As  I  said,  it  is  not  aimed  at  irregularities,  it  is  not 
aimed  at  ine(iualities,  but  it  is  aimed  at  what  the  President  assumes  to 
be  the  protective  tax,  and  it  is  that  which  is  to  be  stricken  down. 

Will  s'^me  Democrat  who  insists  that  the  President  is  a  protectionist 
rise  to  explain  this  lan>:uat:e?  Nay,  more  ;  there  arethirty-seven  Demo- 
crats sitting  on  that  side  of  the  Chamber.  Will  any  one  of  them  rise  in 
his  place  and  say  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  in  his  judgmenta 
protectionist?  They  dare  not  go  to  the  country  on  any  such  issue. 
Tlipy  are  like  the  animal  that  is  between  the  two  bundles  of  hay. 

[  No  one  arose. — Ed.] 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1014. 

I'levoland  and  free  Nnsar. 

\o.  ll.'t. — President  Cleveland  does  not  suggest  free  sugar,  and  the 
Democratic  Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  this  House  do  not  suggest  it. 
oh.  no  !  That  would  strike  Democratic  States.  That  might  disturb  the 
haimony  of  the  solid  South.  They  have  their  eyes  on  the  wool  industry 
of  Ohio,  the  iron  industry  of  Pennsylvania,  the  cottbn  man'ifacturing  in- 
dustry of  New  England,  and  the  himb^r  industry  of  the  Pacific  Slope, 
Michigan,  and  certain  Northern  States.  In  fact  their  notions  of  free 
tra<le  do  not  seem  to  travel  south  of  the  Potomac,  or  to  seriously  affect 
any  industry  in  the  States  from  which  the  l')o  Democratic  electoral  votes 
never  fall  to  come. 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3692, 

<'lct  riand  — indiflerence  to  tlie  intereNtN  of  the  people. 

\«.  111. — Tiiis  portion  of  President  (Cleveland's  m«6t!a;.;e,  for  cold- 

bloodf*d  iniid-'rence  to  the  interests  of  the  people  and  f)r  active  and 

bitter  opposition  to  the  great  system  by  which  they  have  prospered  and 

their  country  grown  g^eat,  is  entitled  to  precedence  over  all  emanations 

62 


CLE 

from  the  Executive  Mansion  in  all  our  history.  In  this  is  ho  isolated, 
alone  in  his  suggestion,  entitled  to  and  deserving  of  the  fame  it  will 
bring.  From  such  a  spirit  as  this,  dominating  as  it  does  almost  with  a 
single  impulse  the  Democratic  side  of  this  House,  I  would  save  our  in- 
dustries and  our  homes. 

— GoFF,  Record,  3(jl3. 

Clovcluud  and  JoflTcrRon  rontrnstod. 

ci.KVKLANr)'.s  mk.s.sa(.;l:  dkcemhkr  6,  1887. 

Xo.  H5. — "Our  scheme  of  taxation,  by  means  of  which  this  needless 
surplus  is  taken  from  the  people  and  put  into  the  public  Treasury,  consists  of 
R  tariffor  duty  levied  upon  importations  from  abroad  and  internal-revenue 
taxes  upon  the  consumption  of  tobacco  and  spirituous  and  malt  liquors. 
It  must  be  conceded  that  none  of  the  things  subjected  to  internal -revenue 
taxation  are,  strictly  speakine,  necessaries;  there  appears  to  be  no  just 
complaint  of  this  taxation  by  the  consumers  of  these  articles,  and  there 
appears  to  be  nothing  so  well  able  to  bear  the  burden  without  hardship 
to  any  portion  of  the  people." 

It  is  thus  that  the  "emphasis"  of  the  recent  message  points  to  the  plan 
of  reducing  the  revenue  on  the  tariff  only.  Now  let  me  refer  to  the  sig- 
nificant contrast  of  the  second  inaugural  address  of  President  Jeflerson, 
March  4,  ISOo — a  Democratic  authority  wliich  will  hardly  be  held  as  in- 
ferior to  that  of  any  of  his  successors.  jTlJ'erson  appears  to  have  exulted 
in  the  abandonment  of  all  internal-revenue  taxes,  as  follows: 

"The  remaining  revenue  on  tlie  consumption  of  foreign  articles  is 
paid  cheerfully  by  those  who  can  afford  to  add  foreign  luxuries  to  do- 
mestic comforts.  Being  collected  on  our  seaboard  and  frontiers  only, 
and  incorporatetl  with  the  transactions  of  our  mercantile  citizens,  it  may 
be  the  pleasure  and  the  pride  of  an  Ameriiran  to  ask  what  farmer,  what 
mechanic,  what  laborer  ever  sees  a  tax-jratherer  in  the  United  States." 

In  his  last  message,  of  December,  1808,  referring  to  manufactures,  he 
said: 

"  Little  doubt  remains  that  the  establishments  forme<l  and  forming 
will — under  the  auspices  of  cheaper  materials  and  subsistence,  the  free- 
dom of  labor  from  taxation  with  us,  and  of  protecting  duties  and  prohi- 
bitions— become  permanent." 

In  a  letter  to  his  friend,  Colonel  Humphreys,  dated  January  20,  180O. 
he  says : 

"My  idea  is  that  we  should  encourage  home  manufactures  to  the  ex- 
'i'Tit  of  our  own  consumption  of  everything  of  which  we  raise  the  raw 
material." 

Most  certainly  the  statesmanship  of  Jefferson  was  pitched  on  a  differ- 
ent key  from  that  now  current  in  some  tiuarters. 

— Senator  Morrill,  Record,  3017. 

C'lovoliind      oppost's      U'a*«liiii^t<>]i.      .It^UVrsoii.       MudiNOii. 
1|4»iiro«>.  aii«l  other  4>t'tli<>  E'atiicr**. 

\o.  11<(. — There  has  been  no  Congressional  t«rm  8ince  \S(\G,  when 
the  Republican  pa'ty  has  l)een  in  power  in  this  House,  that  taxation  has 
not  been  reduced,  and  that  party  to  <lay  is  in  f.ivor  of  re<lucing  taxation 
to  such  sum  as  shuU  only  l>e  necessary  to  meet  the  principal  and  inter- 
est UDon  the  public  debt,  pay  the  pensions  provided  for  our  soldiers,  and 
the  necessary  and  pn^per  expenditures  of  tl:e  (tovernment  as  provide<I 
by  law  ;  but  in  makinit  such  reductions  tint  party  insists  upon  retaining 
our  AraericAU  svstem  of  protection  to  Ameri<'an  labr)r  and  American  in- 
dustry, fully  l>elieving  that  such  policy  is  for  the  best  interest  of  our  peo- 
ple. This  policy  has  met  with  the  approval  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Re-; 
public — of    Washington,  JetTerson,   >iadison,   Monroe,  of   Adams   and 

G3 


CLE 

JackBon,  and  of  Webster  and  Clay  ;  of  the  mt-n  who  framed  our  C'jnsti- 
« in  ion,  as  well  as  of  men  who  have  bince  stood  by  and  defended  it.  What- 
ever lan^ua^ethe  DemmTatic  party  may  use  iu  ita  public  utteranoes, 
wliether  it  be  tarilf  reform  or  tarilf  for  revenue  only,  the  soiril  and  tend- 
ency of  that  P»rty  upon  that  (juestion  is  one  which  shall  pitnply  raise 
revenue  for  the  hupporl  of  the  (iovorninent  without  takinir  into  con- 
titleraiion  the  ellect  t)i»*  saine   may  have  upon  our  industries  or  our 

labor.  ^  „         ,  „  „ 

— Brewer,  Record,  3G04. 

4lovelaiMl— Koiimrkable  puMHU^c  in  nn'«*saKe. 

\o.  117. — Now  listen  to  this  n-nuirkable  pa.s8aire  : 

•  lie  receives  at  the  de;k  of  his  employer  his  wa;,'es,  and  i)erhap.s  be- 
fore he  reaches  his  home  is  obliged,  in  a  purchase  tor  family  use  of  an 
article  which  emliraces  his  own  labor,  to  return  in  the  payment  of  the 
increase  in  price  which  the  tarifl"  permita  the  hard  earned  compensation 
of  mauv  days  of  toil." 

I  wish  the  President  had  told  us  what  that  article  was,  of  family  use, 
and  the  worker's  own  manufacture,  which,  as  he  went  from  his  shop, 
where  he  had  received  his  waj^es,  compelled  him  to  pay,  in  addition  to 
what  he  would  pav  under  free  trade,  'many  days'  wa^'es."  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, if  anybodv  but  the  President  of  the  United  States  ha<i  mailea  atale- 
menl  of  that  sort  1  should  apply  a  word  and  a  term  characteristic  of  it 
which  it  is  not  proper  for  me  to  do  in  re!,'ard  to  him. 

— Senator  Pl.vtt,  Record,  1014. 

Cleveluiul  violutiuK  party  pledges. 

Xo.  11^.— Why  do  they  also  dec  hire  that  sufficient  revenue  to  pay 
all  the  expenses  of  the  Federal  Government,  economically  administered, 
including,'  jwui^ions,  interest  and  principal  of  public  debt,  can  be  j?ot  under 
our  present ':^ystem  of  taxation  from  custom-houne  taxes  on  lewer  im- 
ported articles,  bearing  heaviest  on  articles  of  luxury  and  bearinj,'  light- 
est on  articles  of  necessity  ?  By  this  declaration  they  asserted  that  if 
they  were  intrusted  willi  power  they  would  so  administer  the  Govern- 
ment that  all  other  taxes,  except  the  tarilf,  would  be  altogether  unneces- 
sary. Why,  in  view  of  this  pledge,  did  the  President  propose  to  retain 
the  revenue  taxes?  I  ask  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  if  this  was  not 
a  pleilge  on  their  part  that  they  would  return  to  the  policies  in  reference 
to  the  collection  of  the  revenue  that  had  never  been  deviated  from  in  all 
of  the  early  history  of  the  Government  ?  Mr.  Chairman,  I  hold  that  it 
will  be  the  darkest  dav  in  the  history  of  our  Governmeni  when  it  shall 
have  become  an  established  rule  that  the  great  political  parties  that  con- 
trol the  policies  arid  shape  the  destinies  of  the  nation  can  with  safety 
ami  impunity  deliberately  violate  the  pledges  that  they  have  made  to 
the  American  people  when  they  were  asking  to  be  intrusted  with  power. 

— ^Kekk,  Record,  3(13'J. 

4  le\<>lHiid*M  wile  luiKlit  Kite  liiiu  iiif'oriiiatioii. 

^o.  Iiy. — The  protectionist  insists  that  whenever  a  duty  is  laid 
whicii  j.rotecta  the  American  manufacturer,  competition  among  home 
praducers  always  has  and  always  will  bring  down  the  price  of  the  do- 
mestic article  "approximately,  at  least,"  to  use  the  President's  language, 
to  the  price  of  the  foreign  article  on  which  duty  is  laid,  less  the  duty. 
The  President  ought  to  have  known  this,  as  it  seems  to  me.  Did  he  or 
his  "  better-half"  ever  buy  calico.  If  he  did  he  must  know  that  while 
the  tax,  as  he  calls  it,  the  duly,  as  the  protectionist  calls  it,  is  0  cents 
per  square  yard  ui)3n  calico,  he  can  buy  the  American  article  for  less 
than  that  at  retail  stores  here  in  the  city  of  Washington. 
04 


CLO 

Has  he  ever  heard  of  the  manufacture  of  steel  rails  in  this  country 
and  the  price  of  steel  rails  here  and  abroad  ?  Does  he  know  that  the 
tiirilfupon  steel  rails  is  :>17  a  ton,  ami  that  tliey  have  been  sold  in  this 
■country  as  low  as  $2>..")(),  and  that  if  you  deduct  the  tarill"  duty  of  S17 
from  $J.S  JO  the  price  would  be  ^1 1.5U  a  ton,  when  steel  rails  can  not  be 
bought  al)road  for  less  than  double  that  money?  The  statement  is  not 
true  with  regard  to  any  single  home-made  article  which  has  been  so  pro- 
tected by  tiiritr  duties  that  has  been  manufactured  here  to  any  consider- 
able extent,  unless  it  be  thft  single  article  of  sugar,  as  was  suggested  by 
the  Senator  from  Maine  [Mr.  Fkye]  the  other  day.  Woolen  clothing, 
which  seems  so  much  to  trouble  the  Senator  from  North  Carolina  [Mr. 
Vance],  he  repeats  over  and  over  again  to  the  Senate,  bears  a  tax  of 
ab'iutbU  per  cent.  Not  withstand  in*'  that  duty,  woolen  clothing  can  be 
bought  in  this  country,  style,  iiimlity,  and  durability  considered,  as 
cheaply  as  it  can  be  bought  in  London.  Even  in  the  case  of  blankets — 
which  seem  to  be  the  bugbear  and  nightmare  of  the  free-trader — all 
medium  quality  blankets  can  be  bought  iu  this  country,  notwithstanding 
the  erroneous  duty  which  it  is  said  we  lay  upon  the  foreign  article,  as 
ckieaply  as  any  where  in  the  world.    So  with  regard  to  cotton  clothing. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1014. 
C'lothOM— CoNt  of  a  »>uit. 

\«.  1 19. — Here  is  another  statement.  Mr.  Mills  tells  us  of  the  cost  of 
a  suit  of  clothe-",  and  says: 

"  Here  is  a  coarse  wool  suit  of  clothes  such  as  our  working  people  wear 
in  their  daily  toil  in  tne  shop  and  lield.  The  whole  cost  is  ^\'2.  The 
labor  coat  \a'^'2.  The  tariff  duty  is  40  cents  per  pound  and  35  per  cent. 
ad  valorem.  As  the  weight  of  the  suit  is  not  given,  we  cannot  get  the 
exact  tarilf,  but  the  duty  on  woolen  clothes  imported  last  year  averaged 
54  per  cent.,  and  at  that  rate  the  tariff  stands  ^V)  4S  to  cover  $L'  of  labor  cost." 

I  have,  in  re3p<^)nse  to  that  statement,  the  exact  cost  of  a  suit  of  clothes 
made  of  identically  the  same  material  to  which  he  refers,  giving  the  cost 
of  the  material,  which  is  as  follows: 

7  yards  of  material,  at  7-')  cents  per  yard $')  25 

Trimming  (which  Mr.  Mills  omits) 1  50 

Making  (according  to  Mr.  Mills) 2  00 

Showing  a  total  cost  of S  75 

In  addition  to  thi.s  must  be  added  the  l)Oxing,(lrayage,  railroad  freights, 
commissions,  and  the  thousand  and  one  addiiional  expenses,  w  tiich  re- 
stdt  in  leaving  very  little  profit  to  the  manufacturer  and  retail  dealer. 

— Kknnkdv,  lieioid,  4;!00. 

4'l<>(!iiiiK,  army.  rlicnixT  tliuii  in  I'.iiropp. 

\«.  rj4K— *  *  *  Tiie  (clothing  of  the  liiited  States  Army,  ijuality 
considered.  i.s  cheaper  than  anv  other  army  clothing  in  the  world.  (See 
report,  ^^  M.  (ient-ral,  V.  S.  A.) 

duthiue— Kiiy  where  you  ran  buy  <-lioii|»o»t.    (Soe  Xo.  73.) 

C'lotliinu.  Clionp. 

Su.  121.  — I/>'>k  at  any  clothing-house  advertisement,  such  as  the  fol- 
lowing : 

500  Men's  Heavy  Winter  Overcoats  at $1  6o 

501)  Men's  Heavy  Winter  Suits  at 3  50 

500  Men's  Heavv  Winter  I'ants  at 75 

500  Boyn'  Heavv  Winter  Oven-oats  at 90 

500  B^ys'  Heavv  Winter  Suits  at UO 

500  Pairs  Boys  kneeP.\Tits  .'^.i 10 


CLO-COA 

Gentlemen,  I  have  been  lookinj;  into  the  clothing  business  lately,  and 
am  prepared  to  show  you  sample  suits  at  prices  that  will  astonieh  you 
when  the  style  and  quality  are  taken  into  consideration.  You  can  really 
procure  here  in  New  York  a  serviceable  suit  of  clothes  for  $o,  and  a  very 
nood  suit  for  $10,  made  of  American  goods— poods,  too.  that  will  wear  and 
hold  their  color.  I  can  alnio  phow  you  blankets  at  S^2.10  per  pair  that 
lannot  be  beaten  at  10^.  (^--oO)  a  pair  in  England,  and  blankets  at  $o  a 
pair  that  cannot  be  beaten  in  that  happy  free-trade  country  at  £1  (?o)  a 
piiir. 

In  these  days  of  cheap  clothing  and  cheap  blankets,  that  venerable 
chestnut  of  yours  about  the  poor  man's  blanket  haa  lost  its  charrn,  and 
the  workiniiman  gazes  on  shop  windows  tilled  with  excellent  blankets, 
whiclj  can  be  bought  in  New  York  as  cheap  and  as  good  as  in  London. 
Not  long  ago,  I  was  in  a  factory  \«ere  2>,000  pairs  of  men's  winter 
trousers,  made  of  goods  weighing  fourteen  ounces  per  yard,  were  being 
matle  to  be  sold  at  the  price $l.'>Oi>er  pair.  Strictly  all-wool  complete  suits 
were  held  at  Jo.oO  per  suit.  Goo(i  heavy  full  winter  suits  at  $(j.5()  and  $7.50. 
Winter  overcoats  of  satinet  at  $2  each.  The  prices  of  good  and  substan- 
tial garments,  suflicient  to  supply  a  workingman  for  a  year,  were  as  fol- 
fows  :  A  handsome  suit  for  Sunday  wear,  $10  ;  working  suit,  $7.00;  extra 
pair  of  trousers,  $2.00  ;  overcoat,  $5  ;  total  $24.00. 

A  workingman  earning  two  dollars  a  day  can  thus  obtain  his  clothing 
for  a  year  by  the  labor  of  two  weeks.  lie  can  do  no  better  than  this  ii> 
England.  I  liave  priced  hundreds  of  workingmen's  suits  there,  and 
found  nothing  tit  to  wear  for  less  than  $10  to  $12.  The  commonest  cor- 
duroy trousers  cost,  in  England,  $2.50,  while  machine-made  boots  and 
shoes  are  more  expensive  there  than  in  this  country. 

These  facts  in  regard  to  our  woolen  industry  refute  effectually  the  gro- 
tesque statements  made  by  the  President,  to  the  effoct  that  the  masses  of 
the  people  in  this  country  are  compelled  to  pay  as  a  tax  the  duty,  not  only 
on  imported  goods,  to  the  Government,  but  an  equivalent  amount,  in  in- 
creased cost,  to  the  American  manufacturer  for  goods  made  at  home. 

— Selected. — Ed. 

Clot hiiiK.  men's,  inanuruotnro  of. 

]\o.  lli'i. —  In  the  manufacture  of  mens'  clothing  the  country  has  in- 
vested a  capital  of  eighty  millions  of  dollars  ;  the  value  of  materials  used 
is  one  hundred  and  thirty-one  millions,  and  the  production  aggregate* 
two  hundred  and  nine  millions.  In  this  industry  New  England  has  a 
capital  of  eight  millions,  she  invests  over  fifteen  millions  in  materials,. 
and  yields  a  product  of  about  twenty- four  millions  of  dollars. 

— G.\Li.iNGER,  Record,  3690. 

C'onl— PoNNibilitioM  of  tlic  South. 

\«.  lill. — The  entire  coal  area  of  (ireat  Britain  covers  only  11,900 
square  miles,  while  West  Virginia  alone  has  10,000;  Kentucky,  1. '5,000  ;^ 
Alabama,  10,(>S0,  ana  Texas  over  :;o,(  O'l  pq-iare  miles.  Twelve  years  ago 
the  total  coal  product  of  Alabama  was  lO.odO  tons,  while  in  18.S5  2,225,000 
tons  were  produced,  and  it  is  estimated  in  ten  years  her  output  will  be 
10,000,0  )0  tons.  According  to  Poor's  Ifailroad  Manual  the  actual  cost  of 
railroads  now  in  the  South,  and  their  eiiuipment,  is  over  $1,300,000,000, 
against  $<i7'.t,SOJ.0O0  in  LSSO.  The  amount  of  pine  standing  in  the  South 
in  1880  was  2:;7,1 41 ,500,000  feet.  The  manufactures  of  Georgia  increased 
from  $:}l,l'.to.l(i5  in  1870  to  $41,102,811  in  1880.  or  an  increase  of  over  30 
per  cent.  With  resources  like  these,  only  partially  stated,  the  .South  but 
lately  emerged  from  the  incubus  of  forced  labor,  with  the  results  of 
triumph  and  pro  hiction  of  free  labor  fo  vividly  seen,  living  under  a  pro- 
tective policy  which  has  borne  the  nation  during  twenty-seven  years  on 
66 


COA 

the  high  tide  of  prosperity,  it  passes  comprehension  that  the  leading  op- 
ponents of  the  protective  system  are  the  representatives  of  the  South. 

— Sevmuuij,  Record,  4414. 

<'oal  and  iron— Eflect  or  tlio  turifT. 

\o.  Iti  1. — It  wouM  also  render  the  production  of  American  tin-plates 
and  cotton-ties  impossible  by  placing  those  articles  on  the  free-list  with 
■wool. 

By  the  transfer  of  these  and  other  products  of  coal  and  iron  ore  to  the 
freedist,  and  by  reducing  the  duties  on  steel  rails,  structural  iron,  and 
many  other  forms  of  iron  and  steel  sutliciently  to  withdraw  protection 
from  them  and  permit  foreign  producers  to  Hood  our  markets,  it  would, 
though  it  maintained  existing  duties  on  coal  and  iron  ore,  close  a  ma- 
jority of  the  bituminous  coal  tielda  and  ore  banks  which  are  now  giving 
Profitable  employment  to  hundreds  of  thousands  of  laborers,  not  only  in 
_  orthem  Stales  but  in  Maryland,  Virginia,  West  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Tennessee,  and  Alabama,  and  turn  them  adrift  without  prospect 
of  other  employment  elsewhere  thlin  in  cotton  and  corn  fields. 

— Kklley,  Record,  3195. 

<'oaI  and  iron  fVoo  by  indirection. 

\o.  125. — No,  the  junto  will  not  put  coal  and  ore  squarely  and 
frankly  on  the  freedist.  They  have,  however,  as  etiectually  provided  for 
the  repeal  of  the  duties  that  now  protect  them  as  could  have  been  done 
by  naming  them  in  that  list.  Let  us  see  whether  I  misrepresent  the  effect 
of  the  scattered  and  disingenuous  provisions  of  this  bill  when  I  say  that 
they  make  coal  and  ore  free.  That  bituminous  coal  and  iron  ore  are 
covered  by  the  phrase  "  mineral  substances  in  a  crude  state,  and  metals 
unwrought  not  especially  enumerated  and  provided  for"  can  not  be  ain- 
Bsdd.  Coal  is  a  mineral  s^ubstance  and  iron  ore  a  metal  in  a  crude  state 
and  unwrouehf.  If  this  be  so,  lines  130  and  l.'JI  of  the  freedist  embrace 
them  as  "  mineral  substances  iira  crude  state  and  metals  unwrought  not 
specially  pnumerated  and  provided  for."  Are  coal  and  iron  ore  provided 
for  in  this  bill  ?  If  they  are  I  will  be  cratified  to  any  member  of  the 
majority  of  the  committee  who  will  call  my  attention  to  the  clause  which 
enumerates  and  provides  for  them.  Sir,  they  are  not  specially  enume- 
rated or  provided  for,  and  consequently  the  repeal  of  the  existing  duties 
on  these  ar'.icles  is  specifically  provided  for  in  lines  2  and  '^  ol  section  41, 
the  last  j)aragraph  of  the  bill,  the  ianguatje  of  which  is  that  "all  laws 
and  parts  of  laws  in  conflict  herewitli  are  hereby  repealed." 

— Kellkv,  Record,  ?A\)5. 

<'oaI.  iron,  and  rroc  list — Rnling  ortlic  Sorrctary  orTroan- 
ury  iiuaiiiHt. 

\4».  I2<>. — Th»' clamor  of  the  Southern  people,  the  stern  protests  from 
the  minewand  the  towns  disconc('rte<l  the  plan  to  put  coal  and  iron  on 
the  free  list,  but  these  free-traders  were  not  to  be  foiled,  .\ntliracite 
coal  is  on  the  free  list  and  bituminous  coal  is  not  mentioned.  Th»^y 
have  put  on  the  free  list  "all  mineral  substances  in  a  crude  state  and 
metals  unwrought  not  Sftecially  enumerated  or  provi<led  for."  They  do 
not  specifically  enumerate  bituminous  coal,  which  is  a  mineral  substance 
in  a  crude  state,  nor  iron,  which  is  uietal  unwrought,  and  the  last  section 
of  the  Mills  bill  repeals  all  laws  or  parts  of  laws  in  conflict  therewith. 
They  have  openly  put  all  the  proilucls  of  coal  on  the  free  list. 

The  simple  device  of  omitting  to  specify  bituminous  coal,  repealing  tho 
law  which  did  specify  it,  and  putting  it  on  the  free  list  as  a  "  mineral 
Ful .stance  in  a  crude  state  "  will  not  long  be  hidden  from  the  new  South, 
cuucemed  for  its  coal  and  iron. 

67 


0')C— COF 

I  novf  char>fe  thai  nince  this  l/sll  wa.s  iQtroiluce«l  hero  our  free-trade 
Treasury  cbiefb  have  by  a  mere  ruling  r&pealed  the  taritl  law  which  pro- 
tectetl  coal. 

For  a  hundred  yearc,  eince  George  Washington  signed  the  first  tariff 
act,  bituminous  and  semi-bituminous  coal  of  commerce  have  been  pro- 
tected. All  the  Beroi-bituniinous  coal  of  the  Atlantic  Slope,  the  coal  of 
Maryland,  Virginia,  \Vet*t  N'irjiinia.  much  of  the  coal  of  I'enn.'^ylvania  has 
\>evi\  protected.  Suddenly,  in  March,  our  Secretary  declareil  that  all  coal 
with  let-s  than  ■_''•  per  cent,  of  volatile  combustible  matter  is  anthracite, 
and  therefore  free.  It  matters  not  that  anthracite  averages  lees  than  o 
per  cent,  of  volatile  matter. 

For  the  tirst  time  the  (Jumberland  coal  of  my  own  State  and  the  Pooo- 
hontHS  coal  of  Virginia  are  dedaretl  to  be  anthracite  by  the  Treasurj', 
thou^rh  Htill  called  semi-bituminous  bv  all  mankind. 

The  bituminous  coal  of  Swansea,  Wales,  an<]  the  bituminous  coal  of 
Canada  are  already  cominuinto  our  ports  ami  will  not  be  stopped  unless 
this  House  shall  declare  that  a  free-trade  Secretary  can  not  legislate  and 
thus  enlaim'  the  free-li.-t  at  will  to  uive  the  railn.ad,  the  vras,  and  steam- 
Hhi()  monopolies  free  trade  in  coal  before  the  .Mills  bill  has  passed.  .\nd 
I  would  vote  to  impeach  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasurv  who  has  dared  to 
usurp  the  function."  of  C'jn^ress,  who  has  boldly  put  bituminous  coal  on 
the  free-list  In  defiance  of  the  law. 

— McCoMA.s,  Record,  3840. 

<'ocon     I'roparod  or  maiiiirartnrod. 

.\o.  127. — The  value  of  the  imjiort  of  cocoa  hean  into  this  country  is 
put  do«u  at  •?!!.*»)  ■">4.; :  the  duty  collected  is  ^'.^Ol'o.  Here  is  a  feeble  in- 
dustry jist  coining  into  importance,  Btrujfuling  for  life.  It  may  employ 
ultimately  a  large  amount  of  American  capital  and  American  labor.  It 
will  be  no  detriment  to  the  revenue  to  admit  the  crude  cocoa  free,  and 
no  detriment  to  the  public  interest  to  c4tatinue  the  duty  upon  the  man- 
ufacturetl  article. 

This  branch  of  industry  now  gives  employment  to  a  considerable 
amount  of  capital  anil  a  lar^e  number  of  persons  on  the  Pacific  coast. 

I  Hi:gv'e»t  to  the  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  and  to 
the  Committee  of  the  Who'e  whether  under  existing  circumstances  it 
would  not  be  jubt  to  except  the  maniifacture<l  article  from  the  operation 
of  thi-j  clause  of  the  free-list. 

— \  ANDBVER,  Record,  6202. 

i'ollieo  — I'ri***'  iii<-r<-aN«'<l  Uy  r4>niot  i»g  the  tarill'. 

Xo.  lli H. — Durinv:  the  live  years  of  18(>.s-7L!  there  was  an  import  duty 
of  •")  and  :;  cents  a  pjund  on  cotl'ee.  Theie  were  imported  1,231,43J,0S7 
pound?,  at  a  cost  ot  $lLtj,U".»4.»U.!.  (>n  this  the  <  rovernment  collected  a 
revenue  of  $.'):).01.S,;{:U.  At  the  clamorous  demand  of  the  Democratic 
party  this  "  robber  tariff."  which  taxed  the  poor  man's  break fai<t  table, 
wa«>  repeale<i,  and  cotfee  put  on  the  free-list.  During  the  next  five  years, 
IS?:;  "77,  there  wore  imported  l,('.7'),o!»7,:'..;()  p<}unil8  of  coflTee,  at  a  cost  of 
$'_'7:5,'»'.»:!,s77.  from  which  the  (Jovernment  derived  no  revenue.  The  av- 
eraee  price  of  coffee  fir  the  ti\i^  years  of  tariff  tax  was  10  cents  and  1 
mill  per  poun! ;  the  averag'5  price  i'jr  the  five  years  of  free  trade  was 
1(5  cents  and  •')  mil's.  Iv*»pealing  the  tariff  on  cotfee  cost  the  Government 
in  five  years  $.'(:!,0is,:):5l  in  loss  of  revenue,  and  cost  the  people  $107,- 
L'lMi.'j'J'j  ill  incre;tHe<l  price  of  coffee.  And  such  is  the  price  of  Demo- 
cratic Htateemanship!  IJut.  you  ask.  How  could  this  be?  Wlien  we 
repealed  oar  tariff  Brazil  levied  an  export  tax  and  transferred  th» 
C8 


coi-roL 

$'").'^,0(X">,O(X>  to  her  colVerp.  and  the  importers  forme«l  a  "eyndicA^e'"  and 
tranaferretl  the  >  lOT.OuO.OOO  to  their  pocketa.    No  wonder  New  York  im- 
I)orter«  want  free-trade, 
[dee  Evana'  Export  Duties,  18G7  to  18S3,  p.  127 —Ed.] 

<'oiii  iiiid  curronry— Kfr<>cl  of  tarifl*  letciNlalion  upon. 

.\«».  IU9. — The'  I>eraocratic  j>arty  in  the  past,  whenever  it  came  into 
power,  has  reduced  taritr  dntiert.  iuirin;.'  the  ninety-nine  years  of  our 
national  existence  under  the  present  ("oristitntion  tiiere  liave  heen  over 
one  hnndre<l  an<l  thirty-tive  acta  of  Coujircfs  relating:  to  tarilF.  The  }iig- 
tory  of  the  country  presents  pericMla  of  alternation  het ween  protection 
and  taritr  lor  revenue.  Every  perio<l  of  tarid  for  revenue  was  tlie  result 
of  Democratic  ascendancy,  and  every  period  of  protection  was  the  result 
of  the  success  of  the  Whij;  or  Republican  party.  During;  the  propresH  of 
this  debate  one  )rreat  and  important  feature  of  the  system  of  protection 
has  not  been  elaborated  any thinp» like  as  fully  as  its  importance  would 
eeem  to  require.  I  refer  to  the  effect  which  tariff  le^'islation  would  have 
upon  our  financial  system.  The  student  of  history  will  ascertain  by  an 
examination  of  our  past  that  in  every  period  of  low  tariff  the  precious 
metals  were  drained  out  of  the  country.  The  precious  metals  were  sent 
abroad  to  purchase  the  products  of  foreijin  countries.  The  panic  of  ls;j7 
and  the  panic  of  1S57  occurred  after  and  in  consequence  of  the  tariff  of 
is:;;>  and  after  and  in  consequence  of  the  tarifl  of  IS-IG.  The  fcold  and 
silver  had  been  drained  out  of  the  country.  The  banks  were  unal)le  to 
redeem  their  paper.  I'p  to  ISf'.o  the  United  .'states  mints  had  coined 
over  six  hundred  millions  of  dollars  of  gold,  and  yet  at  tliat  time  there 
was  but  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  one  hundreil  and  sixty  millions 
df  gold  in  the  T'nited  States.  P'our  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars  of 
this  sum  and  all  the  gold  we  ha<l  obtained  in  the  vears  preceding  that 
time  had  gone  abroad.  Now,  the  presence  of  gohl  and  siver  coin,  and 
the  paper  of  the  banks  an<l  of  the  Government  redeeming  paper  cur- 
rency with  gold  and  silver  coin,  make  the  paper  currency  of  the  country 
C(iually  as  good  as  coin.  We  have  now  a  jiaper  currency  which  is  just 
as  goo<l  as  gold.  It  is  ju?t  as  good  as  gold  because  it  can  be  converted 
into  gold  at  any  moment  of  time. 

— Bavke,  Record,  4771. 

Colonies  nn«Ior  protective  IlnKland  -History  ofturiir. 

\«».  i:t«). —  l-very  manufactured  article  that  was  in  u-^e  among  iho 
colonies  was  by  force  of  the  liiws  of  <ireat  Hritain  re(Miire<l  to  be  manu- 
factured in  Eniiland  and  brou'.;ht  tn  this  country — why?  I'nr  the  j»ur- 
po^e  of  giving  employment  to  the  English  laborers,  l)uilding  up  Eni;iish 
raanutiU'lures,  giving  prosperity  to  ttie  people  of  Kngland  by  enabling 
them  to  manufacture  lor  this  country,  antl  abstractim:  our  nionev  and 
withdrawinir  it  from  among  our  jx'ople  and  faking  it  there  to  build  up 
the  iriterepts  of  England  as  ag.iinst  the  {>eopleof  America. 

These  are  historic-ul  fact<<.  Why,  sir,  uncler  the  English  laws  just  pre- 
vious to  the  Revolution  and  the  l)«'claration  of  IndeiM-ndcnce.  a  man  in 
Virginia  could  not  have  titnneil  a  coon-skin  to  make  himself  a  pair  of 
boots  without  iH'ing  indict«'d  antl  punisheil  under  I'-iiglish  law.  'I  his 
condition  of  things,  as  every  reader  of  nur  history  kno»s,  had  redii<e«l 
the  colonies  to  an  extreme  con<lition  of  dt*f>titution.  It  was  not  that  lit- 
tle tea  epiflOiie  at  Boston  that  brought  on  th«'  K«'Volution  ;  it  was  this  re- 
pressive antl  oppressive  l»';iislation  of  <  ireat  Britain  against  the  mtere.ite 
of  the  colonies  that  caused  our  fathers  to  rebel.  .Vml  when  they  di<l  so, 
what  was  the  elTei't '.'     What  r«'8ult8  followed  ?     We  will  see  in  a  inoiJif'Dt. 

— IIuiK,  Record, -IK )L'. 
69 


COM 

C  oiiiiiit'rco.     (See  Xo.  30-1.) 

Coiupctitioii  and  low  pricoH  oxpluiucd. 

\o.  i;il.— Thus  it  ia  domcHlic  competition  has  cut  down  prices  to  tho 
lowest  margin  of  protit.  Let  me  show  vou  how  naturally  this  all  cornea 
about  through  perfectly  simple  methods.  Suppose  a  man  wishes  to  start 
the  manufacture  of  some  commoility  not  hitherto  made  in  this  country, 
say  woolen  cloth  ?  He  borrows  money  with  whitii  to  build  his  mill,  to 
Buuply  it  with  the  requiHite  machinery,  and  to  carry  on  his  business  un- 
til he  begins  to  get  returns  from  his  sales. 

Suppose  he  pioduces  100,000  yards  of  cloth  in  a  year,  that  being,  we 
may  nay,  as  large  a  product  as  might  be  safely  attempted  by  any  one 
until  his  operatives  and  himself  had  anjuired  a  sullicient  technical  ex- 
perience, and  that  it  cost  him  $1  a  yard,  and  that  he  sells  it  at  $1.10  per 
yard  ?  His  profit  will  be  10  cents  a  yard  or  $10,000.  In  figuring  his  coat 
of  production  two  classes  of  expenses  appear. 

First.  Those  which  depend  directly  upon  the  amount  of  work  pro- 
duced, such  as  the  cost  of  wool,  of  labor,  of  coal,  etc. 

Second.  Those  expenses  which  remain  are  very  nearly  fixed  in  amount, 
no  matter  what  the  amount  of  his  product  may  be.  These  fixed  ex- 
penses would  consist  of  the  interest  upon  his  capital  and  such  items  of 
general  expense  of  management,  taxe.s,  insurance,  etc.  Suppose  that 
his  fixed  expenses  have  been  10  per  cent,  of  the  total  cost  of  production, 
or  10  cents  for  each  yard  of  cloth  produced?  If,  now,  at  the  end  of  the 
year  his  operatives  have  become  skilled  and  his  business  is  so  well  es- 
tablished that  he  may  venture  to  increase  his  products,  he  takes  steps 
with  that  end  in  view.  He  finds  that  by  crowding  hia  machinery  to- 
gether he  can  make  room  for  some  more,  and  by  increasing  their  speed 
and  making  use  perhaps  of  recent  inventions  he  can  produce  just  twice 
as  many  yards  of  cloth  as  he  formerly  made  in  the  same  mill.  Practi- 
cally he  is  under  no  ereater  charge  in  respect  of  the  fixed  expenses  now, 
that  he  is  making  200.000  yards  a  year,  than  he  was  formerly,  when  he 
couM  make  but  half  that  quantity  ;  and  as  the  cost  of  this  item  was  for- 
merly 10  cents  a  yard,  now  that  he  produces  twice  aa  many  yards  for  the 
same  sum  total,  the  cost  of  fixed  expenses  is  but  5  cents  a  yard. 

The  cost  of  his  fabric  will  now  be  95  cents  a  yard.  If  he  can  still  sell 
at  $1 10  he  will  be  making  1-5  cents  a  yard  profit,  instead  of  10  cents  a 
yard  as  formerly  ;  and  observe  that  he  not  only  has  an  increased  profit, 
per  yard,  but  he  has  twice  as  many  yards  to  .sell,  so  that  by  doubling 
Ills  production  he  has  raised  his  profits  from  $10000  "to  $30,000. 
What  will  be  his  position  now  with  regard  to  a  competitor  who  is  just 
entering  the  field?  We  have  seen  that  a  product  of  100,000  yards  is 
all  that  this  latter  can  veniure  upon  at  the  start,  and  that  therefore  his 
cloth  will  cost  him  $1  a  yard  to  make,  whereas  our  larger  manufacturer  is 
making  L'OO ,000  yards  at  a  cost  of '.».j  cents  a  yard.  The  latter  can  now 
sell  his  entire  product  at  the  cost  price  of  his  Smaller  rival  and  still  make 
his  original  profit  of  $10,C00;  or  better  yet,  if  he  can  sell  100.000  yards  at 
$1.10  he  may  offer  the  other  100.0(j  i  yards  to  the  customers  of  his  rival 
at  !)U  cents  a  yard,  or  10  cents  below  the  cost  price  of  the  latter,  and  still 
make  his  profit  of  $10,000.  Or  if  he  desires  to  ruin  his  competitor,  he 
can  sell  the  other  100,000  yards  at  so  cents  per  yar'^,  and  still  without  a 
loss  en  his  year's  business.  In  the  latter  case  the  small  man  would  find 
that  whereas  every  yard  of  cloth  he  made  cost  him  $1  a  yard,  he  could 
only  sell  it  for  80  cents  per  yard. 

— Allen,  Massachusetts,  Record,  3842. 
70 


COM-CON 
Competition  in  market!*  of  world  moan**  competition  in 

WHK*'?*. 

No.  i:t!2. — America,  with  her  fruitful  soil  and  diver?itied  production, 
can  compete  with  any  nation  on  earth  for  the  control  of  the  markets  of 
the  world,  if  her  wafto  earners  work  the  same  hours,  receive  the  same 
wages,  and  live  in  the  same  way  as  those  of  other  countries  the  producta 
of  which  come  in  competition  with  our  own.  She  can  compete  with 
Encland  only  by  paying  English  wages.  She  can  compete  with  China  by 
feeding  her  laborers  on  rice  and  paying  them  ten  cents  a  day.  This  ia 
the  kind  of  competition  advocated  by  the  distin^ruished  member  from 
South  Carolina  [Mr.  Hemphill],  who  voices  the  sentiment  of  his  party 
in  declaring  for  cheap  labor  that  must  necessarily  result  from  the  de- 
struction of  the  tarifl'systejn. 

— WooDBDRN,  Record,  4004. 

Confe<leraey  still  a  power. 

Xo.  13:1. — I  have  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  Constitution  of  the  Con- 
federate government,  and  I  shall  osk  to  have  read  two  or  three  passages 
from  it. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows : 

[Article  IV,  section  2,  clause  1.] 
"The citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and 
immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States  ;  and  shall  have  the  right  of 
transit  and  sojourn  in  any  State  of  this  Confederacy,  with  their  slaves  and 
other  property ;  and  the  right  of  property  in  said  slaves  shall  not  be 
thereby  impaired." 

[Article  IV,  section  2,  clause  3.] 
"  No  slave  or  other  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  any  State  or  Ter- 
ritory of  the  Confederate  States,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  or  law- 
fully carried  into  another,  shall  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation 
therein  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor;  but  shall  be  delivered 
up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  slave  belongs,  or  to  whom  such 
service  or  labor  may  be  due." 

[Article  IV,  section  3,  clause  3] 

"The  Confederate  States  may  acquire  new  territory,  and  Congress 
shall  have  power  to  legislate  and  provide  governments  for  the  inhabi- 
tants of  all  territory  belonging  to  the  Confederate  States  lying  without 
the  limita  of  the  several  States,  and  may  permit  them  at  such  times,  and 
ia  such  manner  as  it  may  by  law  iirovi<ie,  to  form  States  to  be  admitted 
into  the  Confederacy.  In  all  such  territory  tlie  institution  of  negro 
slavery  as  it  now  exists  in  the  Confederate  States  shall  be  recognized 
and  protected  by  Congreps  and  by  the  Territorial  eovernment ;  and  the 
inhai^itantj  of  the  several  Confederate  States  and  Territorie.s  shall  have 
the  right  to  take  to  Bwh  Territorj'  any  slaves  lawfully  held  by  them  in 
any  of  the  .'-tates  or  Territories  of  the  Confederate  States." 

Mr.  PEKKINS.  Now  I  ask  the  Clerk  to  turn  forward  and  read  a  prior 
section  which  I  have  marked. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows: 

[Article  I,  section  8,  clause  1.] 

"  The  Congress  shall  have  jMjwer  : 

"To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  for  revenue 
necessary  to  pay  the  debta.  provide  for  the  common  defense,  and  carry 
on  the  government  of  the  Confederate  States  ;  but  no  bounties  shall  be 
.^ranted  from  the  treasury,  nor  shall  any  duties  or  taxes  on  importations 

71 


CON 

from  foreign  nations  be  laid  to  promote  or  foster  any  branch  of  industry  - 
anil  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  tbe 
Confederate  Stales." 

Mr.  ALLEN,  of  Michipan.     What  Democratic  platform  is  that  from? 

Mr.  PKRKINS.  I  have  had  these  sections  of  the  Confederate  con- 
stitution read  for  the  purpose  of  showing  what  the  men  who  have  re- 
ported this  hill  but  a  few  years  ago  believed.  They  were  no  doubt 
sincere  in  their  conviction?,  and  so  zealous  were  they  that  they  were 
willinir  to  take  swords  and  >zuns  in  their  hands  and  upon  the  battle-tield 
Btrugj^le  if  necessary  to  strike  down  this  Government,  so  that  those  con- 
victions might  be  fastened  and  perpetuated  in  the  States  of  the  Con- 
federacy for  all  the  years  to  come. 

I  am  not  denouncing  these  men  or  quarreling  with  them  because  they 
entertained  those  convictions.  As  brave  men  I  respect  them,  and  I 
know  how  with  swords  and  fire  they  battled  for  those  convictions  and 
imperiled  life  and  limb  that  no  other  government  should  be  given  to 
their  people.  These  convictions  were  their  pillar  of  fire  by  night  and 
their  pillar  of  cloud  by  day ;  and,  entertaining  them,  is  it  remarkable 
that  they  should  have  reported  to  this  House  the  bill  they  have? 

Having  no  respect  for  the  ordinary  farmer  and  believing  that  capital 
should  own  its  labor,  and  that  no  encouragement  should  be  given  to  the 
American  manufacturer,  and  that  no  duty  whatever  should  be  ijnposed 
upon  imported  products,  could  they  do  otherwise  than  they  have  in  the 
bill  presented  ?  Are  they  not  to  be  commended  for  their  liberality  rather 
than  condemned  for  their  un-American  predilections? 

Representing  the  governing  side  of  this  Iloufte.  they  were  by  the  action 
of  the  .'speaker  given  the  j)ower  to  prepare  and  report  this  bill,  and,  in 
keeping  with  their  convictions,  they  have  performed  their  duties.  Pos- 
sessing the  power,  is  it  remarkable  that  they  should  refuse  a  hearing  to 
the  farmers,  to  the  laborers,  and  to  the  American  manufacturers,  and 
report  a  bill  that  would  give  to  the  country  the  conditions  they  con- 
teniled  for  upon  the  field  of  battle  as  nearly  as  our  changed  circumstances 
would  permit? 

The  bill  they  give  to  this  House  for  its  consideration  is  of  the  character 
and  kind  I  have  suggested,  aud  must  result  in  striking  down  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  field  in  y)Utting  the  laborers  of  America  in  competition  with 
the  laborers  of  th«  Old  World,  except  perhaps  that  they  propose  to 
give  an  additional  bounty  to  the  rice  grown  on  Southern  fields,  and  to 
give  to  those  engaged  in  pressing  and  binding  cotton  the  iron  bands  or 
ties  they  require  free  of  duty,  while  tlie  Northern  farmer  en<raged  in 
bailing  hay  or  the  Northern  manufacturer  engaged  in  hooping  barrels 
muHt  pay  the  import  duty  imposed  on  the  iron  that  he  uses. 

— Perkins,  Record,  3185. 

<'oii  fVMiorat  ion. 

Xo.  1:{1. — But,  sir,  when  the  nar  ended  and  f)eace  was  declared,  our 
faiher^j,  either  unwittingly  or  otherwise,  did  just  what  the  Democrats  in- 
sist we  have  now  under  the  Constitution.  They  organized  the  old  Con- 
federate government  under  the  .Articles  of  Confederation,  and  they  made 
it  a  State.H  rights  government.  There  is  no  doubt  about  that.  It  was  not 
a  union  ;  it  was  a  States  rights  government.  A  sort  of  joint-snake  con- 
federa<-y. 

But  we  had  not  progresse<l  very  far  under  that  new  government,  upon 
which  the  hopes  and  fears  and  aspirations  of  our  fathers  were  fixe<l,  when 
it  was  realized  that  instead  of  going  upward  and  onward  we  were  lapsing 
rapidly  into  our  old  position  of  dependence  upon  England  and  her  cheap 
products.  There  was  no  power  under  the  old  confederation  whereby 
72 


CON 

Conf3Tee8  could  control  the  commerce  between  the  States  and  foreign 
coimtries.  Some  States  had  no  law  on  the  subject,  and  other  States  adopted 
free  trade,  while  still  others  enacted  oppressive  navij.'ation  law?. 

— HouK,  Record,  4102. 

Conflict  of  two  iliNtiiirt  oirili/.attioiiN. 

'So.  1;J5. — In  this  conflict  there  are  tlie  ideas  of  two  distinct  civiliza- 
tions, the  one  born  of  the  spirit  of  oppression  and  aristocracy,  and  the 
other  sprindnp  from  the  men  who  foutrlitthe  wars  of  religious  toleration 
in  both  the  Old  and  the  Now  World,  and  who  came  to  New  Englancl  to 
found  a  nation  devoted  to  industry,  progress,  thrift,  and  political  and  re- 
ligious liberty.  The  descendants  of  these  people  are  not  to  be  halted  in 
their  grand  jiiarch  of  civilization  and  industrial  prosperity.  New  England 
ideas  may  be,  as  they  have  been,  mocked  at  and  derided,  but  the  hand  of 
the  Lord  never  permits  time  to  be  turned  backward. 

— Gallingkr,  Record,  3G93. 
ConNtifiition  and  tarifr. 

Xo.  i;iO. — The  historian,  fJancroft,  Fays:  "The  necessity  for  rcfrulat- 
ing  commerce  [/.  e.,  for  providing  a  proper  tarifl]  gave  the  immediate  im- 
pulse to  a  more  perfect  Constitution."     (Vol.  1,  p.  14G.) 

— Selected. — En. 

Con«ititnf ion  anU  larifT. 

So.  1187. — When  the  new  Constitution  was  framed  a  clause  was  in- 
serted in  it  whereby  Congress  was  authorized  to  regulate  trade  and  com- 
merce between  the  States  ^nd  with  foreign  countries.  All  the  debates  of 
that  convention  show  conclusively  and  overwhelmingly  that  there  was 
not  a  man  in  that  body,  not  a  single  man  in  the  convention  of  1787,  who 
did  not  insist  that  section  8  of  Article  1  of  the  Constitution,  giving  Con- 
gress the  power  to  regulate  trade  with  foreign  countries,  should  be  placed 
there  upon  the  distinct  understanding  that  it  was  to  enable  Congress  to 
pass  a  protective-tarifl"  law.  What  for  ?  Why,  sir,  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
cluding the  cheap  products  of  the  pauper  labor  of  the  Old  W^orld.  It  was 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  American  labor  a  chance  against  foreign  labor. 

— HouK,  Record,  4102. 

ConNtitnfion  ofconredoraoy.    (See  No.  133.) 

Const  if  lit  ional  riju^lit  to  protect  donio<l. 

\<».  i;5H. —  Cnon  the  ground  it  denied  the  power  to  establish  a  national 
bank,  to  undertakeor  carry  on  internal  improvements,  to  acquire  foreign 
territory,  and  especially  the  ri^ht  to  lay  duties  for  the  purjwse  of  pro- 
tecting home  industries,  and  whenever  the  tarilf  has  been  under  discus- 
sion in  Congress  the  question  of  the  conbtitutionalily  of  protection  has 
l)ecn  raised  by  the  Democratic  membership.  an<l  is  raised  to-day,  not- 
withstanding one  hundred  years  of  C'ongressional  legislation  recognize  it. 

So  that  a  tariff  for  revenue  in  the  liyht  of  history  and  a« expounded  by 
the  thairmnn  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  means  the  altsolute 
destruction  of  the  poliry  of  i)rotPction.  And  if  internal-revenue  taxes 
are  retained,  as  proposed  by  this  bill,  the  additional  amount  of  revenue 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Government  can  be  obtained  from 
duties  so  laid  aa  to  avoid  even  accidental  or  incidental  protection— that 
species  of  protection  which  the  democratic  jiarty  has  heretofore  exi)re88ed 
a  willingness  to  submit  to  for  the  sake  of  the  revenue. 

— TiioMisoK,  of  Ohio,  Record,  4318. 
Con<>«iinior.     (  S.  .    \<».  20  I. 

Cooloj-  contract  liilior.     i.s,  i   \o.  :HH.) 


COO-COP 

<  o-oporativo  iudiiistry  ihmmI-*  tlio  |trotectivo  NyMtein. 

Xo.  i;iy.— Ah,  Mr.  President,  il'tlie  flrfum  of  the  pliilosophicsocialiBt 
is  ever  to  become  fact,  if  his  milltnniuui  is  peacefully  to  come  when  the 
nation  shall  be  one>rr*'at  co-operative  commonwealth,  aasuining  the  direc- 
tion of  all  enterprise  and  die tributinj;  to  each  his  just  share  of  the  reward 
of  labor,  even  then  the  United  States  will  need  more  than  even  now  it 
needs  the  continuance  of  this  protective  system. 

Ixx)k  at  practical  results.  Raw  materials  on  the  free-list,  wool  from 
Australia,  iron  ore  from  Spain,  Altreria,  Cuba.  Elba,  lumber  from  Canada, 
coal  from  Nova  Scotia,  and  salt  from  Turk's  Island — are  these  the  coun- 
tries where  labor  is  well  paid?  I  want  to  say  here, and  I  want  to  put  it 
on  record,  that  cheap  raw  materials  are  the  budye  of  poverty  the  world 
over.  Put  all  these  on  the  free-list ;  they  will  be  cheaper,  perhapp,  but 
f;3oO,rOO,000  of  American  capital  will  be  ^'one,  and  from  200,000  to  350,0(i0 
American  workmen  will  he  out  of  employment.  What  is  labor  to  jjain 
by  such  a  governmental  lockout  as  tliat  ?  It  will  no  longer  be  a  question 
of  what  capital  ou«_'ht  to  do  by  labor  ;  it  will  no  longer  be  a  question  of 
higher  or  lower  wages  in  those  enterprises  which  are  now  en^'agedin  the 
production  of  raw  materials ;  it  w  ill  be  a  (luestion  of  no  wages.  Bituminous 
coal  costs  now  at  the  pit-mouth  but  from  a  dollar  to  51.17  a  ton.  How 
much  of  it  will  be  mined  with  the  duty  of  75  cents  per  ton  removed  ?  All 
that  is  used  along  our  :_'reat  seacoast  and  far  inland  w  ill  come  from  Nova 
Scotia,  and  the  mines  liere  must  stop  ;  and  when  they  stop  there  is  no 
question  between  the  miner  and  employer  as  to  how  much  wages  the 
emi)loye  shall  receive  from  the  employer,  and  so  with  all  other  industries 
producing  raw  materials.  —Senator  Pi..\rr,  Record,  1055. 

4'o|>i>or— Maiiiirac-ture  not  a  bonanza. 

\<>.  1  1«>.— The  alTairs  of  the  Jackson  Mining  Company  of  Michigan, 
which  are  said  to  have  been  disclosed  through  suit,  have  been  instanced 
in  this  debate  as  showing  the  enormous  protits  of  the  iron  trade.  The 
business  of  this  company  embraced  the  mining  of  ore  and  the  smelting 
of  this  material  in  two  furnaces.  The  Jackson  Iron  Mountain  was  the 
site  of  the  first  discovery  of  iron  in  the  upper  peninsula  of  Michigan  ; 
easy  of  development  and  rich  in  product,  the  mine  was  one  of  those 
which,  surviving  failure,  remunerated  its  subseiiuent  owners. 

Exceptional  cases  of  profit  do  not  establish  the  average  rule  of  gain. 
The  Calumet  and  Hecla,  said  to  be  the  largest  and  richest  mine  in  this 
country  or  the  world,  stands  phenomenal  amidst  deserted  claims,  aban- 
doned villages,  and  the  waste  of  fortunes  seeking  similar  profits  in  the 
mining  of  copper.  Such  exam|)le9  have  lured,  in  many  cases,  the  in- 
vestment of  capital  only  to  eml  in  bankrujitcy.  In  regard  to  that  entire 
region,  in  testimony  before  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  in  1880,  in 
reply  to  a  (juestion  by  Mr.  Hewitt,  "  But  has  not  the  mining  of  Lake 
Superior  ore  as  a  whole  been  profitable  to  the  owners?"  Mr.  Ely,  of 
Clevelan<l,  replied,  "  No,  sir;  not  as  a  whole.  I  think  that  more  money 
has  been  sunk  in  Lake  Superior  mines  than  ever  came  out  of  them.  I 
have  put  more  money  into  that  region  than  I  ever  got  out." 

— Slymocr,  Record,  4413. 
4'o|>por  duty  may  rob  tO  por  cent,  but  not  49. 

><».  1  1 1.— The  last  file-closer  is  mv  tall  and  good-natured  friend  from 
Indiana  [.Mr.  liyninii].  His  denunei'ation  is  of  the  combination  order, 
cond>ining  declaration  with  implication,  the  whole  being  a  prelude  to  a 
sort  of  a  musical  extravaganza.  In  his  speech  on  the  20th  of  April  he 
concentrated  and  combined  the  pillage,  plunder,  and  robbery  theory  in 
the  highest  style  of  art.     He  says: 

"  To  show  how  American  labor  has  been  pillaged  and  plundered  by 
this  masked  robber  of  protection,  I  have  obtained,  etc." 
74 


COP— COR 

Hifl  mind  has  become  so  imbued  with  the  manner  in  which  the  masked 
robber  of  protection  pillages  and  plunders  American  labor  in  the  con- 
sumption of  cotton  and  woolen  poods  that  he  naturally  concludes  that 
labor  also  consumes  copper,  and  that  the  great  copper  trust  of  the  world 
is  robbing  the  horny-handed  eon  of  toil,  because  we  have  more  Ameri- 
can copi>er  than  can  be  consumed  by  Americans. 

This  robbery  of  labor  in  the  copper  business  led  me  to  examine  how 
much  the  Mills  bill  proposed  to  reduce  the  robbery.  Investigation  dis- 
closes the  fact  that  the  plundering  business  wan  to  be  reduced  from  24^ 
cents  per  pound  to  2  cents  per  pound  on  certain  kinds  of  copper  ore  and 
upon  certain  other  kinds  from  .)■")  per  cent,  ad  valorem  to  oO  per  cent,  ad 
valorem.  My  friend  from  Indiana  is  therefore  willing,  to  be  consistent 
with  his  great  protestations  in  behalf  of  American  industry  and  Ameri- 
can labor,  to  reduce  the  robbery  3  mills  per  pound  on  certain  copper 
materials  and  5  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on  certain  other  copper  materials. 
How  thankful  and  grateful  American  l^bor  will  be  for  this  magnificent 
concession. 

— Peters,  Record,  4715. 

CupperaN  industry  and  norkiciKittoii. 

\o.  1 12. — Now,  the  duty  on  copperas  i8;?2a  ton.  It  can  be  landed  on 
our  seaboard  at  >;o  per  ton.  It  can  be  made  by  our  people  for  >7  a  ton  at 
the  works.  The  duty  yielded  only  ^240  last  year.  If  you  takeoff  this 
duty  you  do  not  affect  the  Cleveland  Rolling  Mill  Company,  but  you  do 
aO'ect  these  sixty  or  seventy  workingmen  employed  in  this  industry,  be- 
cause the  Cleveland  Rolling  Mill  will  be  compelled  to  make  this  cop- 
peras; they  must  do  it;  and  if  they  cannot  compete  with  the  foreign 
manufacture  the  difference  comes  off  the  laborer,  and  will  amount  to 
oU  cents  a  day. 

There  bting  only  $77,000  worth  of  this  product  made  in  this  country, 
it  being  all  made  by  laboring  men,  the  product  being  their?,  the  margin 
being  theirs,  the  profit  being  theirs,  and  as  the  removal  of  the  duty 
would  aliect  nobody  and  injure  nobody  except  these  workingmen  who 
are  now  making  this  copperas,  I  submit  in  all  candor  and  sincerity  that 
my  amendment  ought  to  be  agreed  to. 

— FoRAN,  Record,  5730. 

CordaK<^  and  twiiio— Kiloots  of  reduction. 

Xo.  1  l:t. — I  adk  consent  that  the  letters  which  I  send  to  the  desk  may 
be  printed  in  the  Rkojui*. 

'•  Boston,  April  G,  18S8. 

"Dear  Sir:  We  understand  that  under  the  Mills  tariff  bill  it  is  pro- 
posed to  make  the  duty  on  rope  and  hinder  twine  15  percent,  ad  valorem. 

"The  entablishment  of  a  iluty  on  rope  and  twine  at  huch  a  figure  a.'^  15 
per  cent,  simply  means  disa-ster  and  i»osMible  ruin  to  the  niaiiuf.icturing 
interests  in  cordage  in  this  country,  for  we  could  not  compete  with  for- 
eign manufacturers,  who  pay  for  labor  less  than  one-half  the  wages  we 
have  to  pay. 

"  Permit  us  to  give  you  an  illustration  of  this  fact.  Some  time  since  a 
representative  of  the  I'.elfast  (Ireland)  Cordngo  Works  called  ujjon  us. 
^yhile  iliscuseing  matters  pi-rtairiing  to  cordage  inanufii'turethe<jue8tion 
of  labor  came  up,  and  we  learned  that  the  Belfast  com  pan  v  paid  their 
skilled  labor  1  ;>  shillirgs  per  week,  or  say  four  and  one-half  dollars.  Wo 
pay  the  girls  in  our  employ  considerably  more  than  this;  even  bovs  as 
new  beginners  get  more,  and  we  pay  some  of  our  men  as  much  ]nr  day 
as  they  pay  per  week,  and  many  of  our  men  earn  in  two  to  three  days 
the  amount  the  Belfast  company  pay  for  an  entire  week." 


COS 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  of  Pennsylvania.  "We  have  the  same  facts  from  the 
establishment  in  San  Francisco.  We  have  the  same  facts  from  the  estab- 
lishments of  riiiladelphia  and  elsewhere  throughout  the  country.  I  do 
not  see,  therefore,  why  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  cannot  take 
the  results  of  experience  from  those  who  know  what  they  are  talking 
about. 

— LoN'G,  Record,  GG39. 

C'oru-PrU'C  of  in  1SI6.    (See  Xo.  59.) 

Cost  ortilaiss.    (^Sec  Glass  Xo.  385.) 

Cost  or  the  GoTornment. 

Xo.  1-11. — It  costs  something  to  maintain  a  Government  for  G0,00(),00() 
of  people.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  estimates  that  it  will  retiure 
J.3l!0,5o0,000  to  meet  the  proVjable  obligations  of  the  Government  during 
the  fiscal  year  beginning  .July  ],  1888,  and  ending  June  .30,  1889.  These 
liabilities  must  be  dif  charged.  The  anticipated  income  of  the  Govern- 
ment for  the  same  period  from  sources  other  than  taxation  is  $35,000,000. 

Deducting  this  amount  from  the  estimated  needs  of  the  Government 
and  there  will  remain  $291,">30.000  to  be  provided  for.  There  are  but 
two  ways  of  raising  this  sum — one  by  a  loan,  the  other  by  taxation.  A 
proposition  to  borrow  in  times  of  peace  and  reasonable  prosperity  would 
excite  universal  derision.  Taxation  therefore  is  the  only  legitimate  re- 
course. But  this  is  already  provided  for  by  law.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  estimates  that  at  the  present  rate  of  taxation  there  will  How 
into  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  during  the  next  fiscal  year  from — 

Internal  revenue  sources $120,000,000 

Customs 228,00O,C0a 

-Aggregating  the  sum  of .348,030,000 

an  amount  in  excess  of  the  estimated  needs  of  the  Government  of  ?")G,- 
470,000.  Fifty-six  millions  and  a  half  in  round  number.*,  therefore, 
measures  the  surplus  which  will  be  accumulated  in  the  Treasury  during 
the  next  fiscal  year  if  the  present  rate  of  taxation  be  continued. 

— Burrows,  Record,  344G. 

lost  of  l.ivins. 

Xo.  145. — As  to  the  cost  of  living,  I  can  give  no  better  statement 
than  to  quote  the  retail  prices  of  the  principal  articles  usually  classed 
among  the  necessaries  of  life : 

Retail  prices  of  necfssnrirs  of  life. 
Bread : 

White per  pound... 

Black do 

Beef 

Steaks do 

Roa«t do 

Common do 

Chickens each.., 

Mutton per  pound... 

Pork do 

Veal do 

Eggs per  dozen... 

Butter per  pound... 

Cheese,  Swiss  do 

Coffee do 


$0  03 

2} 

$0  20 

to 

24 

17 

to 

20 
141 

3G 

to 

GO 

m 
m 

13 

14.f 

to 

20 

24 

to 

3G 

24 

to 

28 

30 

to 

48 

COS 

Retail  prices  of  necessaries  of  Z(/>— Continued. 

Tea do 0*5    to  1  20 

Sugar do 07     to      10 

Potatoes per  100  jiound-s...  72 

Cabbages apiece...  02A  to      05 

Flour per  pound...  04A  to      05J 

Kerosene  oil per  littr...  "  06 

Milk do 05 

Can  anybody  find  that  the  necessaries  of  life  where  the  highest  aver- 
age weekly  wage  is  $5.76  are  not  fully  up  to  the  net  price  of  the  neces- 
saries of  life  in  America?  I  have  ijuoled  this  eomewhat,  I  fear,  to  the 
weariness  of  the  Senate,  because  I  wanted  to  put  on  record  this  Demo- 
cratic free-trade  testimony  upon  this  question. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1016. 

Co»«t  of  living  iu  Europe  and  .liuerica. 

Xo.  1 40. — Mr.  BAYNE.  Will  the  gentleman  permit  an  interruption  ? 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  of  Pennsylvania.    Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  BAYNE.  From  your  last  remark  I  infer  that  you  would  admire 
the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Hemphill],  who  said  frankly 
here  the  other  day  that  he  wanted  to  buy  the  products  of  labor  in  the 
cheapest  markets  of  the  world,  and  also  to  buy  labor  itself  at  the  cheapest 
price. 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  of  Pennsylvania.  Well,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  did  not  hear 
Mr.  Hemphill's  speech,  but  I  can  easily  see  how  it  impres.sed  itseif  upon 
my  colleague  [Mr.  Bayne].  [Laughter.]  And,  Mr.  Chairman,  this 
brings  to  my  mind  some  statistics  which  I  saw  a  few  days  ago  showing 
the  relative  cost  of  living  in  England  and  in  Massachusetts.  The  state- 
ment must  have  been  written  by  a  Massachusetts  man — an  intelligent 
Massachusetts  man.  [I-iaughter.]  Massachusetts  men  generally  are  in- 
telligent ;  they  generally  know  what  they  are  talking  about.  I  read  this 
statement  with  pleasure.  I  think  I  have  it  in  my  room  now  ;  I  wish  I 
had  it  here.  It  was  a  comparison  of  the  cost  of  living  in  the  two  coun- 
tries with  reference  to  the  labor  question.  In  the  English  towns  which 
it  mentioned  the  wages  of  labor  amounted  to  $7  or  ;?7.50  per  week.  In 
the  Massachusetts  towns  the  wages  amounted  to  about  $10  i)er  week. 
Now,  the  cost  of  living  to  the  laborer  in  the  English  towns  mentioned 
was  within  2")  or  20  or  oO  cents  of  his  week's  earnings.  That  was  all  that 
he  had  left  from  his  wages  to  give  his  family  for  any  little  provision  in 
the  way  of  luxuries;  whereas  in  Massachusetts  the  cost  of  the  laborer's 
living  was  about  $8  a  week  ;  so  that  every  week  he  had  an  excess  of  $2 
above  the  cost  of  his  living  to  give  to  his  family  forotlier  little  matters 
tliat  they  might  recjuire.  The  American  workinginan  had  $2  a  week  to 
spare,  while  the  Englishman  had  not  more  than  :>0  cents  a  week.  Mr. 
•Chairman,  that  illustrates  the  difference  of  living  for  the  workingman 
under  the  system  of  protection  to  American  industry  and  the  system  of 
free-trade  as  carried  out  in  England. 

I^Ir.  RUSSELL,  of  Ma-^sachusetts.  If  I  do  not  interrupt  the  gentleman, 
I  wish  to  say  to  him  that  the  high  wagfs  paid  to  labor  in  the  State  of 
Massachusetts  are  paid  in  industries  which  are  not  protected,  but  which 
are  largely  taxed  by  the  tariff. 

Mr.  MILLIKEN.'  But  do  they  not  get  the  benefits  of  the  protective 
system  all  the  same? 

Mr.  IUjSSELL,  of  Massachusetts.  The  highly  protected  industries  do 
not  pay  high  wages.  The  most  highly  protected  industries  there  pay  as 
low  wages  as  are  paid  in  Lin'tashire — I  mean  the  great  cotton  industries 
of  Massachusetts  and  oi  Rhode  Island. 

77 


COS 

Mr.  O'NKILT.,  of  Pennsylvania.  Mr.  Chairman,  that  cannot  be. 
[Lanjrhter.]  I  <lo  not  8ny  the  j;entlenian  makefl  a  inisBtatoinent,  but  it 
cannot  be.  I  take  the  ti;:ures  to  which  I  have  referred,  made  by  a  Mas- 
Kat-husetts  man,  to  be  true.  They  are  pathere<l  from  statistics,  and  1  Ije- 
lieve  them  to  be  corrc-ct.  I  know  in  my  own  heart  and  soul  that  the 
Ameriran  workinpman  anywhere,  in  any  line  of  manufacture,  in  any 
line  of  ind'istry,  in  any  kind  of  work  in  this  country,  is  better  oif  at  the 
end  of  the  week  than  the  foreit'n  workin^rman.  1  know  that  and  the 
gentleman  from  Maepachu8ett«  [Mr.  llu.sflell]  knows  it,  and  pentlemenon 
the  other  ^ide  of  the  Hnise  know  it.  They  cannot  shut  their  eyes  to  the 
fact.  They  want  to  build  up  an  ar^ment  f  jr  free-trade  by  appealini:  to 
the  laborini:  man  of  this  country  as  to  how  he  is  "oppressed  and  tell- 
in)?  him  that  the  Mills  bill  will  relieve  him. 

Mr.  Kr.*<.SELL,  of  Ma.«.sachueetts.  The  gentleman  must  know  from  his 
own  knowledge  of  manuf.ictures  that  not  one  iadusirv  in  ten  in  a  great 
liive  of  diversified  industries  like  Mawsachusetts  can  be  reached  by  the 
hand  of  j)rotec'ion.     They  are  paralyze)!  by  tax,  not  protected. 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  of  Pennsylvania.  This  i.s  the  first  time  I  have  ever 
heard  it  announced  that  the  workiugman  in  Ma.s.sachusett8  is  an  un- 
liapny  man,  or  that  his  family  is  an  unliapj)y  family.  [Laughter.]  The 
workingmen  of  Massachusetts  have  advantpges  which  the  workingmen 
in  many  other  parts  of  the  country  do  not  have.  They  have  an  estab- 
lished school  system  ;  they  are  well  educated  ;  they  toil  for  certain  hours 
of  the  day,  and  then  they  go  home  and  are  happy  in  their  households, 
and  they  are  happy  in  their  occupations  also  because  the  .State  is  a  Re- 
publican State  and  favors  protection.  [Applause  on  the  Kepublican  side, 
an<l  laughter.] 

— O'Neill,  Pennsylvania,  Record,  3648. 

Cost  or  living  in^ho  rnitcd  States  and  England. 

\<>.  I  17. — He  shows  further  that  the  difference  in  the  cost  of  living 
in  .\Ia.ssachu.setts  and  England  arises  almost  wholy  in  the  item  of  rent. 

The  people  in  France,  PIngland,  and  Germany  are  able  to  subsist  upon 
the  pittance  which  they  r,jceive  for  their  labor  simply  because  they  do 
not  live  one-half  as  well  as  do  the  wage-earners  in  our  own  country. 
They  are  compelled  to  exercise  the  greatest  economy,  and  every  mem- 
l-)er  of  the  family  becomes  a  wage-earner  as  soon  as  they  are  of  sufficient 
ago,  the  women  often  performing  the  hardest  and  most  burdensome  kind 
of  out<loor  toil.  I  trust  the  day  will  never  come  when  our  women  in 
America  shall  be  compelled  to  perform  such  labor  and  bear  such  burdens 
as  they  do  in  the  countries  named.  I  do  not  mention  these  things  for 
the  purpose  of  showing  what  ellect  procection  or  free  trade  may  have  in 
the  countries  najied;  whether  free  trade  in  England  or  protection  in 
Germany  is  advisable  and  best  I  shall  not  undertake  to  say.  for  I  con- 
tend that  what  may  be  goo'l  policy  in  this  respect  in  one  country  might 
\)0  ruinous  in  another.  England  maintained  her  protective  policy  until 
but  a  few  years  ago.  She  built  up  her  manufacturing  industries  under  a 
protective  policy  until  the  products  of  her  factories  exceeded  those  pro- 
duced in  any  other  country.  Her  statesmen  saw  that  she  was  unable  to 
pro<lu(e  food  for  her  peopb',  and  that  she  must  rely  largely  upon  the  pro- 
ductions c>f  her  factories  and  her  foreign  commerce  to  sustain  her  gov- 
ernment and  j)Cople.  She  was  unabl'  by  force  of  circumstances  beyond 
her  control  to  build  np  diversified  industries.  But  how  different  is  it 
with  our  country ! 

—  ^>KE^vER,  Record,  .3005. 

CoMt  or  Ii>in£;  inrrrn««o<l   bj-  Inking  tariff  from  proTiNions. 
(Sof  (  olf«'<>  \o.  lan. ) 

Cotton  Bas^ging.    (Sir  >om.  IG,  47.  IS,  49.) 


COS— COT 

Co«>il  of  ProdiiotionH  (whioli  in  labor)  inuNt  be  reduced. 

No.  1\H. — We  are  the  greatest. cotton-growing  country  in  the  world  • 
•we  are  the  greatest  ore-proilucing  nation  in  the  world  ;  we  have  got  all 
the  elements  to  make  us  the  greatest  manufacturing  nation  on  earth. 
We  can  give  employment,  additional  employment,  to  all  our  wage- 
workers  at  fair  wages  and  keep  tliem  constantly  employed  if  Congrees 
will  only  let  us  alone.  [Great  applause  on  the  Democratic  side.]  We 
ask  you  to  remove  as  far  as  you  can  these  barriers.  I^t  us  have  free  raw 
materials  that  we  may  reduce  the  cost  of  the  product;  for  the  cost  of  the 
product  is  to  determine  the  standing  of  our  goods  in  the  market,  and  il 
we  can  produce  an  article  cheaper  than  anybody  else  in  the  world  can 
produce  it  we  will  take  the  market  away  from  them  and  hold  it  against 
them.     [Applause.] 

— Mi  14.8,  Record,  7344. 

Cotton  raetories  or  New  England. 

>o.  I  ID. —  Let  us  glance  at  some  significant  facts  which  the  Tenth 
Censu.s  reveals,  and  which  any  industrious  Congreesman,  doubting  the 
correctness  of  the  statementt?,  can  verify  for  himself.  And  first  let  u* 
look  at  the  cotton  industry. 

In  spinning  cotton  the  six  New  England  States  make  use  of  nearly 
ten  millions  of  spindles,  and  in  the  weaving  of  cotton  fabrics  over  two 
hundred  thousands  looms,  employing  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  people  in  the  cotton  factories  alone.  Of  the  two  hundred 
millions  of  dollars  which  represent  the  total  capital  invented  in  all  the 
States  of  the  Union  in  cotton  manufactures,  these  six  New  England  iStates 
hold  within  their  bounds  about  one  hundred  and  seventy  millions  of  it 
in  mills,  machinery,  and  other  things  necessary  to  their  work,  and  they 
pay  to  their  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  operatives  over  thirty-five 
million  dollars  annually. 

Of  the  seven  hundred  and  fifty-three  million  pounds  of  cotton  actually 
consumed  in  the  mills  of  the  country,  New  England  usen  five  hundred 
and  forty-one  million  pounds  annually,  leaving  only  tw«»  hnndred  million 
pounds  tobeu.sed  in  all  the  other  States.  Now,  gentlemen  of  the  South,  or 
more  particularly  of  the  cotton  States,  glance  along  the  line  of  the  coast 
to  tlie  north  of  you,  and  let  your  ej'es  rest  for  a  moment  upon  that  sec- 
tion of  the  country  which  many  of  your  people  belive  produces  only  ice 
and  granite,  and  a.-ik  your.3elve8the  question  whether  you  want  to  follow 
the  l)€hests  of  your  President  and  destroy  so  valuable  a  market  for  the 
cotton  of  your  peopl',?. 

Kemember,  too,  that  the  Southern  States  do  not  produce  one-lialf  of 
the  cotton  used  in  the  world,  and  that  England  is  pushing  co'ton  rais- 
ing with  great  vigor  wherever  it  can  be  producet!  in  her  dominions. 
Strike  down  New  England,  your  best  customer,  put  yourselves  at  the 
meR;y  of  Eur.ipean  nations,  and  then  see  how  long  it  will  l>e  until  the 
present  rate  of  8  cents  per  poun<l  which  you  now  receive  for  your  cotton 
on  your  farms  an  against  14  cents  under  the  high  taritf  in  1S>^1  will  l)e  still 
farther  reducad.  The  South  to-day  consumes  only  3  per  cent,  of  her  own 
cotton  crops. 

I>et  the  South  lieware,  lest  by  her  own  votes  and  her  tampering  with 
existing  tarifflaws  she  doee  not  strike  down  and  destroy  her  best  cus- 
tomer, and  thus  do  violence  to  her  own  people. 

— fJ.M.LiNr.KR,  Record,  3089. 

Cotton  once  reqnirod  protection. 

Xo.  l."»0. — The  few  strugu'ling-cotton  mi'ls  of  New  England  in  the 
early  j)art  of  this  century  found  it  cheaper  to  buy  India  cotton  than  to 
buy  that  produ'-ed  in  the  Carolin.i.'*.  and  under  the  ojH'ration  of  that  law 

79 


COT 

•which  our  frienda  upon  the  other  side  so  constantly  invoke — the  right  to 
buy  where  we  can  buy  cheapest — the  mill-owners  of  New  England 
bought  India  cotton  and  our  merchants  purchased  India  cotton  fabrics. 

There  rould  hardly  be  a  complaint  in  the  Carolinas  that  thej'  did  not 
have  cheap  labor  ;  but  cheap  as  their  labor  was,  the  labor  of  India  was 
still  cheaper.  The  result  was  that  New  England  merchantmen  and 
English  vessels  brought  from  India  cotton  to  supply  New  England 
mills  and  cotton  goods  to  supply  the  American  market.  At  that  time 
certain  Itepresentatives  from  New  England  talked  persuasively  against 
an  import  duty,  but  placed  their  opposition  on  the  ground  of  its  in- 
jurious effects  upon  the  India  shipping  interest,  in  which  New  Entrland 
then  employed  forty  ships.  It  was  but  a  few  years  until  our  friends 
from  south  of  the  Potomac  had  gained  and  held  the  coign  of  vantage 
agaiutt  the  producers  of  cotton  throughout  the  nations  of  the  world, 
and  strangely  enough,  after  having  first  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  a  pro- 
tective system  and  in  the  midst  of  their  own  flourishing  condition, 
turned  to  deny  to  the  struggling  industries  of  the  other  States  the  pro- 
tection indispensable  to  their  establibhment  and  growth. 

The  cultivation  of  cotton  becoming  independent  of  all  competition, 
the  Southern  statesmen  turned  from  the  championship  of  that  indus- 
try to  defend  the  peculiar  system  of  labor  employed  in  its  prosecution, 
and  from  that  day  slavery  and  free  trade  established  and  maintained  an 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance  and  waged  relentless  war  upon  the  pro- 
tective policy. 

— BuTTERwoRTH,  Record,  4393. 

Cotton  CiloodH— Cost  of. 

>o.  Ifll. — I  append  an  extract  from  a  speech  delivered  at  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Farmers' Congress  at  Chicago  November  11,  1887,  by  Hon. 
Thomas  H.  Dudley,  formerly  United  States  consul  at  Liverpool,  England. 

"  By  our  present  protective  tariilonthe  lowest  grades  of  unbleached 
cotton  cloths  there  is  a  duty  of  2S  cents  per  square  yard  ;  on  bleached, 
3i  cents  ;  and  on  colored  prints,  4-  cents,  with  a  corresponding  higher 
rate  on  the  higher  grades  of  cotton  goods-.  Will  any  one  assert  that  these 
duties  have  increased  the  price  or  in  any  way  added  one  cent  to  the  cost 
of  cotton  goods  in  the  United  States?  In  none  of  these  cases  has  the 
duty  increased  the  price;  on  the  contrary,  it  has  not  only  lowered  the 
price,  but  it  has  also  forced  the  English  manufacturer  to  reduce  his  price 
as  well — a  step  he  would  never  have  taken  so  long  as  he  had  the  mo- 
nopoly of  our  marktt  and  ould  fix  his  own  price  for  his  commodities. 
This  reduction  did  not  take  place  until  our  home  competition  came  in 
and  forced  him  to  ]  ut  down  his  prices. 

Now  let  any  American  farmer  reflect  for  one  moment  on  the  extent  of 
the  u.oe  of  cotton  goods  in  his  house.  All  the  undeiclothing  of  himself 
and  the  members  of  his  family,  and  often  the  calico  dressts  his  wife  and 
children  wear,  the  sheets  between  which  he  sleeps,  the  ticking  on  his 
bed,  and,  it  may  be,  the  cloth  on  his  table,  as  well  as  the  towels  and  nap- 
kins he  USPS,  and  the  curtains  at  the  windows,  are  all  manufactured  from 
cotton,  an<l  the  'manufacture  of  these  goods  gives  employment  to  thou- 
sands of  American  workmen,  who  to  a  great  extent  form  the  farmer's 
home  market. 

— Gtenthhr,  Record,  3951. 

Cotton  <>oodM— K(ro<-t  on  lino  goods. 

"Xo.  152.— In  the  fine  grades  which  we  are  endeavoring  to  manu- 
facture, and  of  which  last  year  goods  invoiced  at  f!20,000,000  and  worth 
much  more  were  imported  into  this  country,  all  of  which  we  ought  to 
have  made  ourselves,  the  result  would  be,  by  the  change  from  specific  to 
SO 


COT 

sid  valorem  duties  as  proposed  in  the  Mills  bill,  the  $29,000,000  imported 
last  year  would  the  very  first  show  an  increase  of  ten  to  fifteen  million 
of  dollars,  thus  increasing  the  revenue,  and  at  the  same  time  working  a 
serious  injury  to  all  mills  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  such  goods  to  an 
extent  the  committee  could  hardly  have  appreciated. 

When  gentlemen  of  the  committee  contemplate  the  practical  working 
of  the  proposed  cotton  schedule,  especially  in  the  light  of  the  report  of 
Secretary  Manning  upon  the  effect  of  ad  valorem  duties,  and  read  the 
statistics — which  I  will  print  in  connection  with  my  remarks— as  to  how 
•even  under  existing  law  fine  manufactured  cottons  are  struggling  under 
great  disadvantages  against  the  highly  finished  fine  gootls  imported,  in 
which  there  is  so  large  a  proportion  of  labor,  they  ought  to  see  good  rea- 
son for  hesitating  in  the  step  which  they  propose  to  take. 

—Ding LEY,  Record,  6636. 

Cotton  Cioo<l*4— Etroot  on  Nilk-finiNli  goo<l<4. 

Ao.  mil. — Gentlemen  are  aware  of  the  fact  that  within  a  few  years 
new  classes  of  cotton  goods  have  come  into  use,  printed,  colored,  and 
highly  finished,  and  being  in  their  character  almost  eijual  to  silk.  Now 
it  IS  proposed  to  impose  upon  such  goods  as  these  goods,  which  we  are 
just  attempting  to  manufacture  in  this  country,  an  ad  valorem  duty  of 
only  40  per  cent.  This  is  done  in  face  of  the  fact  that  they  are  that  class 
of  commodities  that  are  used  in  the  main  by  the  wealthy,  and  may  be 
considered  as  luxuries.  I  invite  the  attention  of  gentlemen  in  this  con- 
nection to  the  report  of  the  Treasury  Department  for  1887  upon  this  class 
of  goods,  in  which  it  is  said — and  I  refer  to  the  report  of  the  Bureau  of 
S;ati8tics,  page  25 : 

"There  are  numerous  articles  of  cotton  which  are  so  liberally  manu- 
factured and  ornamented  as  to  become  more  articles  of  luxury  than  any 
articles  of  silk  which  are  classed  as  luxuries." 

The  inevitable  effect  of  this  wholesale  transfer  from  the  spe?ific  to  the 
ad  valorem  duties  must  be  to  greatly  increase  the  dilliculties  encoun- 
tered by  our  manufacturers  in  making  all  these  finer  classes  of  cotton 
goods.  ( 

— DixGLEY,  Record,  6036. 

Cotton  <«oo<l!4— From  sporiflc  to  ad  valorem. 

Xo.  ItS  1. — It  is  inexplicable  that  so  sweeping  a  change  a.s  tli's  should 
be  made  in  the  face  of  the  report  of  the  late  laiiiente(l  Secretary  Manning, 
showinir  conclusively  that  specific  duties  are  necessary  in  order  to  carry 
out  the  will  of  the  legislative  branch  of  the  tiovernment  with  reftrence 
to  the  imposition  of  duties;  that  ad  valorem  duties  invite  frauds— frauds 
which  It  18  beyond  the  power  of  the  adm-nistraUve  oflicers  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  avoid — and  that  ad  valorem  duties  are  practically,  in  the  tex- 
tile list,  a  j)remium  upon  frauds.  It  iscertainly  surprising  that  the  Com- 
mittee on  Wavs  and  Means,  in  the  face  of  the  advice  of  the  Executive 
Dep«rinu'nt  of  the  Governiiient  and  of  the  oliici.U  who  is  set  specially  to 
administer  our  tarifflaws,  should  have  tjroiight  in  ;i  proposition  to  adopt 
exclusively  ad  valorem  duties  for  all  cotton  goods. 

— DiNc.i.KY,  Record,  6636. 

Cotton  CiSoodH-Tnriir  too  lou  for  lino  Kood.-i. 

N«>.  It'St'). —  It  was  intended  to  produce  a  line  f.thrii',  which  would  em- 
ploy the  highest  skiileil  labor.  In  every  pound  of  this  fulirc  there  was 
cont;umed  a  (juantity  of  Sea  Island  cotton  which  cost  4.")J  cents  per  pound 
of  cloth;  the  wages  paid  were  S7r]  cents  per  pountl  ofcloth  ;  the  taxes 
and  other  incidental  expenses  were  '.V2\  cents  per  pound  of  cloth  ;  mak- 
ing an  aggregate  of?l. '!'>,'  per  pound, or  I'Jj  cu's  per  yard.  Now, under 
vi  SI 


COT— CUT 

oar  present  tarilF,  that  fabric  was  imported  at  13  centfi  a  yard,  and  the 
quarter  of  a  cent  luarvrin  did  not  sullire  to  pay  interest  on  the  invest- 
ment,  eo  that  this  mill,  which  was  built  at  large  expense  and  equipped 
in  the  most  elahoratt'  manner  for  the  express  business  of  producing  this 
line  fabric,  struw'Kled  alonv:  for  u  time  in  competition  with  the  foreijrn  arti- 
cle, and  at  last  was  compelled  to  f<ive  up  the  business  of  producing  the 
tine  fabric  and  go  back  to  the  protluction  of  coarser  yarn. 

Leiiluach,  Record,  0035. 

C'otton-*ioo<l  Oil— Frotoctioii  lias  bnilt  the  mills. 

Xo.  150. — A  writer  in  De  Bow's  .Southern  Jit:view  for  July,  1859,  com- 
putes the  amount  of  cotton-seed,  and  its  value  when  the  oil  is  expiessed. 
as  follows : 

"Three  million  six  hundred  thousand  bales,  at  500  pounds  to  the  bale, 
is  1.800,000.000  pounds  of  tiber,  the  cotton-seed  of  which  would  be  3,000,- 
000,000  poundH,  or  l.Oso.OOU  tons;  3. ',)0(),000,000  pounds  is  equal  to  \,'J>0,- 
(XR),000  pounds  of  kernel,  which  will  give  87,lL'O,u00  gallons  of  oil,  and 
702,800  tons  of  oil  cake.  Value  of  87,ll.'0,000  gallons  of  oil,  at  $1  per  gal- 
lon, $S7,ll.'0,000;  701,300  tons  of  oil  c^ke,  at  ?25  per  ton,  $iy,057,000. 
Total,  ^r^  100, 177,000." 

This  cotton-seed  is  not,  however,  economized  or  utilized  to  any  extent, 
and  will  not  be  until  mills  are  established  in  the  cotton  country  for  ex- 
tracting the  oil,  and  consumers  for  that  oil  are  brought  to  the  side  of  the 
plantation. 

— H.  Carey  Baird. 

Cotton  tlireatl-WIiy  it  roqiiiroN  protertion. 

.\«.  1.17. — There  are  in  my  di»trict  and  in  that  adjoining,  represented 
by  my  colleague,  Mr.  McAdoo,  four  lirms  manufiicturing  cotton  thread. 
These  employ  thousands  of  hands.  The  reasons  for  the  adoption  of  t  hie 
amendment  are  the  same  that  have  so  often  been  given  during  the  con- 
Bideration  of  this  bill.  The  cost  of  the  plant  of  a  cotton  mill  is  at  least 
double  that  of  the  cost  in  England  and  t?cotland.  The  price  of  the  mate- 
rial for  the  construction  of  the  factory  is  double;  the  wages  paid  to  the 
carpenters  and  ma.«on9  are  nearly  three  times  tliose  paid  on  the  other 
ei<le  ;  the  waees  of  those  employed  in  our  factories  are  from  two  to  two 
and  one-half  times  greater  than  the  highest  wages  paid  in  Kngland.  This 
enables  our  metdianics  who  are  employe<l  in  these  factories  to  live  better, 
to  educate  their  chililren,  and  in  a  few  years,  with  proper  ecomony,  to 
accumulate  a  sullicient  amount  to  build  neat  and  substantial  cottages. 
The  present  duty  isalniut  the  difference  in  wages  paid  here  and  those  paid 
abroad.  Should  this  hill  Ijecome  a  law  it  would  compel  a  reduction  of 
wages,  and  thus  hurt  those  whom  it  sliould  be  the  policy  of  this  Govern- 
ment to  protect. 

— Lehlbach,  Record,  6635. 

t'utl«'r.v— Prot«*<'tioii  <'lioupoii*«. 

>o.  I.ls.— In  controvertini:  the  theory  that  manufactures  are  made 
higher  to  the  consumer  by  protection,  let  me  take  the  article  of  cutlery. 

Profe88f>r  Wayland's  Political  Econf)my,  published  in  1842,  page  140, 
contains  thi.s  proposition : 

"  We  pay  a  heavy  duty  on  cutlery  in  this  country,  while  not  a  thou- 
sandth part  of  thecutlerj'  U8e<l  is  made  here.  It  would  be  vastly  cheaper 
to  pay  Vwunty  suthcientto  raine  all  the  (;utlery  made  in  this  country  to 
its  present  price,  and  it  wouM  t>e  for  angbt  I  suggest  as  goo<l  for  the  cutler." 

But  had  this  sage  coun-iel,  intended  to  discourage  the  infant  manufact- 
urerri,  been  folUiwed  we  would  not  have  the  cheap  cutlery  we  have  to-day, 
while  we  would  have  been  depemient  on  foreigners  for  most  we  use  in- 
82 


PED 

Bteadof  now  obtaininu  our  supply  almost  wholly  from  American  work- 
8ho])3  ;  and,  furthermore,  those  American  workshops  wouM  not  now  be 
floodin;j;  the  markets  <>f  the  world  with  their  products  and  crowding  those 
of  Britain  at  the  verv  threshold  of  her  factories. 

—Gear,  Record,  4287. 

D. 

I>c'bts  of  nations  (■ou(rn>>(o<l. 

\o.  loJ). — The  debts  of  the  nations  whose  statistiiv?  in  this  rejrard  are 
at  public  command  now  aircregate,  in  round  numbers,  $:;<i,O()(),O0O,(XK),  or, 
assuming  the  present  population  of  the  earth  to  be  1,'>UU,000,(M,0,  some  1^20 
for  each  man,  woman,  and  child  now  liviu'j.  Assuming  that  an  average 
of  rive  persons  constitute  the  family  the  world  over,  we  have  f^IOO  of  the 
public  debts  resting  upon  each  household.  liutour  statistics  are  at  fault 
in  some  respects.  There  are  some  national  debts  of  which  we  have  no 
accurate  statements  ;  and  there  are  many  millions  of  the  world's  inhabit- 
ants not  included  in  the  populations  of  nations  having  public  debts.  If 
we  carry  these  two  factors  into  the  ca-^e  it  may  safely  be  said  that  an  ap- 
proximately accurate  distribution  of  the  national  debts  to  heads  of 
families  would  assign  to  each  about  $150. 

How  is  this  burden  of  debt  carried  ?  By  the  imposition  of  taxes. 
Does  this  lighten  it?  To  do  this  taxes  should  grow  less  as  the  years  go 
on.  Are  the  peoples  of  the  earth  experiencing  tliis  result*?  Far  from  it. 
Take  the  decade  reaching  from  1S70  to  ISSd  as  an  illustration  of  how  far 
otherwise  thefact  is.  During  the  period  named  taxation  in  Great  Britain 
increased  'Jit.l?  per  cent. ;  in  France,  :!<i.l:;  per  cent. ;  in  Russia,  Iw.lO  per 
cent.;  in  Sweden  and  N<jrway,  TjO.lo  per  cent.:  in  (ierniany,  "»7.sl  per 
cent. ;  and  taking  into  account  the  other  governments,  great  and  small, 
of  Europe,  we  arrive  at  for  all  an  average  of  L'S.UI  per  cent.  It  would 
be  u.selcss  to  look  to  those  countries  for  examples  of  legislative  wisdom 
in  the  matter  of  devising  way:*  and  means  for  the  redu(;tion  of  the  sur- 
plus which  we  rind  existing  in  the  annual  revenues  of  the  I'nited  .States. 
\Ve  must  examine  our  own  case  and  treat  it  as  ))e9t  we  can,  for  we  stand 
as  an  exception  in  the  line  of  nations.  In  other  countries  debts  are, 
almost  without  exception,  increasing.  The  opposite  condition  exists  in 
this  country.  In  ISflii  the  publit;  deitt  of  the  I'nited  States  wa><  ?;_'.'17S,- 
12(),1<»:{.S7.  On  the  1st  of  January,  l>ss,  it  was.  less  cash  in  the  Treasury, 
$1,22.3,")'.>S,4») I. '.>;),  showing  a  redaction  of  :J^  1,4 j2,.")27, 701  in  the  comi>ara- 
tively  short  periotl  of  twenty-two  years.  In  other  countries  the  percent- 
age of  taxation  is  increasing.  -\8  I  have  alreadv  shown,  the  average 
per  cent,  of  increase  in  European  countries  from  1S70  to  isso  was  L's.oi. 
How  was  it  in  the  I'nited  States  for  the  same  period '.'  Why,  taxation  in 
this  country  decreased  iM")  jK>r  cent.  Thus  we  rind  the  riuancial  condi- 
tion of  the  I'nited  StutA  most  satisfactorily  exceptional  when  compared 
with  that  of  other  nations.  (Hir  national  debt  is  rapidly  clisapiwaring  ; 
our  rate  of  taxation  is  diminishing. 

—Senator  Wiusos,  Iowa,  Kecord,  2865. 

I>ct»t*4  or  I'.  S.  to  iii<livi(liiHl<4  «M|iinl  (o  nil  the  nurpluM. 

\«».   !(»<). — What  condition  confronts  us  to-day? 

Vou  may  turn  to  the  (".ilcndar  of  this  llonne  and  you  will  fin<l  ni>on 
its  pages  one  thousand  hills  rei>orteil  from  its  dillcrent  committees,  ask- 
ing the  (ioverninent  to  nay  the  honest  debts  she  owes  to  the  citizens 
in  whose  behalf  the.se  bills  have  l)een  intrrxluced.  (Jo,  if  you  please,  to 
the  records  of  the  C/ommittee  on  War  ClaimSj  an<l  there  vou  will  rind  in 
tne  neighborhood  of  eeven  thousand  bills  introduced  by  meml)er8  of 

83 


DEM 

this  House,  to  pay  the  debts  due  our  citizens  for  damages  done  to  and 
property  taken  during  the  war,  uiany  of  them  in  behalf  of  poor  soldiers 
or  their  heirs  for  servicea  honestly  rendered.  You  may  go  to  the  com- 
mittee on  claims,  and  there  you  will  llnd  upon  their  files  thousands  of 
bills  introduced  in  behalf  of  men  who  have  just  claims  against  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

Many  of  these  men  have  been  knocking  at  the  doors  of  the  Treasury 
for  twenty  years  asking  that  their  claims  be  adjusted.  And  Congress 
after  Congress  your  committees  have  reported  that  the  debts  were  hon- 
estly due,  but  we  have  assiduously  avoided  passing  the  bills  for  their  re- 
lief. And  still  the  men  upon  the  other  side  of  the  Chamber,  who  are  in 
favor  of  this  free-trade  measure,  continually  put  it  upon  the  ground  that 
there  is  a  surplus  in  the  Treasury,  when  the  majority  of  this  House,  by 
its  own  acts,  has  created  this  surplus  by  refusing  to  pay  the  honest  debts 
of  the  Government  and  are  now  using  it  as  a  pretext  to  attack  our  in- 
dustries. 

— Johnston,  Indiana,  Record,  G932. 

Deception,  Deuiooratic.    (See  No.  190.) 

Deception  on  iUrnier.    (See  No.  35S.) 

Democratic  economy  expoi^iecl.    (See  No.  319.) 

Democratic  party  and  free  trade. 

No.  101. — ''It  would  be  a  glorious  consummation  of  this  debate 
could  we  only  have  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  join  in  this  invocation 
to  paper  and  to  type  and  to  the  hearts  of  honest  men  to  clear  the  way  for 
British  Cobden  free  trade. 

— Cox,  Record,  4554. 

Democratic  party  and  free  trade. 

Xo.  1G3. — A  protective  taritT  is  an  unjust  and  unfair  discrimination 
by  the  Government  in  favor  of  one  class  of  citizens  against  another  class 
of  citizens.  It  is  an  enforced  contribution  in  which  one  man  is  made  to 
contribute  to  the  support  of  another  man's  business  without  a  resulting 
benefit,  and  contrary  to  the  spirit  and  letter  of  our  Constitution.  The 
Government  has  a  right  fi  tax  people  either  directly  (ft  indirectly  to 
raise  money  to  carry  on  the  Government,  but  Congress  has  no  right 
under  the  Constitution  to  force  A  to  support  B  in  his  business.  Wtiat 
right  has  the  Government  to  show  such  ditference  and  such  partiality  as 
to  pa.s3  a  law  to  force  one  man,  without  value  received,  to  give  his  money 
to  the  assistance  of  another  man  in  his  private  business?  And  yet  that 
is  what  those  who  advocate  a  protective  tarilf  are  doing,  and  that  is  what 
has  been  forced  upon  the  working  masses  and  poor  toilers  for  lo  !  these 
many  years,  until  injustice  and  wrong'Come  up  in  sighs  and  groans  from 
the  oppresseil  poor  in  a  greater  grief  and  deepei^woe  than  escaped  from 
the  hearts  of  the  unhappy  Jews  when  they  toileu  and  endured  Egyptian 
bondage. 

— -McClammy,  Record,  4G62. 

Democratic  party  and  Tree  trade. 

>'«».  l(»;j.— In  the  battle  to  be  waged  this  year  there  will  come  a  charge 
from  the  great  body  of  working  people  which  will  be  made  on  the  second 
Tuesday  of  next  November,  and  so  terrific  will  it  be  in  it«  force  that 
you  protectionists  will  fall  before  it  like  grass  before  the  scythe. 

The  day  of  the  protectionist  is  fast  drawing  to  a  close.  VVe  are  enter- 
ing upon  a  new  epoch  in  the  historv  of  our  country. 

— SIartin,  Record,  4339. 
84 


DEM 

]>emoci'alic  party  and  i'roe  trade. 

"So.  lOl. — This  tarilT  is  a  most  insidious  enemy.  It  works  in  silence 
and  under  cover ;  and  whilst  it  pretends  to  be  giving  us  "  protection  "  it 
is  really  stealing  our  substance  and  destroying  our  lives.  It  is  not  the 
highwayman  who  boldlv  gallops  up  on  the  public  road  and  demands 
"your  money  or  your  life,"  but  the  sneak-thief  who  in  an  unconscious 
moment  filches  your  purse  or  the  burglar  who  robs  you  of  your  possessions 
in  sleep's  uncoi.sciourf  hour.    It  holds  to  the  false  doctrine  of  Othello. 

— Carutu,  Record,  384G. 

Democratic  party  conTictctl  of  free  trade. 

Xo.  105. — If  there  is  a  gap  in  the  testimony  I  have  adduced  to  prove 
that  Mr.  Cleveland  and  the  Democratic  leaders  of  this  country  are  free- 
traders, I  propose  to  fill  it  up  by  documentary  evidence  the  truth  of 
which  no  man  dare  question. 

The  Cobden  Club  is  an  association  of  British  manufacturers  organized 
in  1866  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  destroying  the  protective  tarili"  system 
in  America  and  to  facilitate  the  introduction  and  sale  of  British  goods  in 
the  American  market.  This  organization,  founded  in  London,  has  es- 
tablished agencies  in  'Sew  York  and  Chicago  for  the  distribution  of 
British  free-trade  documents  in  political  contests  in  this  country.  Its 
secretary  is  a  member  of  the  British  Parliament.  His  name  is  Thomas 
Bayley  Potter,  who  at  the  annual  dinner  of  the  Cobden  Club  at  Green- 
wich on  the  loth  day  of  July,  1880,  said  that  the  Cobden  Club  was  now 
about  to  enter  a  contest  with  a  foe  worthy  of  its  steel.  Their  eyes  were 
now  turned  westward.  They  were  going  to  encounter  their  friends 
in  the  United  States,  and  he  believed  they  would  be  ultimately  victori- 
ous. Six  days  after  this  interesting  free-trade  love  feast  the  London 
Times  said : 

"  It  is  to  the  New  World  that  the  Cobden  Club  is  chiefly  looking  as 
the  moet  likely  sphere  for  its  vigorous  foreign  policy.  It  has  done  wliat 
it  can  in  Europe,  and  is  now  turning  its  eyes  westward  and  bracing  itself 
for  the  struggle  which  is  to  come.  It  cannot  rest  while  the  United  States 
are  unsubdued." 

The  following  is  a  London  cable  dispatch,  dated  January  8, 1888 : 

"  The  Cobden  Club  are  trying  to  raise  a  large  sum  of  money  to  be  spent 
to  further  free-trade  propaganda,  especially  in  spreading  broadcast  pam- 
phlets and  other  Cobden  Club  literature.  Lord  Brassby  has  given  a 
thousand  dollars,  others  less,  and  the  hat  is  going  round.  It  is  long  since 
the  club  has  been  so  active.  They  are  indeed  doing  more  than  the  fair- 
trade  movement  in  England  appears  to  require.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  their  surplus  funds  are  intended  as  re-enforcementa  for  ■Vlr. 
Cleveland  in  his  efforts  to  hand  over  the  control  of  American  markets 
to  British  traders." 

A  few  years  since  the  following  paragraph  appeared  in  the  Ix)ndon 
Times: 

"  A  subscription  was  recently  opened  to  raise  funds  to  circulate  free- 
trade  tracts  in  foreign  count  ries".  About  £10,000  (>;2n(),()ii0)  wos  subscribed. 
Some  of  these  tracts  are  to  be  i)rinted  in  New  York  for  (circulation  in  the 
United  States.  In  addition  to  the  above  $47,000  was  subscribed  l)y  for- 
eign bankers  and  importers  of  this  city  whose  names  are  in  our  posses- 
sion." — WooDuuRN,  Nevada,  Record,  40(11-2. 

Democratic  parly  for  I'rce  trade— KiiKliMli  prcsH  coiniiiciitM. 
Xo.  KiO. — .Vf  further  evidence  of  the  nature  ami  meaning  of  t!ie  con- 
troversy now  here  proceeding  I  will  quote  hrielly  from  spectator^,  who, 
though  interested  in  the  result,  are  certainly  capable  of  seeing  the  true 
meaning  of  the  conllict. 

85 


DEM 

Recently  a  prominent  member  of  ihe  British  Parliament  enthusias- 
tically exclaime<l  : 

"To  convert  the  United  States  is  indeed  a  triumph.  The  Cobden 
Club  will  henceforth  set  up  a  special  shrine  for  the  worship  of  Presi- 
dent Cleveland  and  send  him  all  its  publications  gratis.  Cobden  founded 
free  trade;  Cleveland  saved  it." 

[From  the  Tx)ndon  Saturday  Review.! 

"President  Cleveland  declines  cautiously  to  dub  himself  a  free-trader; 
but  he  caters  up  a  free-trade  position  without  disguise." 
[From  the  London  Pall  Mall  Gazette.] 

"English  freetraders  would  be  well  advised  if  they  moderated  the  ecs- 
tacy  of  their  jubilation  over  President  Cleveland's  mepsage.  Every  word 
which  they  say  in  its  favor  will  be  used  aa  a  powerful  argument  against 
the  adoption  of  its  recommendations." 

[From  the  Chronicle,  London.] 

"It  is  many  years  since  such  an  important  and  suggestive  message  has 
been  sent  to  Congress.  If  the  policy  of  President  Cleveland  is  adopted 
its  eflect  on  the  trade  of  the  world  cannot  fail  to  be  immense." 

Another  paper  sayf^ : 

"The  consensus  of  opinion  is  that  should  Congress  adopt  the  sugges- 
tions so  unequivocally  made  by  Mr.  Cleveland  the  first  effect  would  be 
beneficial  to  a  large  number  of  Englieh  industries." 

The  London  Saturday  Review  again  says: 

"  Nothing  can  be  more  explicit  than  the  President's  language :  '  The 
simple  and  plain  duty  which  we  owe  the  people  is  to  reduce  taxation  to 
the  necessary  expenses  of  an  economical  operation  of  the  Government 
and  to  restore  to  the  business  of  the  country  the  money  which' we  hold 
in  the  Treasury.'     In  America  this  means  free  trade." 

The  London  Times  says: 

•'  It  is  calculated  that  to  give  effect  to  Mr.  Cleveland's  policy  duties  to  the 
amount  of  some  £10,000,000  a  year,  about  two-fifths  of  the  entire  cus- 
toms revenue,  must  be  surrendered.  This  operation  may  not  establish 
free  trade  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  but  it  will  to  a  great  extent 
make  trade  free." 

The  London  Post  says : 

"  We  shall  be  much  mistaken  if  the  effect  of  this  state  communication 
will  not  be  to  strengthen  considerably  the  case  of  free-traders  in  all  parts 
of  the  world.  It  will  be  regarded  as  a  step  in  the  right  direction  by  all 
who  believe  in  the  soundness  of  free-trade  principles." 

In  an  article  on  "  The  Coal  Trade  in  18S7  and  its  Prospects  for  1888," 
the  London  'Times  says : 

"  If  President  Cleveland's  tariff  reforms  are  carried,  English  goods  and 
iron  and  steel  largely  will  go  to  the  States  in  greatly  increased  propor- 
tions.'" 

— E.  B.  Taylor,  Record,  G930. 

I>eino<'ratic  party  unavcustomod  to  a  Niirplu!^  iu  Treaf^ury. 
Xo.  167. — The  immediate  occasion  of  this  outburst  of  anti-American 
doctrine  is  the  face  that,  under  the  operation  of  existing  laws,  the  obliga- 
tions of  the  Government  have  been  met,  and  a  large  surplus  has  accumu- 
lated in  the  Treasury.  Somehow  the  Democratic  party  has  always  seemed 
to  prefer  a  deficit  to  a  surplus,  at  least  they  have  usually  managed,  when 
in  power,  to  empty  the  Treasury.  Whenthe  Republican  party  assumed 
control  of  the  Government  in  1S60  the  problem  of  a  deficit  confronted 
Congres8,and  when  the  Democratic  party  regained  power  in  1884  they  were 
confronted  with  an  entirely  different  problem,  that  of  managing  a 
86 


DEM 

iarge  surplus.  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  1860,  on  the  very  eve  of 
the  gigantic  rebellion,  the  Treasury  was  absolutely  bankrupt,  the  bonds 
of  the  Government  selling  at  85  and  money  being  borrowed  at  l-i  per 
cent,  interest. 

This  condition  of  bankruptcy  was  the  natural  and  inevitable  outcome 
of  the  Calhoun  free-trade  policy  of  the  Southern  States,  and  the  general 
mismanagement  of  governmental  affairs  by  the  Democratic  party.  The 
Southern  States  then,  as  now,  dominated  the  Democracy.  They  were,  and 
are  now,  consumers,  not  producers,  and  they  enacted  laws  which  would 
allow  them  to  go  into  the  markets  of  the  world  and  buy  goods  where 
they  were  cheapest,  without  paying  the  duties  to  the  United  States  which 
the  Constitution  authorizes  may  be  levied  and  collected,  and  regardless 
of  the  effect  of  such  legislation  upon  the  manufacturing  and  laboring  in- 
terests of  our  own  country. 

— Gallixger,  Record,  3686. 

I>einocratic  party  Tor  ircc  trade.    (See  NO.S.  S63,  :S63.) 

Deuiocratic  platform  of  1884  uioant  protection. 

Xo.  16S. — Democratic  orators  in  my  State,  in  yours,  Mr.  Chairman,  all 
over  the  land,  declared  that  the  Democratic  platform  meant  protection 
to  our  labor  and  our  manufacturers,  and  that  Mr.  Cleveland  was  as  good 
a  protectionist  as  Mr.  Blaine.  Some  of  them  likely  believed  it.  Many  of 
them  more  than  likely  did  not.  I  believe  my  friend  from  Pennsylvania 
[Mr.  Randall]  did  believe  it.  How  terribly  was  he  deceived?  How 
rudely  was  he  awakened  from  his  dream  we  know  by  what  h»  has  said 
and  done.  By  this  false  claim  did  they  win.  By  this  did  the  candidate 
without  a  record  defeat  the  brilliant  champion  of  the  people's  cause,  as 
did  another  comparatively  unknown  candidate,  with  the  cry  of  "  Polk, 
Dallas,  and  the  tarifT  of  '42,"  defeat  the  matchless  ''  Harry  of  the  West," 
the  great  commoner  whose  name  and  fame  we  all  respect. 

— GoFF,  Record,  3613. 

democratic  tariff  work  condemned  by  New  York  Sun. 

Xo.  109. — I  hold  in  my  hand  an  editorial  from  one  of  the  leading 
Democratic  newspapers  of  the  day  (the  New  York  iSun)  published  under 
the  head  of  "  Wool  is  reached." 

The  editorial  is  as  follows  : 

"  WOOL  IS  RK.\CHED. 

"  The  consideration  of  the  Mills  bill  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
has  now  reached  the  wool  clauec. 

"  Free  wool  is  regarded  by  the  Mills  forces,  and  we  believe  it  was  so 
regarded  by  Mr.  Cleveland,  as  the  king-post  of  the  new  tariff  roof  under 
which  they  propose  (hat  the  country  shall  live  until  they  can  build  a 
freer  one.  To  demonstrate  this  statement,  a  very  short  consideration  of 
Mr.  Cleveland's  message  and  of  the  history  of  the  Mills  bill  will  be  fautii- 
cient. 

•'  It  is  universally  understood  that  the  first  draught  of  the  message 
showed  several  important  staples  upon  the  free-list  which  \\  ere  not  there 
hnall}'.  Coal  and  iron  were  on,  among  others,  and  the  reason  that  they 
were  removed  was  that  such  a  programme  would  have  been  too  startling 
and  too  comprehensive  for  practical  use.  Thus  the  recommendations 
actually  submitted  to  Congrecs  fell  considerably  short  of  the  mark  to 
which  the  President's  policy  would  have  gone  had  it  been  unrestrained 
by  his  estimate  of  the  political  diflicullies  in  the  way  of  attempting  to  go 
further. 

"The  Mills  bill  has  gone  through  the  same  moderating  process  in  the 
'Committee  of  the  Whole,  but  it  has  been  done  publicly.     Seventeen 


DEM 

articles  of  import,  which  had  been  placed  upon  the  free-list,  have  beet 
taken  oil",  and  the  etatesmen  particularly  interested  in  their  domestic 
production  have  been  eolidilied  fur  the  assault  upon  the  duty  on  wool. 
On  many  taxed  articles  higher  duties  have  been  imposed  than  those 
originally  contemplated  by  the  Mills  bill.  But  wool  is  the  key  of  the 
territory  now  in  dispute  between  protection  and  free  trade;  and  against 
it  the  f'ree-trade  brigade  have  been  maneuvering  to  mass  their  entire 
force,  volunteers  and  conscripts.  They  have  yielded  up  one  minor  point 
after  another,  with  scarcely  the  sign  of  a  struggle,  all  with  the  view  of 
combined  and  irresistible  attack  on  wool. 

''As  Mr.  Webster  said  of  I^artmouth  <'ollege,  'it  is  one  of  the  lesser 
lights  in  the  horizon  of  our  country.    You  may  put  it  out.' 

"Nothing  will  be  easier  than  to  extinguish  the  wool  interest,  if  you 
have  votes  enough  ;  and  then  with  the  freetraders  triumphant  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  a  President  in  the  White  House  whose  eco- 
nomic policy  consists  primarily  of  tariff  smashing,  and  a  national  condi- 
tion of  linances  which  will  make  free  trade  easily  and  thoroughly  prac- 
ticable within  twenty  years  or  so,  the  protective  system  will  be  liable  to 
come  down  by  the  run.  Then  statesmen  like  Gay,  of  Louisiana,  or 
Vance,  of  Connecticut,  to  whose  interests  Mr.  Mills  has  specially,  though 
we  dare  say  only  temporarily,  surrendered  his  fundamental  principle, 
will  find  that  though  they  have  saved  their  roof  their  foundation  is 
gone. 

"  The  Mills  tariff  bill  was  in  its  conception  and  purpose  a  free-trade 
project.  ■  It  has  been  immensely  changed  under  the  effect  of  discussion 
and  of  politics  ;  but  it?  pivotal  element  is  still  free  wool. 

'•  It  is  for  the  interest  of  Democracy  that  the  Mills  tariff  bill  should  be 
beaten." 

Let  the  miners  of  the  Hocking  Valley  be  not  deceived.  Their  product 
is  to  come  next.    The  hour  is  delayed  ;  that  is  all. 

— GnosvENOR,  Record,  6967. 

I>oiiioora(s  in  1861  leave  a  deficiency:  in  1S84  find  a  large- 
Niirplus. 

Xo.  170. — When  the  Democrats  went  out  of  power  in  18G1  they  left 
the  country  in  a  most  deplorable  condition  in  respect  of  its  money  circu- 
1  ition.  When  it  assumeil  power  again  in  ISSl  it  found  that  the  Repub- 
lican?, during  their  twenty-four  years  of  administration,  had  given  to  the 
country  the  the  best  and  most  stable  system  of  currency  possessed  by  any 
nation  on  the  earth. 

— .Senator  Wilson,  Iowa,  Record,  2865. 

Democracy,  fir^it  forty  years,  against  Democracy,  la<«t  Forty 

years. 

X<».  171. — The  act  cf  1816  followed,  enlarging  the  principle  of  pro- 
tection. All  the  leading  men  of  that  day  advocated  it.  The  act  of  1824 
went  further,  and  enlarged  the  princijtle.  The  act  of  1828  followed,  and 
enlarged  it  still  further.  And  up  to  that  time  there  was  no  President, 
there  were  no  leading  statesmen  in  America,  who  antagonized  the  prin- 
ciple of  protection.  They  stood  where  we  stand  to  day.  Man)'  of  them 
went  to  the  point  of  prohibition,  especially  regarding  products  essential 
to  a  state  of  war.  I  could  quote  pages  from  Washington,  Adams,  Madi- 
son, Monroe,  Jackson,  and  nearly  every  statesman  of  that  period,  squarely 
advocating  the  protective  system. 

Therefore,  here  to-day  I  place  the  Democracy  of  the  first  forty  years  of 
the  Republic  against  the  Democracy  of  the  last  forty  years.  [Applause.} 
But  after  the  act  of  1828,  under  the  influence  of  which  agriculture  in  the 


DEM 

North  flourished  as  never  before,  factories  sprung  into  activity  with  mar- 
velous rapidity,  and  labor  enjoyed  universal  prosperity,  Southern  states- 
men opened  a  vindictive  war  against  it  for  ibe  liret  time,  and  this  they 
did  in  the  name  of  apriculture.  What  they  meant  by  agriculture  was 
cotton  and  the  slave  labor  that  produced  it. 

To  force  American  labor  into  ajjric  ulture  would  make  the  supply  of 
food  products  so  far  exceed  the  deraaml  as  to  supply  the  slaves  of  the 
South  and  the  labor  of  England  with  the  cheapest  possible  living. 

That,  they  reasoned,  would  enable  them  to  produce  cotton  cheaper, 
and  would  enable  the  manufacturers  in  England  to  pay  more  for  it. 

Thu3  they  could  produce  cotton  cheaper  and  sell  it  dearer. 

So  they  demandeil  that  the  protection  laws  be  repealed,  and  declared 
for  nullitication  and  seceasion  unless  this  demand  was  complied  with. 

The  North  surrendered,  and  the  act  ol  18;>3  followed.  It  closed  the 
work-shops  of  the  North,  drove  labor  from  the  factory  to  the  farm,  ])au- 
perized  Northern  agriculture,  and  linally  resulted  in  driving  the  party 
from  power  and  in  the  enactment  of  the  tarilf  law  of  1842.  This  opened 
the  Northern  factories  again,  created  a  demand  for  labor  that  drew 
heavily  from  the  ranks  of  the  farmers  to  supply  labor  for  the  work- 
shops, created  markets  for  the  products  of  the  soil,  and  gave  to  agricult- 
ure renewed  prosperity.  But  the  tarifl'- for- revenue  ])arty  was  untiring 
in  the  .South  and  violently  aggressive.  But  the  Nortti  said,  unless  you 
pledge  us  that  you  will  maintain  the  taritl"actof  1842  you  shall  not  reium 
to  power.  The  pledge  was  given  ;  the  party  was  returned  to  powtr.and 
at  once  tore  down  the  hated  protection  act  of  1842  and  passed  the  free- 
trade  act  of  1840. 

— Ryan,  Kansas,  Record,  4827. 

Doinofraey  vs.  Domooracy— <'«■%!  of  all  articles  in<'rcaso<I 
|>ro<'iMOl.r  the  Hiiiii  oi'  llio  tarifl'. 

'So,  172. — But  our  present  tarilf  laws,  the  vicious,  inequitable,  and 
illogical  source  of  unnecessary  taxation,  ought  to  be  at  once  revise<l  and 
amended.  These  laws, 'as  their  primary  and  plain  eflect,  raise  the  price 
to  consumers  of  all  articles  imported  and  subject  to  duty  by  precisely 
the  sum  paid  for  such  duties. 

(He  does  not  exclude  articles  produced  in  this  country,  but  expressly 
includes  them. — Ed.) 

.Ss  it  happens  that  while  comparatively  a  few  use  the  imported  articles, 
millions  of  our  people,  who  never  use  and  never  saw  any  of  the  foreign 
products,  purchase  and  u.se  things  of  the  same  kind  made  in  this  country, 
aud  pay  therefor  nearly  or  quite  the  same  enhanced  price  which  the  duty 
adds  to  the  imported  articles. 

(Trices  are  increased  by  amount  of  tariff,  says  President. — En.) 

— President  Cleveland's  message,  December  0,  1S87. 

Democracy  vn.  Doinooracy— Tarsiioy  rWirli.")  vs.  C'lovelantl 
(X.  V.)— Who  is  ri;;lit,  Tarsnoy  or  t'levolaiiii? 

"So,  \7lt. — I  contend,  then,  that  you  do  not  protect  the  farmer;  but 
that,  on  the  other  hand,  upon  everything  the  farmer  purchases,  the  plow, 
the  lioe,  the  griddle,  and  tlie  .skillet,  upon  everything  that  he  uses,  you 
require  him  to  pay  tribute,  and  tribute  to  whom?  If  I  remember  "the 
figures  rightly  now  as  I  pass  hastily  along  there  were,  according  to  the 
last  census,  only  44,01<,l  institutions  and  corporations  in  the  United  .States 
that  were  protected — not  individuals,  but  institutionH;  that  i.s  the  whole 
number  that  were  protected  under  the  tariff  laws  ;  yet  to-day  over  <10,- 
000,000  of  people  are  paying  tribute  to  this  small  manufacturing  class. 

— Tahsney,  Record,  'MA'3. 
89 


DEM 

Labor  haa  never  been  protected,  and  the  agriculturist  lias  been  rol)bed, 

— Taksney,  liecord,  3U44. 

(This  Is  contradicted  by  Senator  Brown.    No.  27.— Ed.) 

l>(>iiiocrjic-,v  <»l'<>lij<»  iiiitl  wool. 

\«.  174. — Later  on,  as  late  a.s  ls8"),  after  the  present  Administration 
had  come  into  jxtwtT.tlio  Democratic  i)arty  a^rain,  in  Anpust  of  that  year, 
reu-sserted  its  feally  and  loyalty  in  support  of  tiie  wool  tarillin  language 
which  I  will  also  produce: 

"The  Democratic  party  is  and  always  has  bpen  the  party  of  the  people 
and  of  the  agricultural  and  wool-growing  interests." 

And  in  that  same  year  there  was  circulated  in  Ohio  a  little  circular 
sent  out  by  the  Democratic;  headtiuarters  at  Columbus,  aflirming  the 
loyalty  of  the  Democratic  jKirfy  to  the  i>rotection  of  wool  and  agsailing 
the  Kepublican  party,  and  notably  attacking  the  record  of  Senator  Sher- 
man, on  that  record,  a.sserting  tiiat  it  was  the  Republican  party  in  the 
.Senate  of  the  United  States  that  had  made  possible  the  attack  upon  wool 
interest  of  the  State  of  Ohio  and  of  the  country. 

In  that  circular  the  Democratic  party  of  Ohio  placed  itself  on  record 
in  opposition  to  the  position  of  my  colleague  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Outh- 
waite],  when  he  claimed  that  the  reduction  of  the  tarilJ  on  wool  will 
enhance  the  value  in  the  market.  In  that  circular  the  Ohio  Democracy 
said  : 

"It  means  the  indorsement  of  the  reduction  of  the  tariff  on  wool,  by 
which  measure  the  wool-growers  of  Ohio  have  been  robbed  of  millions 
of  dollars." 

— GuosvEXOR,  Record,  G964. 

I>oino<>i'ati(>  <'<»iivoiition  or  C'levolaud— Who  !>>hall  decide? 
What  >ir<'  war   laxos? 

\<>.  I7.">. — Mr.  (liairman,  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of  the 
House,  following  the  lead  of  President  Cleveland,  declare  that  they  are 
in  fiivor  of  the  repeal  of  war  taxe.s.  So  am  I.  And  strange  to  say,  I  am 
willing  to  let  the  Democratic  party  declare  what  war  taxes  are.  The 
only  difficulty  in  agreeing  to  this  proposition  is  to  decide  which  is  the 
Democratic  party.  It.s  convention,  which  met  in  1884  at  Chicago,  com- 
posed of  delegate  from  every  district  in  the  United  States,  from  every 
State  and  from  every  Territory,  declared  that  the  internal-revenue  taxes 
are  "an  odious  war  tax,"  and  should  be  repealed.  I'resident  Cleveland, 
whom  this  convention  nominated  and  whom  a  chapter  of  accidents  and 
a  book  full  of  frauds  placed  in  tiie  Presidential  chair,  in  his  megsage  to 
this  Congress  said  that  the  internal-revenue  taxes  were  the  best  taxes  to 
retain,  and  that  the  system — the  great  system  of  protection  to  American 
industry — was  an  odious  war  tax. 

Mr.  Chairman,  which  is  the  original  Jacobs?  Is  it  that  large  body  of 
men  as8eu>bled  at  Chicago  representing  the  Democrats  of  the  country, 
or  is  it  that  large  man  seated  at  the  other  end  of  the  avenue? 

— NicuoLs,  Indiana,  liecord,  4579. 

War  (a\os.  mIio  shall  <l<'<-id<'  what  are?    (See  No.  175.) 
]>ei)io<Tatic,  dear  old,  <la.i.s. 

>o.  17U. — I  remember  how  the  farmer  had  to  toil  like  a  galley-slave 
during  that  period.  I  remember  the  good  crops,  but  the  starvation 
prices,  of  that  period.  I  recall  the  poor  and  dear  clothing  of  that  period. 
I  remember  tne  oppressive  "store  bills"  of  that  period.  I  remember 
the  bad  money,  bad  politics,  bad  teachings,  bad  laws,  bad  tariff,  bad  mort- 
gages, and  bad  everything  of  that  period  of  Democratic  supremacy. 
90 


DEM 

You  could  tell  the  difference  between  an  audience  made  up  of  fanners 
and  their  wives  and  children  on  the  Fourth  of  July  in  those  "dear"  old 
Democratic  days  and  an  audience  of ''  city  folks,"  as  we  used  to  call  them. 

You  cannot  detect  that  dilicrence  to-day. 

The  ''log  cabin"  has  disappeared.  Comfortable  homes,  a  good  car- 
peted room,  a  sprinjj;  wagon,  a  barn,  a  buggy  or  carriage  for  the  trip  to 
church  or  the  town,  a  country  paper,  and  often  a  good  daily,  books, 
plenty  to  eat  and  wear ;  these  are  the  fruits  of  protection  that  tlie  farmer 
enjoys  to-day.  This  is  the  rule  in  the  great  Northwest,  and  pinching 
poverty  is  the  exception.  — IIi:nder.son,  Iowa,  Record,  3GS2. 

I>('iiio<'raf  ic  doctrine  of  tai*ifrchuni;eM  oltoii.  »n<l  is  never 
riv;li(. 

Xo.  177. — It  appears  that  what  really  constitutes  the  tariff  doctrine 
of  the  present  Democratic  Administration  radically  changes  from  year  to 
year.  The  latest  bill,  which  is  said  lo  have  the  approval  of  thohe  in 
authority,  not  only  reduces  the  nomin-il  rate  of  duties  but  proposes  to 
change  the  method  of  ascertaining  the  amount  by  an  abantloninent  of 
the  system  of  specific  duties  now  so  largely  in  force,  aiul  substituting 
theretbr  the  ol<l  system  of  ad  valorems,  rejected  everywliere,  as  far  as 
practicable,  by  all  enlightened  nations.  Obviously  specific  duties  are 
uniform  at  all  ports,  require  less  numerous  custom-house  forces,  and  they 
are  the  only  complete  remedy  against  undervaluation.  This  was  the 
opinion  of  Mr.  Manning,  late  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  whose  ability, 
once  everywhere  recognized.  Democratic  olhcials  appear  no  longer  to 
reverence.  In  his  report  on  the  revision  of  the  tariff,  February  1(),  ISSO, 
he  suggested  and  urged — 

"  A  plan  for  the  prudent  enlargement  of  specific  rates  which  will 
greatly  promote  the  welfare  of  the  Government  and  of  the  country,  and 
as  a  matter  of  administration  not  work  injustice  to  any  class  in  the  com- 
munity." 

The  advantage  is,  he  said,  that  under  it — 
■"  duties  are  levied  by  a  positive  test " — 

And— 
"  and  according  to  a  standard  which  is  altogether  national  and  domestic." 

How  could  the  Secretary  have  denounced  the  ad  valorem  system  with 
more  vigor  than  is  shown  in  the  following  paragraph  ? 

"  Whatever  su(;ce8sful  contrivance?  are  in  operation  to-day  to  evade  the 
revenue  by  false  invoices  or  by  undervaluations,  or  by  any  other  means, 
under  an  ad  valorem  system,  will  not  cease  even  if  the  ad  valorem  rates 
shall  have  been  largely  reduced.  They  are  incontestably,  they  are  even 
notoriously,  inherent  in  that  system." 

— Senator  Morrill,  Record,  3020. 
l>enioernlie  doetrine  iiueertain. 

Xo.  17*^. — Thomas  Jelferson,  the  Father  of  Democracy,  said,  when  he 
recommended  the  repeal  of  internal  taxation,  that  it  was  the  pride  of  an 
American  citizen  that  he  never  saw  a  tax-collector.  How  changed  the 
situation  I  The  American  citizen  of  this  day  not  only  sees  him,  but  the 
tax-gatherer  comes  to  his  house  armed  with'a  revolver,  a  carbine,  a  rifle, 
or  a  shotgun. 

Mr.  HOPKINS,  of  Illinois.  He  not  only  sees  but  feels  hinj. 

Mr.  WISE.  He  feels  him,  too.  The  twelfth  page  of  the  la.Ht  annual  re- 
port of  the  Cammidsioner  of  Internal  Revenue  reads  like  an  emanation 
from  the  War  Department.  [Laughter.]  Just  listen  to  it  for  a  moment 
and  see  what  it  embodies : 

"Ordnance  stores,"  "rides,"  "revolvers,"  "carbines,"  "belts." 
{Laughter.]     "Army  cheats." 

91 


I'EM 

With  an  overflowing  Treasury  there  is  no  necessity  for  the  continuance 
of  this  odious  tax,  and  my  constituents  are  loud  in  their  demands  for  its 
repeal. 

— Wisn,  Democrat,  Record,  G953. 
(After  this  speech  he  voted  for  the  bill.— Ed  ) 

Doiiiorrntic  "Kronomy"— A  iai20.O00.0OO  log  roll. 

\<».  I71>. — The  I>emocratic  raajoritv  of  this  House — and  I  am  now 
ppeakin^'of  tliein  a8  a  party,  not  as  individuale — has  proven  itself  to  be 
incompetent  to  enact  proper  lepislation.  I  eay  this  with  the  experience 
of  the  past  few  days  before  me.  A  more  prepoaleroug  and  outraj^eous 
piece  of  iepislat ion  than  was  the  pasfajie  of  the  river  and  harbor  bill 
never  better  deserved  the  unmitipateil  condonniation  of  an  intellij^ent 
people.  A  bill  appropriating?  nearly  :f 20,000,000  paases  this  House,  rushed 
through,  under  a  suspension  of  the  rules,  in  thirty  minutes,  no  opportu- 
nity for  amendment  being  given.  If  the  Republicans  were  in  the  major- 
ity and  were  responsible  for  such  pernicious  legislation,  what  a  howl  of 
indignation  would  be  hfard  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land 
from  the  Democratic  press. 

— Lkhi.h.\ch,  Record,  4205. 

Deinooratic  IIoiiko— >fn.jorify  Krowing  Iomn. 

Xo.  IHO. — I  want  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  to  which  I  have  already 
alluded,  the  Forty-fourth  ("oiv^'ress,  the  first  in  which  the  Democratic 
party  obtained  power  since  the  war,  came  in  on  the  4th  of  March,  1S75, 
with  74  Democratic  majority.  The  Forty-tifth  Congress,  which  came  into 
power  on  the  4th  of  March,  1S77,  had  IS  Democratic  majority.  The  Forty- 
sixth  Congress,  which  came  into  power  on  the  4th  of  March,  187!),  had  2- 
Democratic  majority.  The  Forty-seventh  Congress,  which  came  into 
power  on  the  4th  of  March,  ISs],  had  16  Republican  majority,  and  this 
was  the  only  Republican  Congress  we  have  had  in  this  country  since  1S74. 

How  was  it  in  the  Forty-eighth  Congress?  That  Congress,  which  came 
into  i>ower  March  4,  iSs:;,  had  SI  Democratic  majority.  The  Forty-ninth 
Congress  was  reduced  almost  one-half,  with  only  42  Democratic  majority, 
which  came  in  March  4,  ISSo;  and  the  Fifieth  Congress  has  15  Demo- 
cratic majority,  showing  that  the  majority  is  growing  beautifully  lets; 
and  in  the  coming  election  it  will  disappear  entirely  and  the  majority 
will  be  placed  where  it  ought  to  be,  on  thissideof  the  House.  [ApplauEe 
on  the  Republican  side.] 

— Petkbs,  Record,  6497. 

Doniooratio  proplieoy. 

Xo.  IHI. — Mr.  Chairman,  for  eighteen  hundred  years  that  which, 
more  than  anytlingelse,  has  given  to  the  Christian  hope  and  strength  in 
his  struggle  with  the  enemies  of  Chri.slianity  hafl  been  that  grand  decla- 
ration of  Paul  to  the  Phillippians,  wlien  he  said  that  every  knee  shall 
>)ow  and  every  tongue  shall  confess  the  divinity  of  the  Saviour  and  the 
fundamental  truth  of  the  Christian  religion.  Asa  Democrat,  believing 
in  the  jxtwer  of  Democratic  principles  to  relieve  our  people  from  this 
great  oppression,  I  rejoice  to-day  with  exceeding  great  ]oy  that  the  time 
iBComing,  and  coming  (piickly,  coming  with  the  first  bfight  days  of  June, 
when  every  Democratic  knee  in  the  United  States  sliall  bow  to  the  de- 
crees of  the  overwhelming  majority  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  every 
Democratic  tongue  shall  confess  revenue  reform  as  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple of  the  Democratic  party. 

[Here  the  hammer  fell.] 

(For  fulfillment  of  this  prophecy  see  election  in  Oregon,  No.  G93.— Ed.) 

— Hatch,  Democra-t,  Record,  4577. 
92 


DEM 

I>oinocrntl<*iiiasl&^  loni  oil'. 

\o.  1S2. — TJie  President  is  to  be  conKralulated  that  he  has  at  last 
conii>elled  liis  parly  to  lender  an  i-«ue  on  the  tarill  question.  His  adher- 
ents can  no  longer  beguile  the  industrial  classes  by  such  seductive 
phrases  as — 

"  Tax  reduction  must  be  so  made  as  not  to  injure  any  domestic  indus- 
try, and  the  tarifl'  must  bo  revised  without  depriving  American  labor  of 
the  ability  to  compete  with  foreign  labor." 

The  masquerade  is  over.    The  party  now  fights  under  it.s  true  colors. 

The  question  is  of  tod.iv  and  tiie  question  of  the  future  if,  Shall  our 
revenue  system  be  that  of  free-trade  or  protection?  This  bill  is  the  van- 
guard of  a  free-trade  policy.  I  am  more  concerned  about  the  fate  of  this 
issue  than  of  this  bill. 

— Browne,  Indiana,  Record,  3530. 

DeiBioeratic  party  and  free  trade. 

3io.  1^*:!.— His  (.Cleveland's)  is  the  language  and  the  logic  of  the  free- 
trader. It  is  the  sum  and  substance  of  that  doctrine  as  taught  by  Adam 
Smilli,  and  by  every  apostle  of  free  trade  from  his  day  to  the  present.  It  is 
approved  and  the  message  gloritied  by  every  adv-x-ate  of  that  policy  in 
Europe  and  America.  I  (juote  a  brief  extract  or  two  from  British  free- 
trade  journals  to  show  how  the  message  is  interpreted  by  them.  They 
do  not  seem  to  think  the  "question  of  free  trade  wholly  irrelevant :" 
[The  Glasgow  Herald.] 

"  '  It  is  a  condition  which  confronts  us;  not  a  theory.'  Precisely  so. 
Words  almost  identica.l  with  these  have  been  U'jed.and  with  enormous 
effect,  in  this  country  by  Adam  yniith,  by  Richard  Cobden,  by  Sir  Robert 
Peel.  President  Cleveland  may  say  to  others,  therefore,  and  think  what  he 
chooses,  but  he  has  precipitated  tlie  inevitable  struggle  between  free  trade 
and  protection  in  the  Uiuted  States,  and  that  is  tantamount  to  saying 
that  he  is  on  the  side  of  free  trade." 

[The  London  Iron  and  Steel  Trades  Journal.] 

"  The  facta  set  forth  in  the  President's  message,  though  by  no  means 
new,  are  now  brought  so  prominently  under  the  notice  of  the  American 
CJongress  and  of  American  citizens  tliat  a  violent  stimulus  must  be  given 
to  the  party  which  advocates  entire  freedom  of  trade." 
[The  London  Ironmonger.] 

"  Dealing  with  the  message  as  it  stands,  it  would  certainly  seem  to  indi- 
cate a  greater  leaning  towards  nee-trade  principles  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  Cabinet  than  has  been  observable  hitherto." 

"  Mr.  Cleveland's  policy,"  said  the  Times,  "may  not  establish  free  trade 
inthestrict  sense  of  the  term,  butit  will  to  agreatextent  niaketrade  free." 
[From  "A  member  of  Parliament"  by  cable  to  the  froe-trade  New  York 

Herald.] 

"To  convert  the  United  States  is  indeed  a  triumph.  The  Cobden  Club 
will  henceforth  set  up  a  special  shrine  for  the  worship  of  President  Cleve- 
land, and  send  him  all  its  publications  gratis.  Cobden  founded  free 
trade;  Cleveland  saved  it.  Such  is  the  burden  of  the  song  all  through 
England  to-day. 

— BiiowNK,  Indiana,  Record,  3525. 

Dcinooratio  party  and  froo  trade. 

No.  is  1.— The  campaign  on  which  you  are  about  to  ent^^r  should  be 
prefaced,  if  that  were  po38ii)le,  by  every  voter  in  the  United  States  seeing 
what  I  have  seen  and  hearing  w'hat  I  have  heard  during  the  last  year. 

93 


DEM 

The  pro)?res3  of  the  campaign  in  the  United  Statew  is  viewed  from  the 
{European  8tan(Ip^)int  with  an  interest  as  profound  as  it  is  in  the  United 
.States.  It  is  the  opportunity  of  Knjiland.  It  is  the  long  looked-for  oc- 
casion upon  which  tlie  cheaper  labor  and  the  cheaper  fabrics  of  the  Old 
World  expect  to  invaile  the  New  and  lower  the  wages  of  American  work- 
in^rmen  to  the  European  standard.  It  is  not  a  contest  of  capital  against 
capital ;  it  is  not  a  contest  of  ])artisan  against  partisan.  It  i^  much 
higher  than  either  of  these — it  transcends  all  party  motive:  Whether 
the  great  raa&s  of  American  citizens  who  earn  their  bread  by  the  sweat 
of  their  brow  shall  be  seriously  reduced  in  their  emoluments  from  day 
to  day. 

That  is  the  whole  pith  and  moment  of  this  question.  Anything  that 
divertfl  the  (]ue3tion  from  that  single  point  is  a  weakening  of  the  cam- 
paign. I  say  here,  as  I  hope  to  say  with  much  more  elaboration — I  say 
here  that  the  wages  of  the  American  laborer  cannot  bo  reduced  except 
with  the  consent  and  votes  of  the  American  laborer  himself.  The  ap- 
p>eal  lies  to  him.  It  comes  to  his  door  and  asks  him  whether,  with  the 
great  power  of  the  franchise,  and  the  great  majority  he  possesses  in  his 
own  hands,  he  is  willing,  for  himself  and  liis  associates,  his  children  and 
his  children's  children,  to  take  that  fatal  et*»p  at  the  biddingof  an  Ameri- 
can Congress  and  an  American  President  whose  policy  is  governed  by 
that  element  which  sought  to  destroy  this  nation. 

— J.  G.  Blai.n'e,  New  York  Harbor,  August  0,  1888. 

Democratic  party  and  iutornal  revenue. 

\o.  IH5.— The  gentleman  from  Michigan  [Mr.  Ford]  said  something 
here  to  the  effect  that  the  abolition  of  the  internal  revenue  was  proposed 
to  save  the  tariff  schedules.  I  wish  to  call  the  attention  of  gentlemen  to 
the  position  taken  in  this  House  two  years  ago  by  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Randall]  upon  that  question  and  to  the  thorough  in- 
dorsement of  that  po?-ition  by  the  people  of  some  districts  in  which  a 
distinct  issue  was  made.  In  a  discussion  between  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Randall,  and  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  Mr. 
Hewitt,  the  following  took  place  : 

"Mr.  HEWITT.  Will  the  gentleman  allow  me  a  word?  He  has 
asketl  whether  the  measure  introduced  by  the  Committee  on  Ways  and 
Means  was  in  accordance  with  the  pledges  of  theChicago  platform.  I  say 
that  it  was,  and  that  is  the  nuestion  that  I  will  go  into  nis  district  and 
talk  out  with  him  and  with  his  workingmen.  [Applause  on  the  Demo- 
cratic side.] 

"  Mr.  Ii.\NDALL.  I  know  well  the  conduct  of  the  gentleman  in  the 
Chicago  convention,  and  I  know  that  neither  he  nor  any  other  man  sub- 
sequently went  on  the  stump  in  his  State  or  elsewhere  and  made  declara- 
tions in  the  direction  of  the  bill  of  the  Wavs  and  Means  Committee  as  I 
conceive  it  to  be.  I  not  onlv  know  that,  but  I  know  also  that,  on  the 
contrary,  I  was  invited  into  his  State  and  spoke  there  in  the  exact  line 
of  the  declarations  that  I  have  made  here  and  make  now.  [Applause 
on  the  Republican  side.]  I  know  more;  I  know  that  in  the  canvass  last 
year  which  resulted  in  the  election  of  (Governor  Hill  they  took  care  to 
invite  me  again,  and  they  invited  also  many  other  men  who  agreed  with 
me  in  sentiment  as  to  the  construction  of  the  Chicago  platform,  while 
they  failefi  to  invite  any  man  to  ppeak  there  who  thought  as  the  gentle- 
man from  N't'w  York  [Mr.  Hewitt]  now  declares.  [.Vpplause  on  the  Re- 
Eublican  side.]  And  what  was  the  result?  The  result  was  that  the 
>emocratic  majority  in  the  State  of  New  York  increased  from  something 
over  ].0()(»  in  1>^'<4  to  11, WO  in  18S5,  and  it  was  not  on  any  free-trade  doc- 
trine." [Laughter  and  applause.] 
94 


DExM 

The  theory  of  the  Democrats  two  years  apo  was  that  they  could  not 
combine  a  bill  for  the  reduction  of  duties  with  one  for  the  reduction  of 
internal-revenue  taxes.  '  They  have  abandoned  that  position  now. 

— Kkkk,  Record,  6938. 

Deiiiot*ratio  party  and  labor. 

No.  1H<1. — -Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  to  read  a  little  extract  from  high 
political  authority  : 

"  The  necessary  reduction  in  taxation  must  be  efiected  without  depriv- 
ing American  labor  of  the  ability  to  com|)ete  successfully  with  foreign 
labor,  and  without  imposing  lower  rates  of  duty  than  will  be  ample  to 
cover  any  increased  cost  of  production  which  may  exist  in  consequence 
of  the  higher  rate  of  wages  prevailing  in  this  country." 

That  was  the  enunciation  of  the  Democratic  convention  which  assem- 
bled four  vears  ago. 

Mr.  OUTHWAITE.    And  we  enunciate  it  again. 

Mr.  ROWELL.  That  was  the  eunciation  of  the  l)emocratic  convention 
which  assembled  a  few  days  ago,  rnodilied,  however,  by  appointing  an 
interpreter,  so  that  black  may  mean  white  and  white  may  mean  black, 
according  to  the  necessities  of  the  occasion. 

Nevertheless  a  bill  is  presented  here  and  amendments  are  presented 
here  to  place  upon  the  free-list  articles  manufactured  both  in  thiscountry 
and  abroad,  manufactured  here  by  high-priced  labor  and  abroad  by  the 
very  lowest  of  low-priced  labor ;  and  according  to  the  interpretation  of 
the  language  which  recognizes  the  fact  that  a  tarilT  alfects  the  wage- 
earner  we  are  to  have  this  sort  of  manufacturing  industry  blotted  out  of 
existence. 

— RowELL,  Record,  5G7G. 

Democratic  reasons  for  supporting  tlie  ITIills  bill. 

No.  187. — We  find  men  upon  the  other  oide  of  this  chamber  advocat- 
ing the  passage  of  this  bill  and  assigning  very  dillerent  reasons  for  voting 
for  and  supporting  the  same  provisions  thereof.  To  illustrate,  Mr.  Mills, 
the  chairman  of  the  committee,  justifies  his  course  in  putting  wool  upon 
the  free  list  by  boldly  asserting  that  it  is  enriching  the  manufacturer  at 
the  expense  of  th^  people  and  doing  the  farmer  no  good,  and  that  it  is 
adtlingan  extra  cost  to  the  goods  worn  by  the  laboring  man. 

The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Rcssell]  justifies  his  support 
of  that  provision  of  the  bill  by  boldly  asserting  that  it,  the  tarifi",  is  an  in- 
jury to  the  manufacturers  of  woolen  goods,  and  is  absolutely  forcing  es- 
tablishments of  that  kin<l  into  bankruptcy,  and  both  asserting  that  it  will 
increase  the  price  of  wool. 

Now  I  cannot  conceive  how  both  of  these  gentlemen  can  be  right.  I 
further  notice  that  the  men  from  the  Southern  States,  who  at  the  begin- 
ning of  this  Congress  claimed  to  be  protectionists  and  gave  us  every  as- 
surance that  they  would  vote  against  any  measure  that  attempted  to  de- 
stroy the  protective  system  of  this  country,  suddenly  become  enthusiastic 
supporters  of  the  Mills  bill,  and  persistently  vote  a>rainst  any  attempt  to 
amend  it.  Now  this  may  appear  strange  to  one  who  has  not  investigated 
the  facts  and  arrived  at  the  true  reasons  thereof.  Upon  an  examination 
of  the  bill,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  supar  schedule  ha.s  been  changed  very 
materially  since  the  bill  was  originally  introduced,  leaving  the  present 
tariff  on  sugar  at  (!S  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

This,  as  a  matter  of  course,  satisfies  the  sugar-planter  of  Louisiana  and 
other  Southern  States.  And  if  he  can  gpt  his  j)articular  interest  protected 
he  loses  interest  in  every  other  industry  in  the  country  :  nrnllhnt  he  calls 
protection.  We  further  find,  by  the  provisions  of  this  bill,  that  rice  and 
other  necessaries  of  life  that  are  grown  in  the  South  are  left  upon  the  list 

95 


DEM— DIS 

at  a  high  rate  of  duty,  and  the  lan^iiaire  of  the  schedule  ieao  changed  as 
to  h>Hve  a  greater  duty  upon  rice  than  exirited  under  the  tariU"  of  1SS:5. 
Thiesiitisties  the  •gentlemen  from  South  Carolinftand  (ieorgia  and  other 
Southern  States,  who  are  interested  in  the  growth  of  rice,  and  they  sud- 
denly forget  their  professions  of  protection  and  become  enthusiastic  sup- 
porters of  this  meature. 

— Johnston,  Indiana,  Record,  G960. 

Dciiio«-i-uti<>  roNpoiiMibility. 

\o.  iss.— Tlie  following  table  shows  exactly  how  the  Democratic 
Mdls  tarill'-reduction  bill  proposes  to  strike  down  the  protective  duties 
that  under  Kepublicau  laws  have  stimulated  American  industries,  in- 
creased the  wages  of  American  labor,  furnished  a  profitable  home  mar- 
ket for  our  farmers,  and  given  to  American  workingmen  the  most  com- 
fortable and  happy  homes  in  the  world.  Although  a  few  items  cited 
below  have  been  dropped  out  of  this  bill  since  it  was  reporte<l,  the  fol- 
lowing list  represents  the  changes  of  the  existing  tarill  proposed  by  the 
Mills  bill  as  it  was  indorsed  by  the  Democratic  national  convention  at 
St.  Louis  and  the  Democratic  State  convention  of  Maine. 

(See  Existing  Tariff  and  Mills  bill.) 

— BouTKLLE,  Record,  G640. 

DoiiKXTatio  roNpoiiMibility. 

\o.  isy.— If  it  be  claimed  that  for  the  most  part  during  the  Demo- 
cralii-  control  of  the  House  the  Senate  was  dominated  by  the  Uepublican 
party,  and,  therefore,  the  re8i)on8ibility  of  failure  to  reduce  the  revenue 
shoiil'l  be  alike  shared  by  them,  we  answer  that,  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  I'nited  States,  the  House  alone  can  originate  bills  to  reduce  taxa- 
tion, the  Senate  having  no  jurisdiction  of  the  subject  uniil  it  is  given  to 
it  V)y  a  bill  which  passes  the  House,  and  that  during  all  these  years  no 
such  bill  has  gone  from  the  House  to  the  Senate,  and.  therefore,  the  sole 
responsibility  for  failure  rests  with  the  present  majority  in  the  House  of 
Representatives. 

—House  Report,  No.  1496,  1-50,  p.  31. 

Itciiiorratio  tarifl'  deception. 

\o.  MM).— Hut  it  was  also  stated  in  the  article  from  the  Chicago 
Tribune  that  within  gunshot  of  the  city  of  New  York  the  election  proved 
Mr.  Cleveland  received  more  votes  than  Mr.  Blaine  and  more  votes  than 
Mr.  ( Urfield.  Do  the  gontlemen  forget  that  when  Mr.  Cleveland  was 
voted  for  the  Demoi;ratic  party  had  their  straddle  of  1884, and  that  they 
hail  to  send  to  Pennsylvania  for  Mr.  Randall  and  other  Democratic  pro- 
tectionists for  the  purpose  of  pullinji:  the  wool  over  the  eyes  of  the  men 
of  New  York, and  getting  them  to  believe  that  when  they  said  free  trade 
they  meant  protection — for  the  purpos'e  of  hoodwinking  voters  in  New 
York  and  around  that  vicinity  ? 

Bkvm.m,  Record,  5G7.'>. 

I>iNeriiiiiiiutiiie  in  laying  (intyto  oatcit  votes  for  .'VIill<«  bill. 

\u.  MM.— Mr.  I5A.YNK.  If  these  industries  were  in  Baltimore,  Md., 
or  in  the  tlistrict  of  my  friend  from  Chicago  [.Mr.  Lawler],  who  seems 
to  have  consideraVjle  influence  with  the  committee 

Mr.  L.VWLER.  SVe  will  make  the  same  concession  to  you  if  you  will 
vote  for  this  bill. 

Mr.  B.\YNK.  Or  in  many  other  localities  which  might-be  pointed 
out,  then  these  industries  might  not  need  any  advocacy  on  our  side. 

Mr.  DINGLEY.  What  did  the  gentleman  from  Chicago  [Mr.  Law- 
ler] say  was  the  concession  which  he  made  in  order  to  obtain  the  re- 
90 


DIS-DIV 

movalof^lue  from  the  free-list?  The  pentleman  from  Chirajjo,  I  un- 
derstood, informed  the  pentleman  from  Pennsylvania  a  moment  ago  of 
a  certain  concession  which  lie  made  in  order  to  have  glue  taken  from 
the  free  list,  and  stated  that  a  pimilar  concession  made  by  the  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania  might  be  to  his  advantage. 

Mr.  LAWLER.  I  was  going  to  say  this  :  The  committee  did  make 
a  concession  ;  that  is,  it  is  so  suppose*! ;  I  did  not  understand  they  did. 
I  was  going  to  suggest  to  the  gentleman  now  on  the  lloor  whether,  if 
we  make  one  concession  to  him,  he  will  stop  talking  and  let  this,  bill 
come  to  a  vote.     We  will  make  a  concession,  if  he  will  agree  to  do  that. 

Mr.  DINGLEY.  The  gentleman  said  that  the  concession  to  be  made 
was  to  vot«  for  the  bill. 

— Bayne,  Record,  0335. 
DistillorioN  and  GoTornnient  ofliciulN. 

\o.  192.-1  have  already  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  light 
of  experience  there  is  no  trace  of  economy  in  relieving  these  distillers 
from  the  surveillance  of  Government  ollicials,  but  that  the  result  would 
be  that  in  saving  one  dollar  we  would  lose  four  or  five,  which  can  hardly 
be  regarded  as  economical. 

What  I  desire  to  call  especial  attention  to,  however,  is  the  fact  that 
this  effort  in  behalf  of  the  distillers  mashing  less  than  25  bushels  of  grain 
per  day  comes  from  a  quarter  where  violation  of  the  internal  revenue 
law  seems  to  be  the  rule,  and  not  the  exception.  North  Carolina  seems 
to  be  for  it.  North  Carolina  has  over  TOO  stills  that  would  be  released 
from  governmental  supervision  now  provided  by  law.  Georgia  is  for  it. 
She  has  113  stills  that  would  be  relieved  from  that  supervision.  Ken- 
tucky seems  delighted  with  the  arrangement.  She  has  2G8  stills  that 
would  be  released  from  all  the  restraint  which  the  presence  of  a  store- 
keeper suggests.  Tennessee  has  102  stills  that  are  anxious  to  be  freed 
from  supervision.    Virginia,  £5;  Arkansas,  39. 

And  while  this  is  true  of  those  States,  it  is  equally  true  that  in  the  same 
localities  violations  of  the  internal  revenue  law,  accompanied  by  acts  of 
violence,  are  of  frequent  occurrence. 

Now,  if  we  turn  for  a  moment  to  the  States  that  yield  the  larger  reve- 
nue on  distilled  spirits  we  will  lind  that  Illinois  has  not  a  single  still  that 
■will  not  remain  subject  to  supervision  by  Government  ollicials,  and  very 
properly  so.  Whether  she  will  have  when  this  bounty  on  fraud  goes  into 
operation  remains  to  be  seen. 

Indiana  has  but  5 ;  Massachusetts  has  none  ;  Missouri  has  less  than  30; 
New  York  has  none;  Ohio  has  less  than  a  dozen;  Pennsylvania  has 
about  CA.  So  that  it  occurs  that  the  great  spirit-producing  States  of  Illi- 
nois, Missouri,  Pennsylvaaia,  Ohio,  and  New  York  have,  all  told,  but 
about  100  of  these  distilleries.  The  sections  where  frauds  are  committed 
constantly,  notwithstanding  this  surveillance  which  this  bill  would  re- 
move, have  over  1,300. 

— BuTTERWoRTH,  Ohio,  Rccord,  7222. 

DiridondH— ITIaNNacIiiiNOttM'  cotton-j^oodM  luanunictnroH. 

\o.  H);i. — I  wish  also  to  correct  the  impression  that  enorm  )us  profits 
have  been  made  in  cotton  manufacturing  in  Massachusetts,  and  will  read 
the  following  statements  giving  the  (lividcnds  of  mills  which  include  the 
bulk  of  the  business  in  New  England  for  a  series  of  years,  and  also  a 
statement  giving  the  dividends  of  the  Fall  River  mills  for  a  number  of 
years : 

"Dividends  paid  by  fifty-two  corporations,  having  $.")3, 182,000  capital 
stock,  manufacturing  cotton  goods  in  ilaine,  New  Hampshire,  and  Mas- 
sachusetts have  averaged  during  fourteen  years,  1874  to  1887,  inclusive, 
6.149  per  cent,  per  annum. 

vii  97 


IH'T— EAR 

"  Dividends  paid  by  seventy-tive  corporations,  baring  $70,(')8 1 ,000  capi- 
tal Btock,  luanufju^urin^f  cotton  goods  in  Maine,  New  Hampehire,  and 
MaasacbuBettM,  bave  averaged  during  six  years,  1882  to  1887,  inclusive, 
5.952  per  cent.  j>er  annum. 

••  Mills  in  Fall  Kiver,  baving  a  capital  stock  of  $13,301,330,  have  paid 
annual  dividends  averaging  during  fourteen  years,  since  1873,  5.23  per 
cent." 

I  tbink  these  statements  will  disabu.se  the  minds  of  gentlemen  of  the 
error  that  birge  prolits  have  been  made  in  the  cotton  business  of  Maesa- 
cbusetts. 

— Davis,  Record,  3851. 

I>iiti(>s— Specific  and  nd  valorem. 

.\o.  ID  1. — 1  am  certainly  purprisecl  to  find  that  in  many  parts  of  thi.'-- 
bill  there  is  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and 
>IeanB  to  make  a  change  from  existing  specific  duties  to  ad  valorem  rates. 
<  >f  cour.-!c,  the  gentleman  from  Arkansas  has  read  the  report  of  Secretary 
Manning  upon  the  subject  of  specific  and  ad  valorem  rates,  and  iiKo 
Secretary  Tairchild's  approval  of  it.  Mr.  Manning  states  that  the  ad  va- 
lurtin  system  places  it  almost  entirely  within  the  power  of  the  foreign 
manufacturer  and  exporter  to  determine  what  the  rate  of  duty  shall  be 
by  means  of  undervaluations  in  his  invoices;  and  I  send  to  the  desk  and 
ask  to  have  read  a  portion  of  Secretary  Manning's  remarks  upon  that 
subject. 

It  seems  to  me,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  distinguished  ex-Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  after  examining  our  tariff  system,  has  given  such  an 
emphatic  indorsement  of  the  specific  as  against  the  ad  valorem  system 
that  the  committee  can  hardly  find  justification  in  making  so  many 
changes  from  ad  valorem  to  ppecific  duties.  • 

Indeed.  Mr.  Chairman,  an  English  manufacturer  said  to  me  last  au- 
tumn, during  a  conversation  in  reference  to  the  tariff",  that  if  we  main- 
tained the  ad  valorem  system,  he  did  not  care  how  high  we  made  our 
duties,  as  they  would  fix  the  duty  for  themselves  in  making  their  in- 
voices. 

— DiKGLEY,  Record,  0411). 

E. 

Earthenware. 

\«».  1  !).■>. —lOarthenware  will  be  seriously  injured  by  the  provisions  of 
this  bill.  The  duty  was  increased  on  this  ware  by  the  tariff  law  of  1883- 
and  was  justified  by  the  condition  of  the  industry  and  the  pressing  in- 
terests of  American  labor — notwithstanding  which,  the  foreign  manufact- 
urers supply  fully  one-half  of  the  American  demand.  The  prediction 
was  made  at  the  time  of  the  increase  that,  as  a  result,  the  American  ware 
would  be  improved  in  quality  and  reduced  in  price,  which  prediction  has 
been  fully  verified.  This  industry  has  sprung  up  since  18G0,  and  no 
more  striking  illustration  of  the  benefit  of  protection  can  be  found.  It 
has  grown  to  be  one  of  the  most  valuable  of  our  manufacturing  interests ; 
the  capital  invested  has  increased  to  $8,000,000,  and  the  hands  employed 
number  upwards  of  ten  thousand  ;  the  price  of  good  ware  has  been 
brought  within  the  reach  of  the  humblest  household;  our  home  compe- 
tition has  reduced  the  price  of  ware  fully  50  per  cent.,  and  a  taste  for 
ceramic  art  has  been  cultivated,  developing  a  new  field  of  employment 
for  both  men  and  women.  The  wages  paid  in  our  potteries  are  125  per 
cent,  in  advance  of  those  paid  for  like  labor  abroad.  There  is  no  public 
sentiment  calling  for  the  proposed  action  of  the  committee.  There  is  not 
OS 


EAR-EGG 

a  consumer  complaining,  and  every  workingman  engaged  in  theee  indus- 
tries has  protested  against  the  reduction  because  of  its  inevitable  effect 
upon  his  wages.  The  only  efltctof  the  bill  will  be  to  displace  American 
by  the  foreign  ware,  increase  the  prolita  of  our  English  and  German 
rivals,  impoverish  tlie  manufacturers,  and  bring  distress  to  the  labor 
which  thev  employ. 

—House  Report,  Tariff,  No.  1496, 1-50,  p.  23. 

I^urf  lioiiwairc -ICediictiou  of*  duty  will  help  StaflbrdNliirc, 
ICiiKlaiKl. 

Xo.  l\Hi. — I  have  in  my  hand  the  Pottery  <  lazette,  published  in  Lon- 
don, untler  date  of  January  2,  ]f>ss,  from  which  1  read: 

"  Earthenware  is  reported  to  be  reduced  to  80  per  cent.  This  will  help 
the  trade,  but  we  trust  the  men  and  masters  here  will  not  be  too  san- 
guine as  to  results  and  upset  the  trade." 

Their  information  upon  the  earthenware  schedule  is  ([uite  accurate  ; 
they  had  it  in  advance  of  the  minority  members  of  the  committee,  and 
while  thoroughly  pleased  the  editor  of  the  Gazette  feels  constrained  to 
advise  the  men  and  masters  not  to  be  too  sanguine  as  to  results  and 
thereby  upset  the  trade  and  defeat  the  bill.  He  advises  them  not  to  re- 
joice too  soon  ;  the  news  is  almost  too  good  to  be  true,  and  too  much 
ecstacy  on  their  part  might  prejudice  it  before  the  American  House. 
Why  should  they  rejoice  when  our  tariff  goes  down?  Our  workingmen 
and  employers  have  no  such  feeling.  They  dread  it;  they  oppose  it; 
they  know  what  it  means  to  them.  They  know  that  it  will  benefit  the 
foreign  rival  and  bring  distress  to  them. 

The  reduction  of  duties  upon  earthenware  will  help  Staffordshire, 
England,  and  their  people  know  it  well,  while  it  will  hurt  American  pot- 
ters and  the  labor  they  employ. 

Again  I  read : 

"  Our  American  friends  are  expected  over  shortly." 

Tney  are  detained  here  during  the  pendency  of  this  bill. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4756. 

Education  uud  labor,  UcinocratM  oppose. 

\'o.  107. — It  is  a  well-known  fact — admitted  by  the  candid  men 
representing  the  South — that  their  laborers  are  not  so  well  paid  as  in  the 
North.  And  as  an  excuse  for  that,  they  say  their  labor  is  not  so  intelli- 
gent, and  consecjuently  worth  L'SS.  This  explanation  would  be  entirely 
satisfactory  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  they  resist  every  eflort  to  edu- 
cate and  enlighten  their  laborers,  so  they  may  demand  and  receive  bet- 
ter wages. 

When  we  propose  to  pass  a  bill  establishing  schools  in  which  the  poor 
may  be  educated,  under  the  rules  of  this  House,  adopted  by  the  major- 
ity, the  Speaker  exercises  his  one  man  power  and  appoints  a  committee 
that  utterly  refuses  to  report  to  this  House  the  "  Blair  educational  bill," 
that  is  in  the  interest  of  all  laboring  men  w^ho  are  unable  to  school  their 
children.  Then  when  we  take  the  further  declarations  made  by  these 
men — or  some  of  them — that  they  of  the  South  would  bo  al)le  to  live  un- 
der a  tariff  that  would  starve  the  labor  of  the  North  to  death,  wo  can 
but  conclude  that  they  are  satieiied  with  their  own  labor  and  want  to 
keep  it  in  the  condition  it  now  is.  They  are  willing  to  force  a  measure 
through  this  House,  the  tendency  of  which  will  be  to  reduce  the  labor  of 
the  North  to  an  equality  with  their  own. 

—Johnston,  Indiana,  Record,  6962. 

KgK!<— ''"■'iiK^i'M  ask  a  <lufy. 

Xo.  lOH. — Mr.  ('hairinan,  I  yesterday  received  a  numerously  signed 
petition  from  farmers  in  my  State,  in  which,  among  other  things,  they 

99 


EGG— KMP 

wked  that  eggs  should  be  placed  upon  the  dutiable  list  at  5  cents  per 
dozen.  In  my  Hj)ecch,  which  I  delivered  some  weeks  ago  upon  the  tariff, 
I  called  aitention  to  the  fact  that  in  three  months,  Oclober,  November, 
and  Decendjer,  lSvS7,  we  imported  (v')'Jl,G72  dozen  tg^?,  at  a  value  of  '>],- 
llo.7J.'>,  nearly  four  and  one-half  million  dollars'  wor.  li  of  eggs  per  an- 
num. ()ne  of  my  friends  on  the  other  side  said  in  his  tarill"  speech  that 
he  could  tee  no  gootl  reason  wJiy  the  American  hen  should  not  he  able 
to  supply  the  demand  for  home  consumption.  I  think,  Mr.  Chairman, 
in  all  sericusness,  that  the  American  hen  ought  to  be  encouraged  to 
supply  the  demand  for  the  consumption  of  our  eggs,  and  I  think  that  this 
amendment  will  do  it.  I  only  eaid  in  my  speech  that  I  wanted  a  duty 
of  3  or  4  v'^nlst  per  dozen  on  eggs,  but  in  obedience  to  the  instructions  re- 
wived  from  the  farmers  in  my  State  I  offer  this  amendment  that  eggs 
shall  be  placed  upon  the  dutiable  list  at  o  cents  per  dozen. 

— GuENTHEB,  Record,  G634. 

tlKK^—^ovf  England  vn.  South. 

\o.  109. — The  busy  people  of  New  England  have  little  time  to  in- 
dulge the  taste  of  chicken  fanciers,  yet  of  the  four  hundred  and  fifty - 
seven  million  dozens  of  eggs  produced  in  the  country,  according  to  the 
last  census,  thirty  million  dozens,  or  about  one-fifteenth  of  the  whole,  is 
credited  to  New  England. 

The  Southern  States,  with  a  vastly  greater  number  of  fowls,  had  a  prod- 
uct of  less  than  eighty-nine  million  dozens.  I3ut  what  is  of  more  con- 
sequence than  the  amount  of  the  product  is  the  significant  fact  that  in 
New  England  eggs  commanded  a  price  about  four  times  as  great  as  that 
secured  in  the  South,  and  the  same  is  relatively  true  of  the  milk,  butter, 
and  cheese  product  of  the  two  sections,  due  solely  to  the  fact  that  New 
Enu'land  has  a  home  market  for  such  products,  a  natural  outcome  of  her 
manufacturing  industries. 

These  are  hard,  stubborn  facts,  for  which  the  Tenth  Census  is  respon- 
sible. New  England  farms  have  long  been  carefully  and  intelligently 
tilled  by  the  hands  of  free  men,  and  notwithstanding  the  sterile  soil  and 
early  frosts  she  produces  per  acre  twice  the  yield  of  wheat,  corn,  oats,  and 
rye  that  is  credited  to  the  South.  New  England  farmers.  New  England 
mechanici?,  and  New  England  workingmen  are  all  prosperou.s,  the  reeult 
of  diversified  induttries  and  ready  markets.  When  the  South  learns  this 
simple  lesson  in  political  economy  she  will  cease  crying  robber  tariff. 

— Gallingek,  Record,  3091. 

Kkkm— Why  Nhould  wc  buy  auy  ? 

\o.  200. — The  value  of  the  products  of  the  egg  and  poultry  crop  of 
the  Unifed  States  exceeds  tlie  entire  value  of  our  pig-iron.  6ut  what 
war-tariff  advocate  has  ever  raised  his  voice  for  this  portion  of  the  farm- 
er's productions?  None.  Is  there  any  tariff  on  eggs?  There  is  a  tariff 
on  the  yelks  of  eges  dried  and  powderdd,  and  there  is  a  tariff  on  baked 
ants'  eggs  for  binb'  food.  But  there  is  no  duty  on  the  ht^n's  egg.  Are 
there  any  imported?  Oh.  yes;  about  14,000,000  dozens  last  year,  free; 
no  tariff  on  them  at  all.  Why  have  not  these  representatives  of  the  pig- 
iron  manufacturers,  and  of  the  alleged  wool-growers,  who  are  tumbling 
over  each  other  in  their  eagerness  to  benefit  the  farmer,  said  something 
about  Having  our  egg  and  poultry  industry  from  foreign  competition? 
Why  should  not  the  great  American  hen  be  protected  against  the  pauper 
hen  of  Europe?     [Laughter.] 

—Ford,  Record,  3611. 

EmployecN  in  a);riculturc  and  luaiiufacture. 

>o.  tJOl.— We  employed  in  manufactures  in  18G0  1,311,246  persons. 
We  employed  in  1880  2,7'32,59.5.    The  amount  of  material  used  in  1860 
100 


EMP— ENG 

^va<|  $1,027,411,482,  and  in  ISSO  it  was  $3,381,701,277.  We  employed  in 
iiuuiafactures,  of  women  and  children  who  cannot  be  employed  in  a-^'ri- 
cultiire,  713,500,  who  are  to  he  deprived  of  every  oppcrtunity  to  labor  if 
all  the  people  in  this  country  are  to  follow  one  purauit,  and  that  tlie  pur- 
suit of  agriculture. 

—Senator  Teller,  Record,  2203. 

Einploynieiit  first,  prices  artcrward. 

\o.  'iO'Z. — Mr.  Ctiairman,  the  sp^efhes  for  this  bill  are  the  extrava- 
garit  8p3ec'.ie.«(  of  fjr'y  yea-s  a)s:rt.  Tue  n^c  'ssiri-^s  and  conveniences  of 
life  were  never  so  pi  mtiful  or  si  ch  -ap  m  to-day.  The  wages  of  labor 
were  never  so  high  in  our  country.  The  poor  man's  blanket  never  was  eo 
cheap  as  now,  but  the  poor  man's  wages  are  the  lowest  in  the  States  where 
most  of  the  mombera  who  support  the  .Mill-?  bill  bail  from.  Durin.^  the 
pa-st  forty  years  all  over  the  world  m?cii  vnic.tl  an  I  Kcientilio  appliances 
have  traaeformoil  the  transporting;  and  proihicing  of  commodities.  These 
have  reduced  and  are  still  reducinrr  the  labor  required  for  both. 

When  Cobden  trluraphe  1  with  tbo  cry  of  '•  the  cheap  loaf"  the  trouble 
was  the  scarcity  and  dearness  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  To-day  the 
struggle  is  for  work  enough  to  give  the  bulk  of  the  population  money 
enough  to  buy  these  nece.ssariep  of  life  now  socheap  and  abundant. 

Without  employment,  increasing  masses  of  people  must  pass  ii  miser- 
able existence  In  the  midst  of  plenty.  Industries  must  ron't  intly  grow 
and  diversify  to  give  full  and  well-paid  employment.  From  the  difficulty 
of  supplying  adequate  employment  in  the  midst  of  rommoditi'^s  cheap 
and  plentiful  has  resulted  the  reconversion  of  the  civilized  world  to  pro- 
tective tarifl;'. 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3838. 
EuKlaiKl.    (See  No.  131.) 

England  aii«l  .Vinerica  confrastctP. 

Xo.  203. — Mr.  Jay  Gould,  with  his  immense  income  from  his  rail- 
road property,  ip.  able  to  pay  his  bootblack  §!oOO  a  day.  [Which  he  never 
does. — Ed.] 

— Mills,  Record,  3351. 

I  have  witnessed  just  such  protection  as  this  until  I  have  seen  the 
officer  walk  into  the  humble  home,  carrv  the  furniture  out  upon  the 
street,  and  then  compel  the  mother  and  children  to  abandon  their  shelter 
while  he  closed  and  fastened  the  doors,  because  the  rent  was  unpaid. 

— BvNUM,  Record,  3519. 

Neither  the  incident  so  dramatically  related  bv  the  gentleman  from 
Texas  [Mr.  Mills],  that  Jay  Gould  and  Vanderbilt  under  a  hitdi  tariff 
do  not  pay  their  boot-blacks  J^oOl)  for  a" shine,"  nor  the  circumstance 
so  pathetically  detailed  by  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  [.Mr.  Bynum] 
ofa  family  of  that  State  being  driven  from  their  home  by  the  sheriff,  not- 
withstanding the  tariff  laws,  will  ppccially  affect  the  question  of  the 
workingman's  interest  in  farifl'legiplation. 

If  the  gentleman  from  Texas  will  take  the  trouble  to  look  at  free- 
trade  En':;land  he  will  doubtless  find  many  lords  and  duke.',  owners  of 
vast  estates,  who  pay  even  less  liberally  for  labor  than  Jay  (tould.and 
if  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  will  direct  his  gnze  for  a  moment  to 
Ireland,  that  land  where  free  trade  and  Briti.^h  greed  have  destroyed 
the  linen  and  other  industries  which  proppere<l  under  tariff  laws,  he 
will  see  evictions  by  wholesale  of  workingmen  from  their  homes,  and 
cruelties  and  hard-ships  to  the  laboring  classes  compared  to  which  his 
Indiana  incident  is  or  the  slightest  possible  consequence. 

— G.\Li.TNfiKn,  Record,  3688. 
101 


KiikIhiicIN  iii<lors4'iii<>iit  or<'l<'Vol»iid. 

><►.  '2i>  I.— Well,  1  liave  lately  been  in  KDfrland  for  seme  monlhp,  an.l 
1  found  in  Jinuilish  public  opinion  a  very  great  difference  upon  almost  all 
(juestions  uufler  ihe  8un.  They  are  about  divideiJ  in  two  on  what  you 
call  tlie  Irish  i|ueBtion.  They  are  about  divided  as  to  the  foreign  policy 
of  (lladfltone  and  Salisbury  ;  they  are  divided  even  upon  the  continuance 
of  the  House  of  Lords,  and  they  are  not  absolutely  uniiniruous  in  sup- 
port of  the  monarchy  ;  but  there  is  one  question  from  Land's  End  to 
John  o' Groats,  from  t lie  Irish  channel  to  the  English;  in  every  paper 
from  one  end  of  the  kingdom  to  the  other  there  is  one  unanimous  ac- 
cord on  the  part  of  Tories  and  Whigs,  of  Lil>3rals.  Conservatives,  and  of 
Radicals,  and  that  is  that  the  Honorable  Grover  Cleveland,  President  of 
the  United  States,  embodies  in  his  person  the  exact  form  of  revenue  and 
free  trade  for  the  United  States  which  they  like. 

— BL.'iiNE,  J.  G.,  New  York,  August  10. 

Eiiv:Iaii(rs  compliment  to  President  Cleveland. 

Xo.  205. — The  distinguished  gentleman  from  Michigan  [Mr.  Bur- 
rows], in  his  great  speech  delivered  on  the  2'.',\  instant,  called  attention 
to  some  of  the  joyful  utterances  of  the  British  press  over  the  prospective 
success  of  President  Cleveland's  anti-taritf  programme.  Volumes  of 
other  testimony  could  be  given  on  that  point.  Recently  a  prominent 
member  of  the  British  Parliament  enthusiastically  exclaimed  : 

"  To  convert  the  United  States  is  indeed  a  triumph.  The  Cobden 
Club  will  henceforth  set  up  a  special  shrine  for  the  worship  of  President 
Cleveland  and  send  him  all  its  publications  gratis.  Cobden  founded  free 
trade ;  Cleveland  saved  it. 

— Gallinoer,  Record,  3688. 

KuKlaud.— Efiect  of  I'ree  trade  on.    (Sec  Nok.  370,  336.) 

Kn;;lniid  iuu!«t  adopt  protection  aia^ainst  Germany  and  ltd- 
Kiiim. 

\o.  200. — The  manufacturers  of  Manchester,  England,  in  convention 
only  a  few  months  ago,  declaring  that  lower  wages  or  protection  against 
Germany  and  Be'gium  must  be  had  ;  millions  of  men  and  women  seek- 
ing for  work  and  finding  none;  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of 
huni/ry  men  marching  through  the  streets  of  London,  even  into  that  holy 
of  holies,  Westminster  Abbey,  with  banners  inscribed  "  Bread  or  work  ;  " 
nearly  one-fifth  of  the  population  of  London  indoor  paupers  or  requiring 
outdoor  relief;  her  agricultural  lands  raortgage<l  for  .jS  per  cent,  of  their 
worth,  shrinking  in  value  the  last  ten  years  more  than  one-half,  and  her 
farm  laborers  decrea.sing  more  than  one-tliird,  while  those  remaining 
work  for  from  1  shilling  G  pence  to  2  shillings  a  day.  In  her  distressed 
condition  she  hears  the  voice  of  President  Cleveland  proclaiming  that  "our 
present  tariff  laws,"  the  very  laws  that  partially  close  against  her  the  best 
market  in  the  world,  are  "  i  he  vicious,  inequitable,  and  illogical  source  of 
unnecessary  taxation,"  and  who  can  wonder  that  her  jieople  should  deafen 
our  ears  with  their  "  hears  !   hears  ?  " 

She  sees  him  adopt,  as  the  slogan  of  the  political  battle  of  1888,  that 
fundamental  doctrine  of  the  free-trader  of  the  past  ages,  exploded  ten 
thousand  times  by  cold  facts,  ''  the  tarilf  raises  the  price  to  consumers  of 
all  articles  imported  and  subject  to  duty  by  precisely  the  sum  paid  for 
such  duties,"  and  whv  should  they  not  indorse  him  as  the  great  champiop. 
of  their  interests  ?  She  listens  to  his  invitations  to  participate  in  the  best 
market  in  the  world,  and  knowing  that  such  a  participation  would  start 
her  halting  machinery,  employ  her  millions  of  hungry,  idle  laborers,  why 
shouldn't  they  all  hail  him  as  their  great  deliverer? 

—Senator  FkvE;  Record,  051. 
102 


EXG 

KukIhixI-  I'roteetiou  «ii. 

\«».  307. — While  the  Democratic  majority,  aided  by  the  act  offeree  of 
theAdminietration.is  seeking  to  break  down  the  protective  system,  under 
which  we  have  realized  f-uch  unexampled  prosperity,  what  do  we  wit- 
ness elsewhere  and  in  other  countries?  Within  the  last  six  months 
there  was  held  a  great  meeting  in  England,  representing  thirty  thou- 
sand workingmen.  The  meeting  was  called  to  consider  the  depressed 
condition  of  labor,  and  to  demand  such  a  change  of  the  fiscal  lejzislalion 
as  would  abandon  free  trade  in  the  United  Kingdom  and  adopt  a  pro- 
tective tariff.    They  resolved — 

"First.  That  this  meeting  is  strongly  of  opinion  that  the  time  has 
come  when  all  classes  interested  in  the  nation's  prosperity  should  unite 
in  demanding  a  revision  of  its  fiscal  pystem. 

"  Second.  That  this  meeting  records  its  opinion  that  all  articles  im- 
ported from  abroad  should  bear  a  fair  share  of  taxation  with  the  same 
articles  produced  at  home." 

These  resolutions,  with  a  suitable  memorial,  were  presented  to  the 
British  Parliament.  In  the  same  month  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of 
Lincolnshire,  England,  adopted  the  following  resolutions: 

"  That  thi?  meeting  is  of  opinion  that  the  fearful  depression  both  of 
trade  and  agriculture  are  intimately  connected  with,  and  both  are  caused 
by  foreign  competition,  resulting  in  low  prices,  which  are  aflecting  all 
the  industries  of  this  countr\';  that  false  free  trade  is  a  failure  oblained  al 
the  expense  of  the  native  inoducer" 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4757. 

En^laiKl'^  doctrine  nudcr  free  trade. 

Ao.  20.S.— Dare  you  now  go  home  and  tell  the  people  of  our  land 
how  thirty  years  of  a  free-trade  tariff  for  revenue  only  has  prospered 
Great  Britain.  Even  after  three  years  of  Democratic  incompetent  ad- 
ministration we  have  nothing  like  the  industrial  distress  existing  in 
England.  There  is  a  wolf  at  the  door  of  the  English  wage-  earner  and  an 
enemy  at  his  fireside.  There  is  the  figure  of  the  laborer  badly  clad  in 
his  hovel,  living  in  want  and  ignorance.  England  has  a  million  paupers, 
and  seven  millions  of  people  there  to  toe  the  line  of  pauperism.  Wages 
all  over  England  are  low  and  decreasing.  Her  industries  are  depressed 
by  a  competition  some  of  them  cannot  survive.  Eighty  thousand  peo- 
ple are  out  of  employment  in  London  alone.  Women  are  selling  their 
life  blood  working  at  a  half-penny  an  hour  in  making  cheap  clothes,  and 
lately  the  countless  army  of  the  unemployed  crowded  llaymarket.  Tens 
of  thousands  marched  through  London  streets  to  Westminster  Abbey 
calling  for  "  bread  or  work." 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3838. 

KiiKlniid's  f'uTorite  pairty  niid  man. 

>o.  tiOO. — The  most  popular  party  to-day  in  England  is  the  Demo- 
cratic party  of  the  I'nited  States.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  The  most 
popular  individual  to-day  in  England  is  the  President  oi  the  United 
States  of  America,  for  he  recommends  to  this  body  legislation  in  the  in- 
terests of  every  countrv  under  God's  heaven  but  our  own.  [Renewed 
laughter  and  applause]. 

— Masox,  Illinois,  Record  4831. 

£n(;land*s  free-trade  tax. 

Xo.  ;210. — England  coiiects  one  liundred  millions  from  customs  un- 
der a  free-trade  tarill'for  revenue  only. 

The  campaign  this  fall  is  designed  to  bring  our  tariff  to  the  English 
model — a  free-trade  tariff"  for  revenue  onlv. 

103 


ENG 

Great  Britain  has  2,220  customs  officials.  Her  custom-bouBes  are  scat- 
tered everywhere. 

(.)n  some  iui|)oriri  (ireat  Britain  imposes  a  duty  of  400  per  cent,  or  500 
per  cent.;  on  Ht-vi-ral  a  duty  of  1,1I0U  per  cent. 

By  a  tiix  of  »■>  (HjniH'  inr  pountl  on  tea  and  2  pence  per  pound  on  cofft'e, 
Great  Biitain  wrests  from  the  broakfast  table  of  her  people  $22,00J,00O 
annually. 

.Slie  has  a  tariff  on  chicory,  cocoa,  cocoa  husks,  chocolate,  currants,  fitrs, 
raifciny,  plums,  jirunef,  chloral,  chloroform,  collodion,  tobacco,  snuff, 
eoap,  etiier,  cordials,  alcohol,  spirits,  and  other  articles,  which  in  188(> 
yielded  her  a  customs  revenue  of  $;i)'J,08G,4.35. 

Besides,  a  free-trade  tariff  compels  heavy  direct  taxation.  While  wei 
collect  our  one  hundred  and  eiguteen  millions  from  internal  revenue 
taxes,  Great  Britain  in  1880  by  internal  taxes  collected  by  licenses  to 
auctioneers,  pawnbrokers,  and  peddlers,  by  stamps  on  bankers'  notes,  on 
bills  of  exch.tnRe  and  promissory  notes,  on  checks,  drafts,  and  receipts, 
on  deeds  and  instruments,  by  a  tax  on  dogs  and  puns,  by  a  house  duty, 
by  a  tax  on  marine  and  life  insurance,  by  a  land  tax,  a  tax  on  legaciep, 
by  liquor  taxes  and  licenses,  by  a  tax  on  patent  medicines,  on  property, 
and  licenses  on  refreshment  houses,  by  a  tax  on  dealers  and  manufact- 
urers of  tobacco  and  snuff,  and  by  taxes  on  a  hundred  other  vexatious 
items,  from  her  people,  the  enormous  sum  of  $201,073,490. 

— McCoMAs,  Record,  3838. 

EnglaiKl's  policy  arter  the  war  or  1843. 

Xo.  211. — Horace  Greeley,  giving  his  personal  recollection  of  this 
period,  paid  : 

'•  My  distinct  personal  recollections  of  this  head  go  back  to  the  period 
of  industrial  derangement,  business  collapse,  and  widespread  pecuniary 
ruin  which  closely  followed  the  close  in  1815  of  our  last  war  with  Great 
Britain.  Peace  found  this  country  dotted  with  furnaces  and  factories, 
which  had  suddenly  sprung  up  under  the  precarious  shelter  of  embargo 
and  war.  These  found  themselves  suddenly  exposed  to  a  determined 
and  relentless  competition.  Great  Britain  had  pushed  her  fabrics  into 
almost  every  corner  of  the  world.  Of  some  of  these  great  stocks  had 
nevertheless  accumulated,  out  of  fashion  and  only  salable  far  below  cost. 
These  were  thrown  on  our  market  in  a  perfect  deluge.  Our  manufact- 
ures went  down  like  grain  before  the  mower.  Our  agriculture  and  the 
wages  of  labor  speedily  followed.  In  New  England  I  judge  that  fully 
one-quarter  of  the  property  went  through  the  sheriff's  mill,  and  the 
prostration  was  scarcely  less  general  elsewhere.  In  New  York  the  prin- 
cipal merchants  united  (1817)  in  a  memorial  to  Congress  to  save  cur 
commerce  as  well  a.s  our  manufactures  from  utter  ruin  by  increasing  the 
tariff  and  prohibiting  the  sale  at  auction  of  imported  fabrics." 

— Burrows,  Record,  3449. 

EnslandN  hope  of  tavifT reduction— The  workmen  the  illills 

bill  wUl  help. 

'So.  *2VZ. — The  Mills  scheme  reducing  the  tariff  will  benefit  Englan<l 
at  the  fcxpease  cf  America.  When  the  Morrison  Vjill  was  defeated  in  the 
Forty-ninth  Congress,  the  London  Daily  Telegraph  in  an  editorial  soid: 

"  A  bill  to  establish  in  America  what  the  English  call  free  trade  has 
juit  been  defeated  in  the  House  by  a  narrow  majority  of  four.  The 
measure  was  of  enormous  importance  to  English  manufacturers,  as  it 
would  have  enabled  them  to  export  goods  to  the  States  without  the 
crushing  tariff  now  imposed,  and  its  fate  was  watched  with  intense 
interest  by  Englishmen.  Were  it  passed,  it  would  have  been  worth 
foC0,000,0f30  per  annum  to  British  manufacturers." 
104 


ENG 

If  the  Morrison  bill  would  iiave  added  $500,000,000  to  the  trade  of 
British  manufacturerp,  the  Mills  bill,  if  passed,  will  add  a  thousand 
millions.  On  this  estimate,  made  by  En<:lishmen  themselves,  the  wa;:e- 
workers  of  this  country  would  lose  live  hundred  millions  the  year  after 
the  Mills  bill  passes.  No  man  or  party  is  entitled  to  the  suffrage  of  our 
people  who  invites  such  a  result. 

— OwBN,  Record,  5549. 

Kuslisli  inanafactiirors  want  Aniorioan  fVoc  traclc. 

Xo.  213- — The  generous  sympathy  which  the  English  manufacturer 
has  for  the  American  consumer  is  touchin^r  indeed. 

"  The  consumers  are  ten  to  one  of  the  United  States  inhabitants,  and 
the  protection  to  the  pottery  and  glass  manufacturer  of  the  commoner 
description  represents  the  cost  of  labor  many  times  over." 

This  reads  like  the  speech  of  the  gentleman  from  Texas.  It  sounds  so 
like  the  Democratic  speeches  of  the  last  two  weeks  that  we  might  well 
conclude  that  the  gentlemen  of  the  majority  on  this  floor  were  repre- 
senting an  English  and  not  an  American  constituency. 

Again  I  read : 

"  Is  this  fair  to  the  housekeeper?    Is  it  right?    Nay,  is  it  just?  " 

This  sympathy  would  have  been  more  highly  appreciated  by  the 
American  consumer  had  it  been  extended  at  a  time  when  the  Slafford- 
shire  potteries  controlled  the  American  market,  before  we  had  become 
successful  competitor?,  and  when  they  were  charging  us  100  per  cent, 
more  for  the  coarse  tableware  that  went  into  the  houses  of  the  masses 
than  we  now  have  to  pay,  resulting  from  the  competition  created  by  our 
own  potteries.    The  hope  of  foreign  producers  is  in  the  Democratic  party. 

— MfKiXLEY,  Record  47.j(i 

English  press  comments.    (See  Nos.  183,  335,  and  616.) 

En^lisli  H^tlesmen  solicitinj?  orders. 

>'o.  iJl  I, — The  manufacturers  of  this  country  are  suffering  to-day 
becau.se  there  is  an  impression  in  England  that  the  party  in  power  here 
has  started  on  a  crusaxie  that  means  free  trade,  and  their  mill-agents  are 
flooding  this  country  by  the  hundreds  with  styles  and  kinds  of  fabric 
that  have  never  been  offered  in  our  markets  before.  It  is  estimated  that 
the  number  of  English  salesmen  soliciting  orders  in  this  country  to-day, 
in  comparison  with  1884,  is  as  12  to  1. 

— Owen,  Record,  5-349. 

English  nlioeninkers'  sweating  system.    (See  Tarifl':%'o.  1003. 
Woodhurn. 

English    tnriir  is  protective. 

Xo.  t21.1. — I  will  refer  to  one  portion  of  the  English  tariff  in  detail, 
and  that  is  the  tariff  upon  tobacco,  on  which  they  lay  a  duty  of  about 
1,500  per  cent,  as  a  revenue  duty  and  about  400  per  cent,  as  a  protective 
duty,  making  about  1,!H)0  per  cent,  in  all.  I  take  this  from  the  English 
tariir,  as  reported  by  Consul-General  Waller  very  recently  : 
Tobacco  : 

Unmanufactured,  per  pound ^0  S") 

Containing  less  than  10  per  cent,  of  moisture,  per  pound !);', 

Cigars  per  pound 1  :U 

"  Cavendish  "  or  "  Necro-head,"  per  pound 1   17 

Same,  manufactured,  in  bond,  per  pound 1  'i:. 

Snuff,  per  pound 'I'.i 

Snuff,  not  more  than  K?  pounds  (in  Ht'i  pounds)  moisture,  per 

pound 1   17 

Otner,  manufactured,  per  pound , 1  0.> 

105 


EXG-EUR 

So  it  will  be  Eeen  that  England,  with  all  its  free-trade  pretensions,  does 
not  hesitate  to  lay  a  protective  tax,  a  iluty  to  protect  its  manufactures, 
upon  some  cif  its  imports.  With  these  exceptions,  however,  the  English 
system  consists  of  the  imposition  of  purely  revenue  duties,  and  nobody 
will  (leny  that  the  system  in  England,  which  is  called  free  trade  there,  is 
what  the  Democratic  party  of  this  country  means  to  adopt.  England, 
with  its  thirty -three  customs  districts,  is  still  acknowledged  to  be  a  free- 
trade  country.  — Senator  Platt,  Record,  lOlo. 

KiikIimIi  wui'liinnii'M  opinion. 

Xo.  210. — Here  is  a  letter  addressed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Work- 
man's Association  for  the  defense  of  British  industry  to  the  Home 
Market  Club  cf  Boston,  which  I  present  and  commend  to  the  kind  anil 
careful  consideration  of  the  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  of  this  House- : 
"  To  the  Secretary  of  the  Home  Market  Cluh,  56  Bedford  utrect,  Boston,  Mai>s. 

"DeaiiSir:  Thanks  for  the  papers  you  have  sent  me.  I  was  in  America 
for  about  two  months  last  summer,  sent  over  by  our  association  to  see 
for  myself  whether  the  working  classes  of  your  country  were  better  off 
under'protection  than  we  are  under  free  trade,  and  the  conclusion  I  came 
to  was  this: 

"  That  any  person  who  has  to  earn  a  living  in  America  as  a  producer 
must  first  become  crazy  before  he  becomes  a  free-trader,  and  the  farmf  rs 
must  be  the  craziest  cf  the  whole  lot  to  think  of  such  a  thing.  Before 
any  of  your  workingmen,  either  engaged  in  manufacturing  or  agricult'jre, 
talk  about  free  trade,  let  them  send  one  of  their  number  over  here  to 
see  what  it  is  doing  for  this  country  ;  let  him  walk  about  for  six  months 
looking  for  a  job  until  his  coat  gets  ragged  and  his  shoes  get  thin,  and  he 
gets  the  thinnest  of  all,  and  everywhere  he  asks  for  work  he  will  be  told 
that  the  Germans  and  Belgians  are  doing  the  work  cheaper  than  he  can 
do  it;  then  let  them  send  for  him  home  again  and  hear  what  he  says 
about  free  trade. 

''  If  it  is  the  surplus  revenue  that  is  causing  the  trouble,  send  it  to  some 

free-trade  country.     You  never  knew  them  to  have  a  surplus  ;  or,  if  you 

don't  like  to  do  that,  take  it  out  to  sea  and  sink  it,  or  bury  it,  or  burn  it, 

or  do  anything  in  fact  rather  than  adopt  free  trade,  that  is  to  say,  if  you 

do  not  want  foreign  competition  to  ruin  your  manufacturing  industries. 

and  bv  so  doing  ruin  vour  farmers  by  robbing  them  of  their  home  market. 

■"Yours  truly,'  H.  J.  PETTIFEU, 

"  Electro-Plate  \iorker,  Secretary  Workman^s  Association  for  Defense 

of  British  Industry,  184  Waterloo  Road,  London,  England, 

"  March  28, 1888."  —Kennedy,  Record,  4360. 

Enro]>o  against  .liiiorica. 

Xo.  217. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  contest  before  us  is  a  struggle  between 
Europe  and  America,  and  the  bill  w6  are  considering  is  a  wicked  and 
needless  assault  upon  the  industries  of  New  England.  I  will  not  stop  to 
repeat  the  trite  arcuments  that  sustain  this  view.  I  will  not  weary  you 
withalengthy  repetition  of  the  proofs  that  labor  is  better  paid  in  America 
than  elsewhere,  or  that  our  people  enjoy  infinitely  more  of  the  comforts 
and  luxuries  of  life  than  any  other  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  These 
things  are  well  known,  and  the  lesson  they  carry  is  so  plain  as  not  to  re- 
quire extended  discussion.  — Gallingeb,  Record,  3687. 

JEnropo— Cost  of'livinis^.    (See  Xos.  116,  147). 

European    s.vNtoni  ol"  taxation    prelerrofl    by  Democratic 
I»arl.v. 

Xo.  SIS.— Why  did  not  the  gentlemen  in  opposing  that  system  of 
reduction  which  had  been  favored  by  all  the  early  administrations  of  the 
100 


EUR— EXP 

Oovernment,  which  had  received  the  sanction  of  every  Democratic  Presi- 
det,  and  which  was  indorsed  in  the  last  Democratic  platform,  tell  us  can* 
didly  and  frankly  that  the  reasons  that  they  opposed  the  change  are  be- 
oause  they  prefer  the  European  system  of  taxation  to  tliose  which  have 
prevailed  in  America?  Why  do  they  not  candidly  tell  the  country  that 
the  reasons  that  they  oppose  the  change  is  because  they  are  devoted  ad- 
herents and  defenders  of  that  most  infamous  of  all  American  monopo- 
lies— the  monopoly  of  the  whisky  ring?  Why  do  they  not  tell  us  that 
their  reasons  for  opposing  the  change  and  those  of  this  reformed  Ad- 
ministration is  because  it  would  deprive  them  of  the  patronage  of  five 
thousand  oflices  and  the  annual  distribution  of  1^5,000,000  as  the  spoils  of 
the  Administration  ?  Why  do  they  not  emphasize  the  statement  tliat 
this,  being  a  tax,  is  paid  by  the  consumer,  and  that  the  an*iual  levy  of 
$118,000,000  for  internal-revenue  purposes,  while  it  brings  that  sum  of 
money,  less  the  vast  expense  of  collection,  into  the  Treasury  of  the  na- 
tion, falls  as  a  burden  of  8SOO,000,000  upon  the  poorer  classes'of  the  com- 
munity,^nd  that  the  six  hundred  millions  of  profit  arising  from  this  in- 
famous traffic  in  which  they  seek  to  interest  the  whole  American  people 
as  a  permanent  source  of  revenue  falls  heaviest,  and  with  most  crushing 
weight,  upon  the  poorer  classes  of  the  community,  without  any  compen- 
eating  advantages,  and  merely  because  this  immense  sum  of  money — the 
gains  of  that  traffic — has  been  liberally  used  and  is  always  a  reliable 
source  of  income  to  the  Democratic  organization  as  a  means  of  public 
corruption  ?  — Kerr,  Record,  3G41. 

Europe— Labor  savings  exhanstcd. 

Xo.  S19. — I  am  glad  that  this  meeting  is  called  in  the  name  of  the 
laboring  people, because  this  question  is  from  first  to  last,  from  beginning 
to  end,  from  skin  to  core  and  from  core  back  to  skin  again,  a  question  of 
labor.  If  you  will  agree  to  live  in  as  poor  houses,  and  eat  as  poor  food, 
and  receive  as  low  wages  as  the  operatives  in  England  receive  we  can 
just  produce  as  cheap  goods  as  a  Democratic  administration  wants  to  see. 
But  if  you  prefer,  with  the  pride  and  freedom  aiid  the  great  aspirations 
of  American  citizens,  to  better  your  condition,  to  better  the  condition  of 
your  children,  and  of  your  children's  children  after  you,  you  want  the 
industrial  system  of  protective  interests  that  prevail  in  this  country  now 
to  be  maintained.  Why,  gentlemen,  the  wage  workersof  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland,  of  England,  Scotland  and  Ireland,  as  I  stated  today  to  some 
Massachusetts  gentlemen  who  did  me  the  honor  to  call,  the  entire  sav- 
ings to-day  that  they  can  draw  upon  in  the  hour  of  need  in  that  great 
kingdom  is  not  as  great  as  lie  to-night  in  the  savings  banks  of  IMassachu- 
setts  to  the  credit  of  the  wage  workers  of  that  small  State. 

— Bl.mne,  J.  G.,  New  York,  August  10,  1888. 

ExpciKlitnro  which  should  ho  made  from  this  surplus. 

Xo.  330. — The  men  who  go  into  the  far  West,  and,  blazing  their  way 
into  a  great  wilderness,  build  up  homes  and  establish  States,  are  entitled 
to  be  heard. 

What  do  they  say  ?  They  have  presented  numerous  petitions  here  and 
at  the  General  Land  Oflice  showing  that  there  are  Vhonsands  of  people 
seeking  homes  in  the  AVest  who  cannot  obtain  them  because  the  lands 
have  not  been  surveyed  by  the  Government. 

Read  the  last  report  of  "the  Commissoner  of  the  General  Land  OlTice, 
and  learn  how  widespread  this  complaint  hafi  become. 

In  California  alone  these  unsurveyed  lands  amount  to  about  33,000,000 
acres.  Thousands  of  settlers  have  already  gone  upon  these  lands,  ex- 
pecting that  the  Government  would  perform  its  duty  in  making  surveys 
so  that  the  might  obtain  their  homes;  but  Congress,  under  a  mistaken 

107 


EXP 

policy  of  economy,  refosos  to  make  the  neceesary  appropriation.  Here 
18  a  practical  way' of  serving  some  of  the  farmers,  where  every  dollar  ex- 
peniled  will  be  for  their  benefit. 

— Morrow,  Record,  42G9. 

KxportM— .%KricultiiraI  products. 

\o.  '2'Zl.— Value  of ,  from  the  Unked  States  fr<m  1860  to  1887. 


Ywir 

ProTlslone, 

end- 
ing 
June 

Cotton, 
raw. 

Bread- 

StUlId. 

Leaf- 
tobaooo. 

comprising 

meat  and 

dairy  prod- 

Cattle, 

sheep,  and 

hogs. 

Total. 

30- 

$ 

ucts. 

1877.. 

$171,118,508 

$117  800,470 

$28,825,521 

$118,579,076 

$2,526,740 

$418,8.56,921 

1878.. 

18;).i  131,484 

181,777,811 

24.803,105 

124,845,137 

4,497  ,.^.76 

615.V.-)5,2ii; 

187y.. 

lC2,304,'i50 

210,355,528 

25,157,3«>4 

119,837,092 

10,102,400 

t63,J97,97'J 

188;i.. 

211,535.«05 

288  030,8)5 

10,379,107 

132,489,201 

14,057,931 

1881.. 

247,0U3,746 

270,  (;J2,.'-.l'.i 

18.737,043 

150,809.840 

15,039.173 

709.514,321 

1882.. 

199,812,044 

182  070  5-J8 

19,007,721 

122,020,.J30 

8.'jl3.f5i5 

532.483,079 

1881.. 

247,:;28,721 

208,040,850 

19,438,006 

1.9,217,119 

9,7e8,8-'3 

593.793,559 

1881.. 

107,ni5,204 

1C-.'.5U,715 

17,765,760 

114,353,788 

19,333  1-1 

511,012,' 8.9 

1885.. 

2in,f)C2,4.-,8 

lGt.:J70,8n 

22,025.780 

107,332,456 

13  998,441 

505,089.902 

1S8G.. 

2^5,085,042 

125,840, r>.-.8 

27,138,^57 

90,625,210 

11,963,095 

400,678.968 

1&S7.. 

2  10,222,057 

lo5,7GS,G02 

25,948,277 

92,783,296 

9,991,014 

5^0,713,906 

— Bland,  Record,  5487. 

E.xportM  niid  iiuports  to  (litTerout  coniitrioN. 

\o.  22*J.— I  append  a  table  I  have  prepared,  giving  the  imports  frcm 
the  countries  named,  our  exports  to,  and  the  value  of  goods  brought  here 
free  of  duty,  which  is  as  follows : 


Countries. 


Imports 
from. 


Exports  to. 


Imports  free 
of  duty. 


Mexico 

Cent:  111  American  Srates 

Brltlfh  Honduras 

The  WcstlLdles: 

Cuba 

Urltlsh  West  Indies 

Porto  lUco 

nnytl 

i>x\i  D'->mlngo 

French  West  Indies- , 

Daiilati  West  Indies 

Dutch  West  Indies 

Sju'.h  Ameilcu: 

IJrazU 

Venezuela 

Untied  States  of  Coloml)la.. 

.\rKeuilne  Republic 

Chill 

Truguay '. 

UrlUah  Guiana 

Hcuador 

Peru , 

Dutch  Guiana 

French  Qulana 

Bolivia 


Total. 


$14,719  840 

7,637,051 

303,283 

49,515,431 

11,569  779 

4,001  090 

1,752,537 

1,380,120 

406,025 

5LK.i,075 

,       2.30,695 

52.9.'3,176 

8,201.236 

3,9.'j0,«5.3 

4,100,192 

2,8^3,233 

2,818,701 

2,739,873 

1,131,109 

401,726 

482,-]24 

1,448 


$7,267,129 

2,801.126 

349.510 

10,138,930 
6,465,030 
1,707,241 
3.059.318 
1.014,414 
1,334.344 
004,841 
536.300 

8,071,653 

2.827,010 

5,973.96.5 

5,071,729 

2,062,."«7 

1,393,72.5 

1,423,211 

1,049,392 

717,968 

230,105 

137,724 

1,304 


$9,928,122 

7,195,70.5 

207,197 

2,033,205 

2,776,573 

74,307 

1.740, ll>5 

189,1iXj 

24,741 

33,0.53 

S20,939 

47,076,473 

8  248.4.X^ 

3,934.359 

3,347,936 

2,437,0f8 

2,381,111 

15,212 

1,130,9*4 

4.50,147 

394.995 

433 


172,468,526  64,904,479 


93,906,081 


108 


— O'DoN'NELL,  Record,  6832. 


FAC— FAL 


F. 

Factories— Auiericaii.  cIohiiik  of,  ofTccl  oi',  ou  prices. 

\o.  2211. — I  want  to  give  one  brief  illustration  of  how  the  absence 
of  American  comijetition  immediately  Ecnds  up  the  foreign  prices,  and 
it  is  an  illustration  '  hat  every  man  will  remember.  My  friend  from  Mis- 
souri [Mr.  Clardy],  who  sits  in  front  of  me,  will  remember  it.  The  Mis- 
souri Glass  Company  was  organized  several  years  ago  for  the  manufact- 
ure of  coarse  lluted  glass  and  cathedral  glass.  Last  November  the  factory 
was  destroyed  by  fire.  Cathedral  glass  was  their  specialty.  Within  ten 
days  from  the  time  that  splendid  property  was  reduced  to  ashes  the  for- 
eign price  of  cathedral  glass  advanced  28  per  cent,  to  the  American  con- 
sumer. [Applause  on  the  Republican  side.]  Showing  that  whether  you 
destroy  the  American  production  by  free  trade  or  by  fire  it  is  the  same 
thing  ;  the  price  goes  up  to  the  American  consumer,  and  all  you  can  do 
is  to  pay  the  price  the  foreigner  chooses  to  ask. 

t  — McKiNLEY,  Record,  4755. 

Factories,  Woolen,  nnmbcr  or.  United  States. 

'So.  S34. — And  behold  this  magnificent  monument  to  American 
skill,  energy,  and  labor!     Workmen,  look  at  this: 


Year. 

Woolon 

eetabllBh- 

menta. 

Capital. 

Wool  con- 
sumed. 

Wages 
paid. 

Em- 
ployes. 

Value 
ol  product. 

1860 

1870 

1.263 
2,993 
2,689 

$30,922,654 
108,910,3(59 
159,091,869 

83,608,468 
172,078.919 
240,000,000 

$10,153,938 
31,240,432 
47,389,087 

43.738 

92,973 

161.657 

$65,596,364 
177.495.659 

1880 

1883* 

267.252,913 



— Hermann,  Record,  4764. 
Facts  that  teach— Republican   party  au<I  capacity. 

Xo.  S25. — The  total  aggregate  receipts  of  the  Goverrment,  excluding 
loans,  for  the  year  18G1  was  but  HI, 470,299.  The  net  ordinal y  ex- 
7)enditures,  including  interest,  was  ?G(;,G50,213.  The  war  was  on,  the 
Republir-an  party  was  in  power,  and  the  fii-st  year  of  its  legislation  and 
admiuis' ration  gave  evidence  of  its  capacity  to  meet  any  emergency  ;  for, 
while  the  total  ordinary  receipts,  excluding  loans,  for  1S(J2,  was  only 
$51,919,201,  the  total  net  ordinary  expenditures,  including  interest,  were 
$469,570,241.  Three  years  thereafter  the  net  ordinary  receipts,  excluding 
loans,  increased  to  $322,031,158,  and  the  total  ordinary  expenditures,  in- 
cluding interest,  reached  the  vast  sum  of  $1,295,099,289.  In  the  matter  of 
the  jmblic  debt  the  figures  for  the  years  referred  to  are  most  instructive. 
In  18G1  it  amounted  to  $90,580,873.72.  In  18(J5  it  had  risen  to  the  vast 
sum  of  $2,G80,G47,8G9.74,  and  one  year  thereafter — 18GG — it  reached  the 
highest  point  and  was  $2,773,23G,r73.G9.  From  that  time  to  the  present 
it  has  steadily  diminished.  Step  by  step,  year  by  year,  the  process  of 
reduction  has  gone  on,  until  now  it  is  but  $1,225,598,401.99. 

What  lesson  do  the.se  facts  present  ?  What  do  they  teach  us?  Why, 
that  the  Republican  party  had  that  practical  capacity  that  could  evolvea 
boundless  credit  for  a  Government  that  was  bankruj)t  in  both  money 
and  credit. 

— Senator  Wilbon,  Iowa,  Record,  2865. 

Fallacy  or  free  trade. 

Ko.  22<(. — Fai.i.acv  ].  That  national  legislation  should  only  regard 
the  principles  of  political  economy,  disregarding  those  of  ethics,  in  all 

109 


FAL 

mutteio  of  trade  regulation.  "  Political  economy  does  not  aepire  to  i)lace 
its  feet  upon  the  ponderous  imperatives  of  moral  obligation."  (Perry, 
pafie  4().) 

Fallacy  2.  That  no  law  should  prevent  the  shrewd  and  strong  ob- 
tainiqg  for  themselves  the  greatest  benefits  of  trade,  regardleps  of  the  in- 
terests of  others.  Hence  the  maxim,  "  "We  have  a  right  to  sell  where  we 
can  sell  the  dearest,  and  buy  where  we  can  buy  the  cheapest." 

Fall.\cy  3.  That  in  production  man  is  to  be  considered  only  as  a 
wealth-producing  machine,  to  be  kept  in  running  order  at  the  least  pos- 
sible expense,  as  is  every  other  machine.  Hence  the  maxim.  "  Labor  is 
only  worih  what  it  willbring  in  the  market  like  any  other  commodity.' 

Fallacy  4.  That  production  is  for  the  benefit  of  commerce,  not  of 
consumption  ;  and  hence  that  the  volume  of  commerce,  not  the  amount 
of  consumption,  is  the  measure  of  public  prosperity.  Its  economy  is  ''a 
science  of  exchanges,"  not  of  production. 

Fallacy  5.  That  all  nations  stand  on  equal  grounds  as  to  intelligence, 
skill,  means,  and  opportunities;  hence  that  there  should  be  no  legal 
helps  on  barriers  to  production  or  exchange. 

J'allacy  C.  That  producers  are  not  consumers,  and  consumers  are  not 
producers  ;  and  hence  that  their  interests  are  in  conflict  in  the  matter  of 
high  and  low  prices. 

Fallacy  7.  That  there  is  no  community  of  interest  amongst  the  peo- 
ple of  a  country  to  be  promoted  by  the  development  and  maintenance 
of  particular  industries,  and  hence  that  protection  taxes  the  many  for  the 
benefit  J  of  the  few. 

Fallacy  S.  That  capitalists  who  employ  labor  to  multiply  produc- 
tions are  criminals  ;  while  those  who  toll  producers  and  consumers  for 
exchanging  between  them  are  the  only  benefactors. 

Fallacy  9.  That  trade  ia  a  mathematical  problem,  in  which  the  cost 
of  production  is  the  only  element  of  price;  and  hence  that  protective 
duties  are  always  added  to  the  consumer's  price. 

Fallacy  10.  "That  the  surplus  we  sell  abroad,  however  small,  fixes  the 
price  of  all  Ave  consume  at  home,  however  large. 

Fallacy  11.  That  we  can  open  our  markets  to  foreign  manufactures 
with  their  cheaper  labor,  and  yet  continue  our  own  manufactures  of  the 
same  kind,  and  not  cheapen  our  own  labor. 

Fallacy  12.  That  we  can  export  the  bulky  and  perishable  products 
of  our  farms,  and  import  the  compact  and  permanent  goods  of  foreign 
countries,  and  ourselves  regulate  the  conditions  of  exchange. 

Fallacy  13.  That  we  should  legislate  for  the  financial  advantage  of 
the  world  and  not  of  our  own  people. 

Fallacy  14.  That  the  theories  of  political  economy  and  not  the  facts 
of  daily  bu=?iness  should  govern  our  financial  legislation. 

Fallacy  15.  That  our  chief  commercial  rival  should  dictate  our  com- 
mercial policy. 

— Ed:toes. 

Fallacies  in  percentage. 

Xo.  S37. — This  reminds  me  that  when  the  Senator  from  Georgia  was 
addressing  the  Senate  the  other  day  he  made  this  statement : 
"troducts  of  manufactures. 

"  In  the  matter  of  products  the  same  phenomena  appear.  In  1850  the 
total  value  was  $1,019,106,016.  In  1S60  it  was  $1,885,861,076,  a  gain  of  85 
percent.  In  1880,  after  twenty  years  of  high  tariff,  the  product  was 
valued  at  ?5,36;>,57!t,liil,  a  gain  of  181.7  per  cent,  since  1800.  The  same 
causes  which  enlarged  manufacturing  capital  in  1801-'65  increased  man- 
ufacture! products;  but  compare  1870  with  1880.  The  product  of  1870 
110 


FAL 

was  valued  at  $4,232,325,442  in  greenbiickn,  or  $2,526,937,868  in  specie.  If 
the  gain  from  1870  to  18SU  had  been  85  per  cent.,  as  it  was  from  18o0  ta 
1S60,  the  product  of  ISSO  would  have  been  worth  $0,524,835,056,  or  $1,155,- 
255,865  in  excess  of  the  actual  value.  Where  do  the  benetits  of  the  high 
tariff  appear?" 

Now,  let  us  see  how  the  Senator  arrived  at  that.  He  says  the  gain' 
from  1850  to  1800  was  85  per  cent.  In  1850  the  product  was  $1,019,1UG,- 
•  016,  and  in  1860  it  was  $1,885,861,070.  The  uitference  in  those  years  was 
$880,755,06),  but  from  1800  to  1880  we  gained  $3,483,717,515.  We  gained 
from  1800,  twenty  years,  four  times  what  we  gained  from  1850  to  1800; 
and  yet  by  a  system  of  arithmetic  that  everybody  understands  you  can 
make  it  appear  that  the  percentage  wag  greatly  less  than  it  was  during 
that  previous  decade. 

—.Senator  Teller,  Record,  2203. 

rallacios  iu  percentage. 

Xo.  328. — Before,  however,  I  leave  the  subject  I  desire  to  call  atten- 
tion to  some  remarks  of  the  Senator  from  Georgia  that  I  think  need  a 
little  explanation,  and  that  is  his  system  of  percentage  continued. 

Mr.  CHACE.    Which  Senator  from  Georgia? 

Mr.  TELLER.  I  refer  to  the  Senator  from  Georgia  who  spoke  in  behalf 
of  the  President's  message  [Mr.  Colquitt]. 

He  makes  a  comparison  between  the  valuation  of  real  an<l  pdrsonal 
property  by  States  for  the  decades  from  1850  to  1800  and  from  1870  to 
1880.  He  takes,  for  instance,  the  State  of  California,  and  starting  with 
$239  per  capita  in  1850  he  finds  that  California  had  $547  per  capita  in 
1800,  $1,140  in  1870,  and  $1,054  in  1880,  and  yet  he  says  that  her  percent- 
age of  gain  from  1850  to  1800  was  128  percent,  and  her  percentage  of  in- 
crease between  1870  and  1880  was  only  45  per  cent.  That  is  calculated 
to  deceive.  If  it  was  not  intended  for  that  purpose  it  certainly  is  cal- 
culated to  do  it.  The  question  is  how  much  did  they  add,  not  what  was 
the  percentage,  but  did  the  people  of  California  make  more  money  and 
put  it  away  between  1850  and  1800  than  they  did  between  1870  and  1880. 
Between  1850  and  1800  they  cleared  on  an  average  $308  apiece; 
between  1800  and  1870  they  cleared  $593  apiece,  and  between  1870  and 
1880  they  cleared  $514  apiece ;  and  yet  the  Senator's  percentage  is  correct ; 
and  as  they  increase  in  wealth  per  capita  their  percentage  will  decrease, 
and  apparently  they  will  be  making  less  money,  althoug  in  fact  they  may 
be  making  twice  as  much. 

The  population  of  the  State  of  Delaware  between  1850  and  1800  gained 
$182  apiece,  and  between  1800  and  1870  $305  apiece,  or  twice  as  much. 

The  population  of  the  District  of  Columbia  gained  between  185U  and 
1800  $170  apiece,  and  between  1800  and  1870  $410  apiece.  Thus  you  may 
take  it  right  through  and  it  will  be  found  that  these  percentages  are  ex- 
tremely vicious  and  deceiving. 

— Senator  Teller,  Record,  2204. 

Fallacy  oV  Vrcsulcut  Cleveland'^  reai^ouiiig. 

Xo.  33t>. — But  the  President  says  millions  of  farmers  who  do  not 
raise  wool  get  no  benefit  from  the  duty  on  wool,  and  he  indulges  in 
faulty  figures  and  computations  as  to  whether  the  duty  on  wool  is  as 
much  as  the  increased  cost  of  clotliing  to  the  wool-grower.  This  is  be- 
neath the  dignity  of  the  policy  involved.  The  (juestion  is  whether  the 
industry  of  wool-growing  is  of  benefit  to  our  country,  and  whether  a  duty 
on  wool  tends  to  develop  that  industry  or  its  repeal  to  destroy  it. 

By  the  same  logic  the  man  without  children  should  oppose  the  school 
tax,  the  peace-loving  Quaker  should  oppose  all  expenditures  for  the 
Army  and  Navy,  the  citizen  of  Kentucky  for  coast  defenses,  the  people 

111 


FAI^FAR 

of  New  England  for  the  improvement  of  the  Mississippi  River.  The 
whole  theory  of  the  President  is  the  outgrowth  of  the  narrowest  section- 
alism, or,  rather,  of  the  philosophy  of  seltishness,  which  sees  no  advan- 
tage in  great  objects  of  national  desire,  but  only  what  is  within  the  reach 
of  his  tub.    (See  also  No.  278.) 

— Senator  Sherman,  Record,  203. 

FalHc  Protcuse  on  tariff  i»$sue,  1884. 

\o.  230. — In  our  country  the  merchant  who  obtains  credit  by  false 
pretense.s  becomes  liable  to  criminal  prosecution.  The  Democratic  party 
sou^'ht  public  credit  by  fair  promises,  and  included  in  its  National  Con- 
vention platform  of  1884  the  following  declaration,  that — 

"  The  system  of  direct  taxation,  known  as  the  '  internal  revenue,'  is  a 
war  tax." 

And  that — 

"  Sufficient  revenue  to  pay  all  the  expenses  of  the  Federal  Government 
economically  administered,  including  pensions,  interest,  and  principal  of 
the  public  debt,  can  be  got  under  our  present  system  of  taxation  from 
custom-house  taxes  on  fewer  imported  articles,  heaviest  on  articles  of 
luxury,  and  bearing  lightest  on  articles  of  necessity." 

Was  this  not  an  attempt  to  win  popular  support  by  declaring  that  the 
system  of  direct  taxation  was  a  war  tax,  and  consequently  to  be  aban- 
doned in  time  of  peace,  and  that  custom-house  taxes  were  sufficient  for 
all  Government  expenses  ? 

The  Democratic  party  out  of  power  solidly  proclaims  its  policy ;  but 
having  thereby  got  into  power  it  prevaricates,  and  unblushingly  and 
practically  reverses  its  platform  from  end  to  end.  It  would  now  perpetu- 
ate war  taxes  and  make  custom-house  revenues  insufficient.  Have  not 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Tennessee,  as  well  as  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Connecticut,  and  many  other  States,  a  valid  cause  of  complaint 
against  the  Democratic  party  for  false  pretenses  ?  AVe  shall  see.  The 
day- star  of  hope  appears  to  have  been  rising  in  the  ''  New  South,"  light- 
ing all  her  borders  with  flaming  furnaces  and  decorating  her  war-wasted 
places  with  manufacturing  towns  and  cities  ;  but  these  bright  evidences 
of  better  days,  if  the  anti-tarifi  raid  should  be  successful,  would  immedi- 
ately sink  out  of  sight  and  the  fondest  hopes  of  the  ''New  South"  would 
disappear  forever. 

— Senator  Morrill,  Record,  3017. 

Farm  Iinplonicuts— Buy  wliere  yoa  can  buy  tlie  cheapest. 

(See  ISty.  73.) 

Farm  mortgages.  , 

No.  231. — Mr.  Chairman,  several  gentlemen  on  this  floor  have  dwelt 
with  "  ghoulish  glee  "  upon  the  fact  that  many  farms  in  this  country  are 
encumbered  with  mortgages.  Some  orators  have  enlarged  upon  the  sub- 
ject with  such  extravagance  that  they  demonstrated  the  farm  mortgages 
nearly  exceed  the  value  of  the  property. 

If  the  mortgages  in  this  country  are  occasioned  by  the  tariff",  does  free 
trade  make  such  evidences  of  indebtedness  impossible?  Let  us  see: 
Mulhall  tells  us  that  the  mortgages  on  the  farms  of  England  are  58  per 
cent,  of  their  total  value. 

Sir  Edward  Sullivan,  member  of  parliament  of  England,  relates  the 
gloomy  fact  that — 

"  Since  1876  the  value  of  lands  and  the  income  from  farms  in  England 
have  fallen  from  30  to  50  per  cent.,  but  the  interest  on  the  mortgages  re- 
mains the  same." 

Lord  Derby  states  the  losses  of  English  land-owners  have  been  1,500,- 
000,000,  and  the  losses  of  tenants  $600,000,000.    He  furthermore  says  that  • 
112 


FAR 

aundreds  of  thousands  of  acres  have  gone  out  of  cultivation  in  ten  years. 
During  the  last  session  of  Parliament,  Hon.  Henry  (.'haniplin,  in  his 
speech, with  sorrow  alluded  to  theureat  fallingolFin  tilled  lands,  the  de- 
crease of  cattle  and  sheep,  and  of  700,000  persons  idle  from  the  paralysis 
of  English  agriculture.  From  this  gloomy  picture  of  the  land  of  free 
trade  we  turn,  determined  not  to  permit  the  hands  of  national  progress 
to  be  turned  back. 

O'DoNNELL,  Record,  G833. 

Farm  niortgago»— False  fignres. 

'So.  mi'i. — A  few  days  since  a  statement  was  made  in  another  body 
which  I  (juote  from  the  Record  and  desire  to  call  to  the  attention  of  the 
Senate.  It  is  said  to  have  been  taken  from  a  St.  Louis  paper,  from  the 
^Ussouri  Republican    The  statement  is  as  follows  : 

''  First  as  to  farms.  In  1880  there  were  138,500  farms  in  Kansas,  256,000 
in  Illinois,  194,000  in  Indiana,  247,OC0  in  Ohio,  185,300  in  Iowa,  154,000 in 
Michigan,  and  134,300  in  "Wisconsin — making  a  total  of  1,300,100  in  the 
seven  States  named.  Recent  statistics  collected  by  Granger  asEcciations 
and  printed  in  farm  journals  make  the  following  exhibit  of  farm  mortgages 
in  these  same  States : 

Kansas $235000,f00 

Illinois 1,000^000,000 

Indiana • 005.000,000 

Ohio 1,227,000,000 

fowa 507,000000 

Michigan 500,0(^0  000 

Wisconsin , 357,000,000 

Total 4,521,0!  O.COO 

It  occurred  to  me  that  that  was  not  possible  ,  but  I  read  the  statistics 
and  I  find  that  whoever  got  up  this  statement,  either  by  accident  or  ce- 
sign,  went  to  the  record  and  took  the  value  of  farms  as  reported  in  the 
census  of  1880  and  actually  put  down  here  as  mortgages  the  entire  vakie 
of  those  farms.  In  the  State  of  Illinois,  if  this  is  true,  every  farm  mupt  be 
.mortgaged  for  $30  an  acre,  in  the  State  of  Indiana  every  farm  must  be 
mortgaged  for  $40  an  acre ;  and  yet  accesFible  to  every  man  is  the  Report 
of  the  Commissioner  of  Agriculture  for  1880,  in  which  he  declared  that 
the  farm  mortgages  in  all  sections  of  the  country,  giving  the  table.".  State 
by  State,  were  much  less  than  they  were  ten  years  before.  I  will  not 
now  detain  the  Senate  with  the  particular  details  of  that,  but  nobody 
need  misstate,  nobody  need  misunderstand.  There  are  the  factf .  It  is 
not  true  that  the  mortgages  have  shingled  the  farms  all  over,  as  the  junior 
Senator  from  Cleorgia  [Mr.  Colquitt]  stated.  There  will  be  at  all  times 
where  there  is  a  farming  community  mortgages  on  farms.  Many  a  man 
Imys  hii  farm  on  time  and  the  great  majority  of  men  who  own  farms 
have  got  them  on  time,  and  they  are  compelled  to  mortgage  them.  But 
lo  say  that  th^y  are  heavily  mortgaged  because  of  the  tariff  is  not  true 
and  is  not  borne  out  by  the  records  of  the  departments  charged  with  an 
investigation  into  those  atfairs. 

—Senator  Tkller,  Record,  2204. 

Farm  prices. 

No.  !li;i:j.— I  do  not  believe  that  God  designed  that  the  fixrmer  be- 
caus»>  he  tills  the  soil  should  work  harder  and  receive  less  than  others 
with  smaller  investments,  less  judgment  and  shorter  hours.  A  slight 
desire  to  know  the  truth  reveals  the  fact  that  the  tariff  laws  discriminate 
very  unjustly  against  him;  33.70  per  cent,  of  the  wheat  crop  was  ex- 
IMjrted  in  1887,  the  year  ending  July  30. 

\iii  113 


FAR 

Had  not  the  farmer  had  a  foreign  market  for  this  surplus  his  wheat 
■would  have  been  almost  valueleBS  to  him.  Did  he  get  any  more  for 
what  he  sold  here  than  for  what  he  sent  abroad?  Certainly  not.  The 
price  of  his  entire  crop  was  made  in  the  open  markets  of  the  world, 
while  for  everything  he  buys  he  pays  an  increased  price,  for  the  reason 
that  the  very  "competition  which  he  meets  in  selling  is  restricted  when 
he  comes  to  buy. 

— Whiting,  Michigan,  Record,  6942. 

[This  statement  is  in  conflict  with  message  of  President  Cleveland. 
(See  No.  172).    Also  Agriculture  by  Senator  Brown,  Nos.  27, 28. — Ed.] 

Farmers'  protection.    (See  Nos.  173,  173.) 

Farm  products. 

'So.  S3~l. — ^Ir.  Hadd  wants  to  strike  out  the  duties  "  on  the  neces- 
saries of  daily  life." 

I  wish  to  ask  him  whether  he  wants  to  strike  out  the  duty  of  20  per 
cent,  on  live  animals,  of  1  cent  per  pound  on  beef  and  pork,  2  cents  on 
hams  and  bacon,  4  cents  on  cheese,  4  cents  on  butter  and  substitutes 
thereof,  2  cents  on  lard,  20  cents  per  bushel  on  wheat,  10  cents  per 
bushel  on  rye  and  barley,  10  cents  per  bushel  on  Indian  corn,  20  per 
cent,  on  mutton,  15  cents  per  bushel  on  potatoes,  20  cents  per  gallon 
on  honey,  1  cent  per  pound  on  tallow,  $2  per  ton  on  hay,  etc. 

The  following  are  the  agricultural  products  that  this  bill  places  on  the 
free-list. : 

"  All  wools,  linseed,  garden  seed,  rape  and  other  oil  seed,  hemp-seed, 
bulbs  and  roots,  split  peas,  beans  and  peas,  milk  (fresh),  meats,  game 
and  poultry,  figs,  plums  and  prunes,  dates,  currants  (Zante),  vegetables 
(fresh),  barks,  beans,  etc.,  hemp,  beeswax,  flax,  manila,  other  vegetable 
substances." 

I  ask  of  my  colleague  now,  are  you  willing  to  abolish  the  tax  on  all 
these  articles?  He  does  not  answer.  I  want  to  call  my  friend's  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  the  pea  industry  in  the  district  that  he  represents  is 
a  very  prosperous  one,  and  I  do  not  think  the  farmers  in  Manitowoc, 
Sheboygan,  and  the  other  lake-shore  counties  will  approve  of  a  tarifi"bill 
that  puts  peas  on  the  free-list.  Again  I  ask  the  gentleman  if  he  is 
ready  to  put  those  articles  on  the  free-list,  and  I  am  perfectly  willing  to 
yield  now  for  his  answer. 

Mr.  HUDD.    You  will  get  it  in  due  time. 

Mr.  GUENTHER.  Oh,  my  colleague  answers  me  as  he  answered  Mr. 
Allen,  of  Michigan,  who  asked  him  if  he  was  in  favor  of  putting  wool  on 
the  free-list,  and,  if  so,  whether  that  did  not  constitute  him  a  free-trader. 
He  answers  me  in  the  same  way,  by  not  answering  at  all.  [Laughter 
and  applause.] 

'        — GuENTHER,  Record,  3951. 
Farm  products. 

No.  235. — But  to  return  to  my  "Wisconsin  friend,  Mr.  Hudd.  He 
claims  that  this  is  a  bill  in  the  interest  of  the  farmer.  You  leave  manu- 
factured articles  on  the  tarifi"  list ;  everything  in  that  line  the  farmer  has 
to  buy.  But  you  place  almost  everything  he  produces  on  the  free-list. 
Is  this  just,  equitable,  wise?    Is  this  friendly  legislation  for  the  farmer? 

I  find  in  the  latest  quarterly  report  of  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Sta- 
tistics that  for  the  three  months  ending  December  31, 1887,  we  imported 
the  following  articles: 

"Imports  of  merchandise  during  the  three  months  ending  December 
31, 1887: 

"  Nearly  $6,000,000  breadstufis  imported  in  three  months. 

"Nearly  ?GUO,000  of  dairv  products  in  three  months. 
114 


FAR 
* 

"  $1,026,937  of  vegetables  in  three  months.  Of  hay,  $262,472  in  the 
same  time." 

Instead  of  lowering  the  tariff  on  these  articles,  or  placing,  as  the  Mills 
bill  does,  many  entirely  on  the  free-list,  I  would  raise  the  tariff  so  as  to 
protect  the  American  farmer  against  foreign  competition.  I  can  see  no 
good  reason  why  our  farmers  should  not  control  our  markets.  [Applause 
on  the  Republican  side.]  My  friend  from  Michigan  [Mr.  Ford],  in  his 
speech  last  Friday,  asks : 

"  Why  should  not  the  great  American  hen  be  protected  against  the 
pauper  hen  of  Europe  ?"     [Laughter.] 

I  answer,  most  assuredly  it  should  ;  and  I  now  give  notice  that  I  will 
offer  an  amendment  to  the  tariff  bill,  or  vote  for  one,  placing  a  duty  of 
3  or  4  cents  per  dozen  on  imported  eggs.  I  do  not  see  why  the  American 
farmer  should  not  be  able  to  supply  our  markets  with  all  the  eggs  we 
consume.  In  the  three  months,  October,  November  and  December,  1887, 
we  imported  6,594,672  dozen  eggs  at  a  value  of  $1,115,728. 

I  do  not  want  the  Canadians,  who  pay  no  taxes  here,  who  assume  no 
duties  of  American  citizenship,  to  come  into  our  markets  and  reap  the 
profits  which  should  go  to  the  American  farmers.  That  is  the  kind  of 
a  tariff  reformer  I  am.    [Applause  on  the  Republican  side.] 

— GuENTHER,  Record,  3951. 

Farm  products. 

No.  336.— Mr.  GUENTHER.  Do  you  propose  to  protect  the  farm- 
ers? 

Mr.  HATCH.  Do  I  propose  to  protect  them  ?  Well,  if  you  will  just 
listen  a  few  minutes,  you  will  hear  my  answer  to  that  question  ;  I  will 
show  you  how  I  propose  to  protect  them.  I  propose  to  protect  them  sim- 
ply by  keeping  them  from  being  robbed,  that  is  all.  I  want  to  protect 
them  against  robbery,  but  not  against  fair  competition  in  the  open 
markets  of  the  world. 

—Hatch  (Dem.),  Record,  5474. 

Farm  products— Free-list. 

Wo.  237. — The  granges,  the  farmers'  societies,  the  husbandmen's 
newspapers,  the  rural  organizations  everywhere  are  denouncing  that  as- 
sertion upon  which  this  legislation  is  based  as  an  assertion  utterly  false, 
and,  to  thecn,  ruinously  false,  and  yet  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  go  on 
acting  upon  the  theory  that  pease  and  beans  and  vegetables,  freih  or  in 
salt  or  brine,  and  tallow,  and  fresh  milk,  and  wool,  and  meat,  and 
poultry  and  all  such  products  are  "  raw  material."  Although  they  con* 
tain  in  their  amount  and  volume  the  results  of  much  of  the  labor  of  the 
greatest  body  of  workers  upon  the  American  continent,  yet  these  Demo- 
cratic legislators  have  the  effrontery  to  face  the  farmers  and  tell  them 
that  the  products  which  take  their  inception  under  their  care,  and  be- 
come articles  of  commerce  under  their  supervision,  are  raw  materials, 
like  the  ore  in  the  earth  and  the  unqnarried  rock,  etc.,  and,  therefore, 
for  the  benefit  of  workmen  whose  work  is  protected,  and  of  manufact- 
urers whose  output  is  protected,  these  products  of  the  farmer's  toil  shall 
be  made  free.  I  think  the  farmers  will  make  an  answer  to  this  proposi- 
tion which  the  gentleman  in  charge  of  this  bill  will,  by  and  by,  under* 
stand. 

— Parker,  Record,  6204. 

Farm  products— No  surplus  needed. 

Xo.  338. — The  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  is 
not  here,  but  in  a  speech  made  for  home  consumption  stated  that  60,- 
000,000  of  Americans  consumed  more  than  200,000,000  of  Europeans.    If 

115 


FAR 

you  will  Rive  us  the  chance  to  make  all  the  iron  and  all  the  steel  and  the 
man'ifactiire<l  articles  whii'h  are  consumed  in  thia  country  we  will  piar- 
antee  tliere  will  be  no  longer  any  Furplua  of  farm  products  to  be  sent 
abroad  and  subjected  to  foreign  manipulation. 

— Bkumm,  Record,  5218. 

Farm  proiliicls— Price  of. 

Xo.  2:il».— There  is  no  path  the  farmer  has  trodden  in  my  section  that 
I  have  not  trod.  I  know  what  it  is  in  the  good  old  Democratic  daye  to 
work  month  in  and  month  out  through  all  the  peasons  for  $8  per  month, 
and  pet  pay  in  store-truck,  or,  what  was  generally  worse,  "stump-tail 
cnrrency."  issued  by  banks  which  would  break  before  you  could  spend  it. 

I  know  what  it  was  in  the  good  old  Democratic  times  to  see  tlie  corn 
raised  and  fed  to  the  hogs  and  the  hogs  sold  net  at  $1.50  per  hundred  and 
paid  for  in  Kngli.sh-made  calico  (prints)  at  35  cents  a  yard.  Sir,  under  a 
policy  of  protection  better  prints,  made  in  the  United  States,  are  now 
sold  iit  retail  for  5  cents  a  yard  everywhere  throughout  the  country.  Sir, 
you  can  buy  a  bet*'ir  suit  of  men's  clothes  at  retail  in  my  cify  of  Danville, 
ready  to  put  on,  for  >;15  than  could  have  been  bought  for  twice  that  money 
in  good  old  Democratic  days.  The  clothes,  too,  are  made  from  American 
wool  and  American  material  throughout,  including  the  button?,  and  the 
laboring  man  makes  the  $15  to  buy  the  clothes  with  in  le.ss  than  half  the 
time  it  took  in  the  good  old  Democratic  days.  And  still  you  Democrats 
are  not  happy.     [Applause.] 

— Cannon,  Record,  4625. 

Fnriii  products  soon  f  o  demand  higher  duties. 

Xo.  2  UK— The  time  will  come  when  a  higher  tariff  will  be  demanded 
to  secure  to  our  wheat  product  oar  home  market. 

Why  do  Ipay  this?  Sir,  but  the  other  day  Lord  Randolph  Churchill 
told  the  Knglish  farmers  that  they  would  be  compelled  in  the  near 
future  to  abandon  wheat  raising  because  of  the  competition  of  India. 
That  country  has  already  27,000,000  acres  under  wheat  cultivation,  and 
its  wheat  product  in  ISsij  was  280,000,000  bushels.  Her  250,000,000  peo- 
ple live  on  rice  and  millet,  and  her  whole  wheat  crop  is  exported.  Al- 
ready Great  Britain  has  built  14,000  miles  of  railroad  in  India  to  aid  that 
country  in  putting  her  wheat  into  the  markets  of  Europe.  When  the 
eastern  market  is  filled  by  her  home  product,  our  foreign  market  is  gone 
and  our  home  one  in  danger. 

Xo.  211. — Germany  has  established  a  corn  tax  or  tariff  that  abso- 
lutely prohibits  the  importation  of  American  wheat  into  South  Germany. 
The  following  is  from  the  report  of  J.  CMonaghan,  United  States  consul 
at  Mannheim,  under  date  of  January  28  last : 

The  first  tax  was  1  mark,  or  2:?. 8  cents  per  220  pounds;  this  was  in- 
creased to  3  (68  cents),  and  very  recently  to  5  marks  ($1.19)  per  220 
pounds.  Now  it  is  a  notorious  fact  that  the  English  millers  preferred 
North  German  grain,  and  just  as  notorious  that  the  South  German  mill- 
ers not  only  did  not,  but  preferred  the  grain  of  the  United  States.  There 
is  said  to  be  a  softness  about  the  German  product  and  a  hardnes-s  about 
the  American,  and  upon  these  properties  is  based  the  preference  in  each 
case.  Since  trie  increase  of  the  tax  to  3  marks  (08  cents)  and  then  to  5 
($1.10)  per  220  pounds,  the  grain  trade  of  South  Germany  with  America 
and  Russia  has  ceased  to  exist.  American  wheat  costs  about  15;V  marks 
($3.70)  per  100  kilograms  ''220  pounds),  including  cost,  freight,  and  insur- 
ance to  Rotterdam  ;  add  to  this  cost  of  Rhine  freight,  15  to  17  cents  plus 
a  5  mark  ($1.10)  duty,  and  American  grain  appears  upon  the  exchange 
schedules  at  2U  marks  f$5.11)  per  100  kilograms  (220  pounds),  the  duty- 
alone  being  about  30  per  cent. 
IIG 


FAR 

'So.  21"^. — "Since  Sontli  Germany  must  import,  she  is  compe]le<l  to 
take  the  North  German  grain ;  this  she  can  IJnd  in  her  markets  at  18 
marks  ('?4.28)  per  100  kilograms  (220  pounds).  This  ei ves  the  North  German 
grain  a  3\  mark  (80  cents)  start,  or  15  to  20  per  cent,  advantage.  The  dif- 
ference is  too  great  to  be  overcome  by  anything  like  local  prejudice  or  pref- 
erence ;  the  most  that  choice  permits  of  is  from  three-quarters  (18  cents) 
to  a  mark  (238  cents)  more  for  American  than  (iierman  grain,  but  as  we 
have  seen,  the  difference  is  o^_:  (8n  cents),  f^o  long  as  the  duty  remains 
at  5  marks  (SI. 19)  per  100  kiloliters  a  resumption  of  business  is  not  pos- 
sible, except  when  crops  fail  in  the  llolstein-Pomeranian  or  throughout 
the  German  provinces.  It  may  be  mentioned  that  the  grain  from  the 
North  Cierman  provinces  is  shipped  from  ports  on  the  Baltic  to  Rotter- 
dam and  Antwerp,  thence  up  the  Rhine  iu  barges. 

Xo.  S 13. — Since  the  exclusion  of  foreign  grains  became  a  fact,  the  prov- 
inces of  Middle  Germany,  notably  Prus.sian  Saxony,  Hanover, and  Bruns- 
wick, blessed  as  they  are  with  a  good  climate,  have  begun  grain-raising 
f.)r  the  South  German  market.  Before  the  tax  time  grain  from  these  prov- 
inces was  almost  unknown,  competition  being  rendered  imposi=ible  by  the 
expenses  of  rail  shipment.  Five  marks  ($1.19)  duty  on  the  100  kilograms 
(220  pounds)  of  foreign  grain  has  removed  the  obstacle,  hence  the  new 
impulse ;  besides,  the  grains  produced  in  these  provinces  (Rivets)  were 
not  liked.  Now  the  South  German  miller  and  consumer  must  fake  them 
whether  he  likes  or  not ;  for  10  marks  ($2.38)  a  hundred  kilograms  will 
come  should  5  marks  cease  to  be  powerful  enough  to  exclude  foreign  and 
protect  home  producers." 

The  result  of  this  German  protection  is  that  Prussia,  Saxony,  Han- 
over, and  Brunswick  have  gone  into  wheat-raising  for  the  South  German 
market. 

— Browne,  Indiana,  Record,  3533. 

Farm  Products— .4.11  mnst  be  protected. 

Xo.  !3 14. — The  American  farmer  can  fully  supply  the  American 
market  with  every  product  of  our  soil  and  climate.  Wool  is  one  of  them. 
If  we  surrender  the  privilege  of  supplying  this  in  full  measure  we  concede 
a  principle  which  will  demand  the  surrenderof  the  privilege  of  supplying 
other  of  our  products. 

Let  us  unite  in  the  demand  that  the  laws  shall  be  so  made  that  Ameri- 
cans shall  have  the  American  market  for  all  that  Americans  can  supply. 
— Hon.  Wm.  L.vwrenck,  Ohio,  speech  at  Columbus  Nov.  11,1887. 

Farm  products— Tobacco   and   Indian   corn  made  to  bear 
hy  I'ar  the  Ucaviest  burdens. 

]Vo.  '£  15. — Bat  the  strangest  thing  abou^.  the  position  of  these  would- 
be  friends  of  the  farmer  and  the  foreign  market  for  his  product  is  the  fact 
that  upon  the  only  two  original  American  farm  products,  native  to  the 
Foil,  these  farmers'  friends  want  to  place  so  high  a  tax  as  to  nigh  prevent 
their  exportation.  I  mean  tobacco  and  Indian  corn  made  into  whisky 
and  alcohol.  From  these  fanu  products  are  extracted  one-third  of  all 
the  taxes;  yet  these  farmer-i'  friends  have  not  a  word  to  say  against  this 
"legalized  robbery,"  although  nearly  every  p)enny  of  it  is  paid  by  the 
American  producer  and  consumer,  while  a'l  the  purely  protective 
duties  are  paid  by  the  foreigner.  G3ntlera^n,  why  will  you  insist  on  re- 
taining this  last  relic  of  your  bloody  rebellion  on  the  statute-books  ? 
Nothing  but  war  would  justify  such  a  tax. 

There  is  no  tax  so  oppras-sive  to  the  individual  and  obnoxious  to  a 
free  man  as  this  ;  none  so  destructive  of  commerce,  none  so  effective  in 
demoralizing  politics,  debauching  government,  atld  contaminating  so- 
ciety as  this.    Sir,  it  has  not  only  wrapped  its  venomed  coil  around 

117 


FAR 

the  legislative,  executive,  and  judiciary  of  our  country,  but  it  has  stolen 
like  the  midnight  assas'^in  into  marts  of  commerce  and  robbed  trade  of 
honest  competition  ;  it  has  ruthlessly  levied  its  tribute  on  the  hearth- 
stone of  every  Northern  and  Western  farmer;  it  has  thrust  its  withering 
stinp  in  every  vine  and  fruit  tree,  and  has  left  its  damning  blight  on 
every  tobacco,  rye,  wheat,  and  corn  field  in  the  land.     [Applause.] 

— Bki'.m.m,  Kecord,  -3220. 

Farm  prodiiotM— ^Vliat  are  tlioy  ? 

\o.  2l<».— Mr.  HATCH.  I^t  me  get  through  my  statement.  You 
•will  be  more  uneasy  before  I  am  done  with  you.  According  to  the  gen- 
tleman's statement  nearly  $(i,OUO,000  worth  of  breadstufl's  were  imported 
in  three  months,  and  over  $4  000,000  worth  consisted  of  barley.  Barley  is 
brought  from  Canada  to  Milwaukee  and  Rochester  and  Detroit,  and 
made  into  beer — every  bushel  of  it  made  into  beer.  I  ask,  then,  is  barley 
a  breadstuflf?  Does  the  gentleman  claim  that  barley  is  a  necessary  of 
Ufe? 

Mr.  GUENTHER.    It  is  to  some  persons.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  HATCH.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  to  show  the  skill  with 
which  these  gentlemen  try  to  mislead  the  people.  They  talk  about  the 
imported  " breadstufls,"  when  four  millions  out  of  the  six  millions  are 
barley  for  beer!  And  the  gentleman  from  Wisconsin  [Mr.  Guenther] 
makes  a  great  speech  about  that. 

Mr.  ATKINSON.  Is  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Hatch]  aware 
of  the  fact  that  in  the  report  on  Commerce  and  Navigation  barley  ia 
cla^sitied  as  breadstuflfs? 

Mr.  HATCH.  Oh,  yes,  I  know  it  is ;  and  the  man  down  there  that 
classified  it  in  that  way  knows  as  little  about  it  as  my  friend  from  Wis- 
consin [Mr.  Guenther]  or  the  gentleman  from  New  York. 

Mr.  GUENTHER.  We  know  as  much  in  Wisconsin  about  agriculture 
as  they  know  in  Missouri. 

— Hatch  (Dem.),  Record,  4574. 

Note.— Barley  Is  an  agricultural  product,  and  must  count  on  the  side  of  the  farmer.— 
£ditob. 

Farm  prosperity  rollow!^  manni'actnring. 

]Vo.  217. — In  thirteen  counties  of  that  State  (Pennsylvania)  are  to  be 
found  the  principal  manufacturinsr  establishments,  and  the  farming  land 
in  these  counties  are  worth  $SG.7o,  whilst  in  the  remainder  it  is  worth 
only  $40.02.  In  Ohio  the  most  of  the  manufacturing  of  iron  is  in  twelve 
counties,  and  the  land  in  these  counties  is  worth  $G7.85,"whil&t  in  the  re- 
maining it  is  only  worth  $42.40. 

But  ii  is  true  not  only  of  counties  in  the  same  States  but  of  neighbor- 
hoods in  the  same  coiintie.'^,  that  the  building  of  manufactories  increases 
the  prices  of  land  near  that  factory,  and  gives  to  the  farmers  who  own 
that  land  better  prices,  and  a  (juick'er  market  for  all  they  produce.  The 
district  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  in  this  House  contains  eight  coun- 
ties, and  I  herewith  present  a  table  of  these  counties,  showing  the  aggre- 
gate land,  the  average  value  of  land  per  acre,  the  value  of  money  invested 
in  manufactories,  the  real  and  personal  property,  the  population,  and  the, 
wealth  per  capita. 


113 


FAR 


Statistics  of  counties  of  the  Fourth  Congres^onal  district,  North  Carolina. 


Name  o£  county. 


Alamance 
Ohaiham . 
Durham... 
Frnnklla  . 
Johnston . 

Nash 

Orange.  .. 
Wake 


Area  tn 
acres. 


220,203 
487,470 
154,524 
271, a33 
4g0,504 
332,816 
234,501 
523,473 


Aggre- 
gate land 
values. 


Aver- 
age 

value 
per 

acre. 


$1,593,848  I  $7.23  + 
2,084,921  I    4.27  + 

937,811 
1,598,773 
2,432,891 
1,GG0,026 
l,03ft,775 
3,302,520 


Stock  In 

Incfir- 

poiated 

com- 
panies. 


$304,542 

9,630 

110.940 

S,66) 

14,r90 

825 

30,098 

1,1I9,96J 


Total 
value  real 
and  per- 
sonal 
property. 


$3,217,220 
3,218,206 
4,(»13  049 
2,543,6(V2 
3,978,684 
2,029,925 
l,S95,(i57 

10,009,189 


Popu- 
lation. 


14,613 
23,453 


20,829 
21,401 
17,731 
2:!,098 
47,930 


Wealth 

per 
capita. 


122.11  + 
109. 12+- 
148.26  + 
84.18  + 
121.34  + 


It  will  be  seen  by  looking  at  this  table  that  Alamance  County,  which 
has  much  the  largest  amount  of  money  invested  in  manufactories,  has 
$219  wealth  for  each  person  in  the  county,  that  its  land  has  an  average 
value  of  $7.23  per  acre,  whilst  Chatham  County,  immediately  adjoining 
Alamance,  only  has  $loS  per  capita,  and  its  land  is  only  worth  $4.27  per 
acre,  and  it  has  almost  no  manufactories.  Durham  County  is  a  new 
county  made  from  Orange  and  Wake.  Numbers  of  manufactories  have 
been  established  in  this  county,  and  though  its  lands  are  no  better  than 
those  of  the  counties  from  which  it  was  taken,  they  are  worth  $r).07  aver- 
age per  acre;  that  is,  a  few  manufactories  built  in  Durham  County  have 
increased  the  value  of  its  lands  in  five  years  $1.80  per  acre  on  the  average. 

-^Nichols  (Indpt),  Record,  4579. 

Farm  and  rarni  labor. 

Xo.  3  4S. — Mr.  Chairiuau,  I  now  come  to  that  class  whose  shoulders 
are  generally  considered  broad  enough  to  bear  the  burdens  that  manu- 
facturers and  their  protectionist  friends  impose  upon  them,  to  promote 
and  build  up  the  private  interests  of  the  former.  The  4,225,94-5  farmers 
and  the  nearly  4,000,000  of  farm  laborers  are  not  only  not  benefited  by 
this  policy,  but  are  made  the  l)urden-bearers  of  the  more  favored  and 
tenderly  cared-for  manufacturers.  Unprotected  agriculture  furnishes  74 
per  cent,  of  our  exports,  and  is  heavily  taxed  to  build  up  and  support  the 
manufacturer,  who  furnishes  only  19  per  cent,  of  exports. 

— Glass,  Record,  3544. 

Farmer  an<l  prof  cct ion. 

Xo.  211).— I  had  supposed  this  bill  would  consider  the  farmer  with 
peculiar  care.  Every  speech  oq  the  other  side  has  plead  for  him  except 
when  explaining  how  the  bill  was  going  to  help  the  manufacturer,  and  I 
never  was  more  astounded  than  when  I  read  what  the  bill  had  done  for 
the  farmer.    It  places  every  article  produced  on  the  farm  on  the  free  list. 

The  Republican  party  put  a  protective  tarilion  the  farmer's  products, 
as  follows : 

"  Wool,  from  2.V  to  12  cents  per  pound  ;  potatoes,  15  cents  per  bushel ; 
butter,  4  cents  per  pound  ;  cheese,  4  cents  per  pound  ;  wheat,  20  cents  per 
bushel ;  rye  and  barley,  10  cents  per  bushel ;  Indian  corn,  10  cents  per 
bushel ;  honey,  20  cents  per  gallon  ;  milk,  preserved,  20  per  cent,  ad  va- 
lorem ;  hams  and  bacon,  2  cents  per  pound ;  beef  and  pork,  1  cent  per 
pound  ;  lard,  2  cents  per  pound  ;  pickles,  3.5  per  cent,  ad  valorem  ;  vege- 
tables, 30  per  cent,  ad  valorem;  vinegar,  7}  cents  per  gallon;  Hax,  $20 
I)€r  ton  ;  hemp,  $25  per  ton." 

— Owen,  Record,  5551. 

iiy 


FAR 

Ftirinor  <;oo4linAn.    (Sec  \o.  263). 

Fiiriii<>r  ill  ('oiifi:r<>NN. 

Ao.  250. — I  was  born  upon  a  farm  ;  its  fragrant  fields,  its  meadows- 
and  clover  bloom  are  redolent  of  the  memories  of  a  happy  boyhood.  I 
live  amnnn  farmers  and  represent  largely  a  farming  constituency.  As  I 
consider  their  wants,  their  burdens,  iheir  troubles,  God  forbid  I  should 
ever  vote  to  add  to  their  present  evils  by  a  dose  of  English  free-trade 
tariff  for  revenue  only,  the  loss  of  their  home  market,  the  farmer's  main 
dependence  for  the  sale  of  his  surplus  products.     [Applause.] 

Free  trade  may  cheapen  a  few  of  tlie  farmer's  supplies;  it  will  still 
more  cheapen  the  value  of  his  farm  afld  its  products,  decrease  manufact- 
ures, and  increase  farmers. 

— Mc€oMAB,  Record,  3838. 

Farmer  ignored  in  ndjnstinj;  the  reduction. 

'So.  251. — When  gentlemen  declare  that  this  reduction  on  wool  is 
made  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  manufacturer  to  obtain  "  cheap 
raw  materials,"  and  so  put  it  into  his  power  to  pay  better  wages  to  labor, 
and  sell  cheaper  cloth  to  the  laboring  man,  I  would  ask  who  labors 
harded  than  your  farmer?  Who  puts  in  more  hours  of  work  in  twenty- 
four  than  he  ?  Who  is  more  worthy  of  the  care  and  regard  of  Govern- 
ment than  the  man  furnishing  its  bread?  You  keep  the  tariQ  on  the 
manufactured  product,  and  indulge  in  the  poetical  and  fallacious  idea 
that  manufacturers  are  then  to  be  willing  to  pay  more  for  labor  than  now, 
and  are  going  to  sell  for  less  money  than  the  market  warrants  them  in 
asking,  because  you  were  so  generous  in  leaving  them  some  protection  ; 
and  this  is  accompanied  by  the  implied  threat  that  if  your  expectations 
are  not  realized  you  will  come  back  at  them  with  a  still  further  reduc- 
tion until  their  protection  is  absolutely  gone,  thus  demanding,  as  the 
price  of  giving  the  manufacturer  and  his  labor  this  protection,  that  he 
and  they  ehall  reverse  a  law  of  trade  older  than  Congresses,  and  buy  and 
sell  regardless  of  supply  and  demand. 

— BooTHMAN,  Record,  G751. 

Farmer  or  mannfaeturer  deceived. 

Xo.  252.— Only  recently  in  his  [Mr.  Mills's]  speeches  at  Providence 
and  elsewhere  he  assures  the  wool-grower  that  with  free  wool  the  in- 
creased consumption  will  be  so  great  that  better  prices  will  surely  come 
to  them,  while  to  the  wool  manufacturer  he  turns  with  the  cheering  as- 
surance that  under  this  bill  he  will  pay  so  much  Icfs  for  his  wool  that  in 
spite  of  all  other  circumstances  prosperity  will  be  thrust  upon  him; 
Thus  it  is  that  again  wo  tind  the  Administration  ever  in  advance,  and 
with  a  progression  which  is  certainly  remarkable,  applying  the  soothing 
balm  of  the  "  faith  cure"  to  the  infladied  and  feverish  condition  of  our 
trade  and  national  commerce. 

— An. EN,  ^Massachusetts,  Record,  3841. 

Farmer— IVIiat  makes  his  small  products  so  valuable. 

Xo.  2.>:{. — Mr  Chairman,  in  those  days  many  of  the  small  products 
of  the  farm  were  for  any  purpose  of  cash  payment  wholly  worthless.  Iii 
those  days  eggs  sold  for  2  cents  a  dozen,  chickens  about  10  cents  a  pair, 
and  butter  in  the  same  ratio,  all  in  exchange  for  high-priced  goods. 
When  I  come  to  compare  the  present  condition  of  the  American  farmer 
with  his  condition  then,  I  find  that  the  poultry,  the  butter,  the  eggs,  the 
cheese,  and  the  milk  of  this  country  yielded  in  1887  $^590,000,000.'  I  un- 
dertake to  say,  sir,  that  never  under  a  Democratic  administration  did  all 
the  fprmers  of  this  country  sell  for  cash  i!l,000,000  worth  of  those  ar- 
120 


FAR 

tides;  but  in  1SS7  the  farmers  produced  and  sold — this  is  a  record  not  of 
what  the  farmer  consumed  but  of  Avliat  he  sold — $5'.»'J,()00,000  worth  of 
those  products.  That  is  more  than  the  wheat  crop  of  1880,  which  pro- 
duced but  $314,000,000.    It  is  more  than  double  the  cotton  crop. 

— Gkosvenor,  Record,  4G51. 

Farmers,  a  dyspeptic  view  of. 

IVo.  25 1. — The  farmers  of  this  country  live  harder,  wear  plainer 
clothing,  practice  more  rigid  economy,  have  fewer  of  the  luxuries  of  life, 
work  harder  and  more  constantly,  and  are  more  troubled  to  make  both 
ends  meet  at  the  end  of  the  year,  and  realize  less  on  their  labor  and  cap- 
ital than  any  other  class  of  people,  and  are  the  class  upon  which  the  pro- 
tective tariff  falls  with  the  most  crushino;  weight.  The  policy  of  exclusion 
maintained  by  our  high  protective  tariti' toward  foreign  nations  is  a  decla- 
ration and  maintenance  of  commercial  war  against  them,  and  is  so  regarded 
by  them  ;  and  yet  these  same  foreign  nations  are  the  sole  dependence  of 
the  American  farmers  for  a  market  for  their  surplus  product?,  and  abso- 
lutely fix  and  establish  the  prices  of  American  wheat  and  cotton  both 
at  home  and  abroad.  • 

(See  article  on  Agriculture  by  Senator  Brown,  of  Georgia,  No.  17. — En.) 

— Senator  Coke  (Dem),  Record,  30G0. 

Farmer's  benefit  is  a  good  market. 

"So.  355. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr. 
Scott]  has  said  that  the  farmers  are  not  protected.  Mr.  Chairman,  mv 
district  is  largely  composed  of  farmers.  I  knew  that  district  when  al- 
most its  sole  industry  was  farming,  and  1  know  it  to-day  since  manufact- 
uring industries  have  come  in.  And  I  say  that  there  is  not  a  farmer  in 
my  district  who  does  not  appreciate  that  the  building  up  of  manufactur- 
ing industries  there  has  obtained  for  him  a  better  market — a  home 
market — and  higher  rates  for  his  products  than  he  had  before.  I  know 
that  farmers  forty  years  ago  found  it  almost  impossible  to  obtain  cash  for 
the  products  of  their  farms.  They  went  out  and  bartered  them  at 
almost  any  price  to  obtain  those  things  that  they  were  compelled  to 
have. 

That  condition  of  things  has  been  altered.  The  farmer  now  has  a 
ready  market  for  all  of  his  products  at  good  prices  near  his  home. 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  G417. 

Farmers'  Tree  lumber  and  salt  exchanged  Tor  protected 
wool. 

Xo.  S56. — Now,  as  an  offset  for  this  wool,  they  give  the  farmer,  as 
they  say,  free  lumber  and  salt.  So  far  as  the  free  lumber  is  concerned, 
the  tax  is  but  light,  and  it  does  not  affect  the  farmers  of  my  district,  and 
is  no  compensation  for  the  loss  of  their  tariff  on  wool.  Beside.s,  we  have 
abundant  forests  of  our  own.  As  to  the  question  of  free  salt,  it  is  an 
absolute  insult  to  an  honest  farmer  to  say  to  him  that  (hat  is  a  compen- 
sation for 4ns  losses.  I  was  amused  by  the  speech  made  by  the  honor- 
able gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Cox]  in  flivor  of  free  salt.  He 
actually  grew  poetical  in  pleading  lor  the  poor  down-trodden  dairyman, 
that  he  should  have  free  salt  to  put  in  his  butter.  And  I  must  confess 
that  he  so  played  upon  my  sympathies  that  I  was  inclined  to  think  that 
he  was  right. 

But  when  I  got  out  from  under  the  influence  of  the  gentleman's  ora- 
tory I  proceeded  to  make  a  calculation  to  see  where  the  great  injustice 
was  done  the  dairyman,  and  I  arrived  at  this  result :  It  takes  one  pound  of 
salt  to  salt  IG  pounds  of  butter ;  say  the  butter  is  worth  25  cents  per  pound 
before  it  is  salted.  After  the  salt  goes  in  we  have  17  pounds  of  market- 
able article.    That  17  pounds  is  still  w^orth  25  cents  per  pound.   The  salt 

121 


FAR 

used  cost  the  dairyman  half  a  cent,  or,  to  be  liberal,  say  one  cent.  lie  sells 
his  butter  for  25  cents  per  pound,  and  has  an  absolute  profit  of  24  cents 
upon  the  pound  of  salt.  I  say  to  my  friend  that  it  will  take  a  great  while 
to  bankrupt  the  dairymen  in  that  way. 

Mr.  DUNN.  Whv  not  make  it  all  salt,  then  ? 

Mr.  JOHNSTON".  Nevertheless,  they  still  want  to  put  salt  upon  the 
free-list.  Let  us  see  how  that  will  appeal  to  the  farmer,  whom  you  have 
robbed  of  his  protection  on  wool,  and  how  it  will  compensate  him  for 
his  losses.  I  am  informed  by  the  gentleman  from  Michigan  [Mr.  Tars- 
ney]  that  he  will  to-day  sell  salt  at  30  cents  per  barrel,  barrel  and  all. 

Mr.  TARSNEY.  No  ;  30  cents  for  280  pounds — 9  pounds  and  4  ounces 
for  a  cent. 

'  Mr.  JOHNSTON.  Nine  pounds  and  4  ounces  for  1  cen^  It  would 
actually  cost  IV  or  2  cents  to  buy  all  the  salt  a  man  wanted  for  his  per- 
sonal use  in  a  whole  year.  Out  of  consideration  to  the  farmer  it  certainly 
looks  like  salt  should  be  placed  upon  the  free-list.  [Laughter  and  applause 
on  the  Republican  side.] 

If  you  think  the  average  •farmer  is  going  to  be  satisfied  with  this  you 
are  presuming  a  great  deal  upon  his  ignorance ;  and  I  say  to  you  now, 
that  when  you  encounter  him  in  the  North  you  will  find  him  an  intelli- 
gent, reading,  thinking  man ;  and  when  he  realizes  the  fact,  which  he 
knows  to  be  true,  that  under  the  free-trade  doctrines  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  former  years  he  paid  $2  80  for  the  same  amount  of  salt  that  he 
now  purchases  for  30  cents,  will  he  not  truly  say  that  you  are  offering 
him  valuable  inducements  to  surrender  the  protection  be  now  has,  that 
induces  him  year  in  and  year  out  to  look  after  and  care  for  his  flocks? 

— Johnston,  Indiana,  Record,  G96L 

Farniors— Grcoiihoriis  doii't  know  ivliat  they  need. 

>'o.  257. — The  New  York  Evening  Post,  a  paper  that  is  supporting 
the  Mills  bill  with  an  energy  only  equaled  by  its  ability,  in  commenting 
editorially  and  favorably  onthe  speech  of  my  young  and  brilliant  col- 
league [Mr.  Ford],  proceeds  to  tell  the  farmers  of  the  West  how  mistaken 
they  are,  and  how  little  they  know  about  what  is  really  good  for  them,clo8- 
ing'with  a  free-trade  estimate  of  their  common  sense  in  the  following  gem  : 

"  Yet  we  find  clubs  of  greenhorns  in  ihe  rural  districts  still  holding 
weekly  meetings  and  passing  resolutions  in  favor  of  a  higher  tariff  on 
potatoes  and  hops  and  garden  vegetables  and  two  or  three  other  things 
of  which  we  import  a  small  quantity  now  and  then  when  we  have  an 
unfavorable  season  and  a  short  crop  at  home.  To  these  self-deluded 
grangers  the  tariff  debate  in  Congress  will  prove  helpful,  since  it  can  not 
fail  to  put  the  other  side  of  the  case  before  them  and  compel  them  to 
read  it  and  talk  about  it  in  their  neighborhood  meetings." 

But  who  is  it  that  calls  my  constituents  "greenhorns  in  the  rural  districts 
and  self-deluded  grangers  f  It  is  needless  to  say  he  is  a  free-trader  and 
favors  the  Mills  bill.    The  editor,  or  at  least  one  of  the  editors  of  the 

faper,  is  Mr.  E.  L.  Godkin,  a  gentleman  of  great  ability,  whose  writings 
have  been  familiar  with  for  years — a  man  who  wields  a  pen  that  is  as 
sharp  as  a  sci meter.  He  belong3  to  the  Cobden  Club  of  England.  The 
motto  of  the  Cobden  Club  is,  •' Free  trade,  peace,  good- will  among  na- 
tions; God  save  the  Queen."  Moreover,  he  is  a  member  of  the  New 
Y''ork  free-trade  club,  which  holds,  among  other  fundamental  principiep, 
the  following : 

"  That  the  only  commercial  policy  which  is  in  its  nature  perrnanent 
and  unchangeable,  and  which,  therefore,  assures  stability  in  all  kinds  of 
business,  is  free  trade  between  nations  as  between  the  States  of  the 
Union." 

(Italics  ours.— Ed.)  —Allen,  Michigan,  Record,  4979. 

122 


FAR 

Fariuers  iniiItij>lyiuK  industries. 

Xo.  258. — The  fact  that  he  is  relieved  from  many  cares  in  this  re- 
gard enables  him  to  more  closely  devote  his  intelligent  energy  to  hie  spe- 
cial calling.  The  tiller  of  the  soil  of  half  a  century  ago  had  to  be  somewhat 
of  a  carpenter,  not  a  little  of  a  cobbler,  and  frequently  something  of  a 
blacksmith.  But  these  avocations  have  disappeared  from  the  farm.  The 
hum  of  the  spinning-wheel  and  stroke  of  the  loom  are  legends  to  the 

?roung  American  housewife  of  to-day.  Even  the  farmer's  clothing  is  no 
onger  made  at  his  home.  It  is  cheaper  bought  ready-made,  just  as  good 
in  quality,  and  does  not  distinguish  him  from  his  brother-laborer  in  the 
city.  He  has  more  interest  in  the  city  and  town  than  formerly,  for  work 
not  connected  strictly  with  agriculture  is  done  in  the  centers  of  popula- 
tion, and  his  sons  and  daughters  hie  thither  for  employment  when  not 
needed  on  the  farm. 

This  is  the  natural  outgrowth  of  the  use  of  machinery.  It  belongs  to 
the  evolution  of  our  age.  In  the  industrial  race  individual  labor  cannot 
compete  with  the  mill  where  one  engine  or  water-wheel  moves  thousands 
of  spindles  and  scores  of  looms,  and  where  the  workman  by  constant 
attention  to  one  duty  acquires  the  quick  precision  of  the  machine  he 
attends,  by  his  very  elticiency  cheapening  the  products.  More  produce 
has  to  be  sold  off  the  farm  than  formerly  when  much  of  the  work  now 
substituted  by  articles  ready  made  was  done  on  the  farm.  Even  in  Wis- 
consin I  think  it  true  that  the  population  on  farms  constitutes  but  little 
if  any  more  than  half  of  the  total  population,  and  that  of  the  products 
•which  leave  the  farm  two-thirds  never  cross  the  State  line. 

— Haugen,  Record,  4233. 

Farms— Number  of. 

Xo.  259. — A  vast  number  of  farms  have  been  located,  within  the  last 
seven  years,  in  Kansas,  Nebraska,  Colorado,  Montana,  Dakota,  Washington, 
and  other  Western  States  and  Territories.  Allowing  the  ratio  of  increase 
since  18S0  to  have  been  as  great  as  that  of  previous  years,  we  now  have 
over  4,500,000  farms,  their  value  being  about  $  II, 000,000,000,  and  the  value 
of  farm  products  would  be  about  $3,000,000,000;  of  live-stock,  over 
$2,500,000,000,  and  of  implements,  $600,000,01)0 ;  and  the  value  of  the 
fences,  improvements,  &c.,  would  exceed  $150,000,000.  The  census  re- 
ports, doubtless,  far  underestimate  the  value  of  farm  products,  for  there 
is  a  large  amount  consumed  by  farmers  and  their  families  that  is  not 
properly  considered  or  estimated  when  taking  the  census. 

— Selected. — Ed. 

Farmers'  protection  diversifies  products. 

No.  200. — It  will  be  a  sorry  day  for  America  when  her  farming  in- 
dustry shall  show  signs  of  decay.  That  portion  of  our  population  en- 
gaged in  agriculture  are  at  once  the  safety  and  the  glory  of  our  nation. 

They  are  intelligent,  conservative,  patriotic.  They  are  attai-hed  to  the 
land  and  love  their  country  with  intense  affection.  They  <lraw  their 
substance  directly  from  the  bosom  of  mother  earth,  and  so  are  most  in- 
terested in  preserving  us  against  invasion  or  any  other  evil  that  may 
threaten  us. 

Shall  this  great  and  important  portion  of  our  population  be  abandoned 
in  the  adjustment  of  our  tariff  duties  to  the  remorseless  competition  of 
wool-growers  and  flax-raisers  of  other  lands,  where  labor  or  lands  or 
both  are  cheaper?  Or  shall  we  preserve  our  magnificent  markets  for 
their  use,  and  thus  enable  them  to  continue  to  hold  their  proud  place 
«mong  the  toilers  of  America? 

We  want  in  this  country  no  such  one-sided  monopolistic  system  as 
that  which  curses  England,  but  we  want  rather  to  continue  that  system 

123 


■whioh  encourages  and  IniiUls  np  all  induBtries  and  all  labor,  whether 
engageil  in  manufacturing^  or  in  producing  the  fruita  of  the  field. 

— WicKUAM,  Kecord,  4G0G. 

FarinorH— rosiilt  ofMillM^bill  on. 

>o.  liOl.— 1  am  ."upposinK  that  you  succeed  in  passing  the  Mills  tariff 
bill  or  a  similar  measure.  What  will  the  result  be  on  the  farmers,  who, 
OS  you  alwavH  claim,  derive  no  protection  from  the  tariff? 

1  venture  the  assertion,  and  I  think  every  unprejudiced  thinking  per- 
son will  agree  with  me,  that  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men,  now  finding 
employment  in  manufacturing  establishments,  will  lose  it,  because  the 
articles  now  produced  by  them  will  be  more  profitably  imported  from 
abroad.  These  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people  heretofore  consumers 
of  flour,  beef,  potatoes,  vegetables,  etc.,  will  be  forced  to  till  the  soil  as  a 
last  resort.  They  will  become  producers  of  these  arti<'le8  themselves. 
The  demand  for  the  farmer's  products  will  be  lessened  and  the  supply  in- 
creased, and  as  the  price  of  everything  is  regulated  by  supply  and 
demand,  it  is  easily  seen  that  the  prices  of  all  these  proaucts  will 
go  down,  and  the  farmer  will  soon  realize,  to  his  sorrow,  that  the 
reduction  of  the  tariff  affects  him  seriously. 

My  friend  from  Wisconsin  says  in  his  speech  that  the  reason  why  this 
tariffbill  is  proposed  is,  "What  shall  be  done  with  the  surplus  in  the 
Treasury?" 

— Gt'ENTiiKK,  Record,  3952. 
Farnior'H  Kinull  wares. 

\o.  fHi'-i. — My  home  is  in  the  northern  part  of  Northumberland 
County,  in  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Susquehanna,  as  rich  and  fertile  in 
aericultural  resources  as  the  Shamokin  reirion  is  in  mineral  wealth. 
There  and  in  the  Lai-kawanna  region  our  farmers  find  a  home  market  for 
all  their  surplus  wheat  and  small  grains  their  fruit.s  and  butter  and  eggs  and 
poultry.  We  ship  little  or  nothing  to  the  great  P^astern  cities,  because 
at  less  cost  of  transportation  we  find  a  better  market  in  the  coal  regi'^ns. 

Why,  sir,  before  these  regions  were  opened  upand  railroads  constructed 
I  remember  well  tliat  butter  use<l  to  sell  the  year  round  for  from  S  to  10 
cents  a  pound,  and  egijs  for  3  to  S  cents  a  dozen,  chickens  and  ducks  for 
2o  cents  a  pair,  hay  for  from  S<j  to  $8  a  ton,  and  oats  and  corn  in  like 
proportion ;  potatoes  for  25  cents  a  bushel,  and  no  sale  for  these  prod- 
ucts at  any  price.  To-day  and  for  years  past  eggs  average  25  cents  a 
dozen,  butter  :50  to  40  cents  a  pound  the  year  round,  and  potatoes 
60  cents  a  bushel,  and  our  farmers  liave  a  ready  market  for  all  they  can 
raise  ;  an<l  during  all  this  time  farm  lands  have  more  than  doubled  and 
trebled  in  value. 

— Bound,  Record,  4483. 

Farnior'H  inx.  Farmer  iiioodihan  and. 

\<».  '.inX— Mr.  (;rKNT!IKU  Haid: 

Mr.  (Jii.Mii.MAN :  My  friend  and  colleague,  Mr.  Iludd,  inhistariffspeech 
the  other  day  uncjualifietlly  indorsed  the  "  Mills  tariff  bill."  lie  swal- 
lowed llie  wiiole  dose  prepared  by  the  Democratic  majority  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Ways  and  Means,  and  seemed  to  relish  it  greatly,  endeavorinif 
at  the  same  time,  bv  all  the  political  sophistry  he  is  so  capable  of 
[lanj.'hter],  to  persuade  the  people  of  his  district  in  particular,  and  of  the 
State  of  Wisconsin  in  general,  that  it  is  a  very  palatable  decoction,  ii 

Seat  panacea  ;  the  cure  of  all   cures    [laughter]  ;  the  long-looked  for 
emocratic  St.  Jacob's  Oil  [renewed  laualiterand  applause]  that  will  heal 
all  the  evils  that  the  body-politic  is  alllicted  with. 

My  colleague  makes  a  very  cunning  plea  by  manipulating  figures  and 
percentages,  designed  to  mislead  and  prejudice  his  farmer  constituents. 
12'- 


FAR 

He  addreseea  his  good  friend.  Farmer  <TOodman.  He  tells  him  that  his 
wife  has  to  pay  a  tax  to  the  Government  on  the  ehawl  she  buys  for  win- 
ter wear  of  sfi  cents  on  the  dollar,  wiiich  he  liguresout  amounts  to  ij;;..s7 
cents  on  that  article  of  wearing  apjuirel,  while  the  rich  banker's  wife  only 
pay^^  20  per  cent,  on  her  .-^ealekin  sacque. 

He  never  tells  Farmer  Goodman  what  that  amounts  to  in  dollarp,  be- 
cause that  would  not  suit  him  in  his  argument  for  the  purpose  of  preju- 
dicing him  against  the  Republican  protectionist.  [Applause.]  My  col- 
league also  does  not  confine  himseU  to  the  f^cls  in  tiiccafe  [laughter  and 
applause],  for  I  tind  that  the  dulv  on  sealskin  sacques  is  .')o  per  cent,  ad 
valorem,  and  not  L'U  per  cent.,  ancl  con.sequently  Mrs.  Banker  pays  a  tax 
of  $70  on  her  garment  to  the  Government,  against  5<.'^.S7  on  the  farmer's 
wife's  shawl,  admitting  that  my  friend's  reasoning,  that  the  price  of  every 
article  is  enhanced  to  the  amount  of  the  duty,  a  statement  which  has  so 
often  been  shown  to  be  utterly  fallacious,  is  correct. 

My  friend  exhibits  great  solicitude  about  the  sick  people,  probably 
the  sick  Democrats  [laughter],  who,  he  says,  are  put  under  contribution 
for  the  good  of  the  Republican  party. 

Castor-oil  he  quotes  as  carrying  102  per  cent.,  Epsom  salts  30  per  cent. 
I  see  by  the  tarilT  law  that  it  is  80  cents  per  gallon  on  castor-oil,  but  102 
per  cent,  sounds  more  formidable  to  a  Democratic  ear. 

Mr.  HUDD.     It  is  110  percent,  really. 

Mr.  GUENTHER.  Very  well ;  1 10  per  cent.  But  he  omits  to  tell  his 
friend  Farmer  Goodman  that  while  he  deilounces  a  tax  of  30  per  cent, 
on  P^psom  salts  he  approves  of  that  item  in  the  Mills  bill  which  still 
leaves  a  duty  of  40  cents  per  gallon  on  castor-oil,  or  5j  per  cent,  accord- 
ing to  his  way  of  figuring — according  to  his  corrected  figures.     [Laughter.] 

If  30  per  cent,  is  outrageous  on  Republican  Epsom  salte,  wny  is  ")"3  per 
cent,  any  less  so  on  Democratic  castor-oil?  [Laughter  and  applause  on 
the  Republican  side.] 

I  leave  the  answer  to  this  conundrum  to  any  costive  Democrat  in  my 
friend's  own  district.     [Renewed  laughter.] 

But  when  we  propose  to  my  amial)le  friend,  the  champion  of  the  eick 
Democracy,  to  abolish  the  internal  tax  on  alcohol  u.sed  in  the  arts  and 
raanufaciures,  an  article  which  so  largely  enters  into  most  every  medi- 
cinal preparation  and  imposes  upon  the  sick  and  needy  a  tax  all  the  way 
from  2')  to  4o0  per  cent.,  he  shakes  hi^  ambrosial  locks  and  says:  "Oh, 
no!  because  if  we  do  that  we  will  cut  off  at  least  six  millions  of  revenue, 
and  our  ability  to  slash  into  that  diabolical  Republican  tariff  would  be 
so  much  ies-sened,  and  we  would  be  that  much  more  remote  from  our 
Mecca, '  free  trade.'  " 

— GuKNTOKR,  Record,  3951-2. 

FariiKTM  faxiuK  tlieui«*olTCM  Tor  industrial  purpoNCM.    (See 
\«.  Hi.) 

Fanners  want  oonNuniors. 

>o.  20  1.— What  the  farmer  most  desires  is  a  good  market.  What 
lie  has  to  buy  is  not  a  (luestion  so  serious  with  him  as  what  he  haw  to 
sell.  If  you  will  only  give  him  a  good  market  in  which  to  sell  his  pro- 
<iuct8,  make  liis  market  as  ea.sy  of  accefls  and  as  convenient  as  are  his 
places  of  purchase,  he  will  ask  no  odds  in  the  battle  of  life.  This  is  fast 
becoming  the  case  now  under  the  beniL'ii  inlluences  of  the  American 
system  of  protection.  The  great  cities  of  Chicago,  St.  Ix)uis  and  Kansas 
<jit\'  are  fast  becoming  the  leading  markets  of  the  worhl. 

The  ^reat  State  of  Illinois  is  one  vast  work-shop.  Missouri,  with  her 
rich  mines  of  iron,  coal,  and  zinc,  is  only  hold  hack  by  the  mirage  of 
free  trade.    Kansas  is  rapidly  following  with  her  smelting  furnaces,  glass 

12.") 


FAR 

factories,  foundries,  and  inacliino  shope.  The  Jarnier  of  the  West  wel- 
comes them  as  the  best  friends  of  his  interests.  In  them  he  sees  a  mar- 
ket which  is  far  preferable  to  that  of  London,  4,0U0  miles  away.  En- 
gaged in  these  industries,  he  sees  thousands  of  consumers  employed  who 
are  liis  customers,  and  who,  if  not  so  employed,  would  be  his  competitorK 
in  agricultural  pursuits,  thus  doublinpthe  productions  of  the  farm,  which 
must  necessarily  result  in  anover-eupply  of  the  home  market  of  all  buch 
commodities  as  the  farmer  produces. 

— Symes,  Record,  4315. 

FariuorN  wuiit  uiautifuctnriuje:  iutorestH  to  couie  to  tlieni. 

A'o.  2<>5. — The  farmers  of  my  district  know  well  that  they  have  a& 
good  agricultural  land  as  is  in  the  world.  They  also  know  that  the 
farmers  of  the  East  make  more  money  off  inferior  land  than  we  do  in  the 
West.  The  reason  is  that  the  farmer  of  the  East  has  the  manufacturing 
establishments  in  his  midst.  He  sells  his  products  to  support  the  labor- 
ers, while  the  farmer  of  the  West  must  pay  the  transportation  to  the 
East  on  the  surplus  he  raises.  Knowing  this  they  are  in  favor  of  en- 
couraging manufactories,  bringing  them  to  the  West,  and  thus  save  this 
cost  of  transportation. 

— Johnston,  Indiana,  Record,  6961. 

Fanners— What  >'cw  Cugland  buys. 

Xo.  S66. — The  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  says  to 
the  Western  farmer,  "  Let  Xew  England  go.  Pass  her  by  and  go  to  Old 
England."  W\41,  that  is  about  as  practical  as  the  Democratic  party 
ordinarily  is. 

Of  the  grain  receivedduring  the  same  year  rather  less  than  400,000  tons 
were  exported,  leaving  for  New  England  consumption  ooO.OOO  tons,  for 
all  of  which  these  States  were  the  customers  of  the  West  in  addition  to 
the  amount  grown  upon  their  own  soil.  In  addition  to  this,  New  Eng- 
land consumed  in  18SG-'87  in  her  factories  nearly  one  fourth  of  the  entire 
cotton  crop  of  the  country.  ]\Iore  than  this,  she  used  in  her  woolen 
mills  in  ISbO  fully  one-half  of  the  entire  wool  clip  of  the  United  States, 
and  during  the  year  1SS6  she  consumed  more  than  one-sixth  of  the  en- 
tire anthracite-coal  production  of  the  country  and  five  and  one-half  per 
cent,  of  the  bituminous-coal  production,  and  every  pound  of  both  came 
from  the  Middle  and  Southern  States. 

You  can  drive  the  operatives  from  the  cotton  and  woolen  factories 
to  the  farms,  diminish  their  power  to  buy  of  you  by  diminishing  their 
wages  ;  they  will  then  drift  to  the  West  and  Northwest,  not  to  engage  in 
manufacture,  but  in  a  great  measure  to  become  tillers  of  the  soil,  and  in- 
stead of  being  as  thev  are  now,  and  as  they  will  be  under  a  proper  tariff 
system,  your  consumers,  they  become'  your  competitors.  They  go  from 
the  ranks  of  consumers  to  the  ranks  of  producers  ;  diminish  the  consum- 
ers and  increase  the  producers.  The  foreign  market  for  agricultural 
products  is  one  of  the  delusions  of  free  trade.  If  it  ever  had  any  real 
substance  as  against  a  good  home  market  that  has  long  since  disappeared. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4752. 

Fariuing  people. 

Xo.  maT. — We  hear  a  great  deal  about  farmers.  The  Senator  from 
Georgia  waxed  eloquent  over  the  wrongs  of  the  farming  people.  In  1880 
the  number  of  people  engaged  in  farming  pursuits  was  7,670,493.  If  the 
proportion  is  continued,  if  the  same  proportionate  number  of  people  are 
engaged  in  farming  as  in  1880,  we  must  have  about  9,000,000  now  engaged 
in  farminij.  But  the  people  engaged  in  farming  are  not  all  farmers.  It 
appears  by  the  census  reports  that  3,323,876  of  this  number  are  agri- 
126 


FAR 

cultural  laborers  working  forday  wages,  and  of  the  17,000,000  people  wha 
are  said  to  be  engaged  in  earning  tlieir  living  i>y  labor  there  are  lOUdO,- 
000  and  more,  according  to  the  census  of  18S0,  who  are  engaged  in  earning 
their  living  by  daily  labor  or  yearly  labor  or  monthly  labor.  They  were 
the  employes  and  not  the  employers.  If  that  rule  holds  good  there  are 
to-day  not  less  than  12,000,000  people  who  are  working  in  the  United 
States  for  wages. 

—Senator  Teller,  Record,  2203. 

Farming  States  of  the  ^Vest  growing  under  protection. 

'So.  208. — Thus  in  the  ten  great  farming  States  of  the  West,  the  in- 
crease in  acres  of  improved  land  in  farm.s  frooi  ISGO  to  IS'^O  was  100  per 
cent.  A  growth  so  rem!»rkable  could  not  have  occurred  without  disaster 
to  farmers;  indeed,  it  would  have  been  utterly  impossible,  if  there  had 
not  been  a  far  more  rapid  growth  of  other  branches  of  industry.  For 
during  the  same  years,  and  in  the  same  great  farming  States,  the  hands 
employed  in-  manufactures  increased  251  per  cent.,  the  wages  paid  to 
them  increased  803  per  cent.,  and  the  material  used  in  manufactures, 
bought  mainly  from  farms,  increased  3S9  per  cent.  The  wages  which 
manufacturing  hands  in  these  States  had  to  spend,  mainly  in  buying 
farm  products,  averaged  $1.10  for  each  im(TOved  acre  in  18G0,  and  had 
ri3en  to  $1.71  for  each  improved  acre  in  ISSO.  The  value  of  materials 
purchased  for  manufacture  in  these  States,  mainly  from  farms,  averaged 
$4.02  for  each  improved  acre  in  farms  of  those  States  in  18G0,  but  had 
risen  to  $7.58  for  eacn  improved  acre  in  farms  in  1880.  The  following 
tables,  prepared  from  census  reports,  verify  these  statements : 


States. 

Farms— acres  Im- 
proved land. 

1 

Manufactures- 
hands  employed. 

1880. 

1800. 

1880. 

1860. 

Ohio  

18.081,091 
l:<.933.738 

8,290,802 
2G,115,i:,4 

9,102,528 
19,804,541 

7,246,093 

6,604,702 
lo,7::o,.-6G 
10,745,031 

12,025  394   1 

8,212,18;?  I 

8,470.290 

13,090  374 

3,740,107 

4,792,792 

550,250 

118,789 

4O.>,408  1 

0,240,871   1 

183.009 
09,508 
77.591 

144,727  > 
57,109 
28.372  I 
21,247  1 
4,793  ) 
12.002   I 
03,995  . 

75.602 

21.29'. 

23,190 

llllnola 

22.968 

15.414 

Iowa. 

6,;ki7 

Minnesota 

2,12S 

336 

1,735 

Missouri 

19,081 

Total 

135,091 ,900 
100  pe 

r.2 ,300,584  ; 
rcent. 

C0:t,013 
251  per 

188,651 

cent. 

— Grosvknor,  Record,  4652. 

Farms  and  farm  implements— New  England  vs.  The  Sonth. 

Xo.  201).— The  ceusus  shows  that  the  twenty-two  million  acres  of 
New  England  farms  were  valued  at  five  hundred  and  eighty-two  million 
dollars,  while  the  two  hundred  and  thirty-one' million  acres  of  South- 
ern farms,  more  than  ten  times  the  area  of  New  Kugland,  were  valued  at 
fifteen  hundred  ami  thirty-five  million  dollars,  or  lee?  than  twoand  three- 
fourth  times  the  value  of  the  one-tenth  area  situated  in  bleak  New  Eng- 
land. 

The  value  of  farm  implements  and  farm  machinery  in  New  England 
is  twenty-three  million  dollars,  while  in  the  twelve  Southern  StateSjWith 

127 


FAR 

more  than  ten  times  the  farm  acreage,  the  value  is  less  than  sixty- eight 
million  dollars.  Of  the  two  hundred  and  eiphty-five  million  of  tilled 
acres  in  the  United  States  the  Xew  En^rland  States  till  more  than  one- 
sixteenth  of  the  whole,  notwithstanding  some  men  on  this  floor  never 
miss  an  opportunity  to  speak  slightingly  of  agriculture  in  the  New  Eng- 
land States. 

— Gallingeb,  Record  3691. 

FariuN  und  TuriucrM  iu  England,  EflTect  of  Free  trade  on. 

Xo.  270. — Learn  from  England,  ye  farmers  of  America,  how  free  trade 

beneljts  a>;riculture. 

There  agriculture  has  reached  a  state  of  collapse.  Every  farmer  is  40 
per  cent,  poorer  than  he  was  twelve  years  ago.  The  tenant  farmers  are 
now  paying  their  rent  out  of  their  capital.  Jn  ten  years  the  loss  of  in- 
come to  owners  of  land  was  30  per  cent,  and  to  tenant  farmers  GO  per 
cent. 

The  farm  laborer  now  works  for  1  or,  at  most,  for  2  shillings  a  day,  a 
loss  of  20  per  cent,  of  his  wages. 

The  land  is  rapidly  going  out  of  cultivation,  and  free  trade  has  made 
wheat  growing  unprofitable  to  the  English  farmer.  Within  ten  years 
l,000,t  00  acres,  one-fourth  of  the  whole  wheat  area  of  Britain,  has  gone 
out  of  cultivation.  Dairy  farming  is  extinguished.  The  best  of  the  farm 
population  is  crowding  into  the  great  cities,  no  longer  customers,  but  com- 
petitors. 

To  the  doctrinaires  it  is  a  pretty  pastoral  scene ;  free-trade  England,  a 
grass  country  without  gates,  cropped-tail  horses,  and  foxes  and  hounds 
running  on  forever  and  ever. 

The  howling  dervish  of  free  trade,  with  his  epileptic  froth  over  the 
mortgages  on  Western  farms,  should  remember  that  while  mortgages  on 
farms  here  are  20  percent,  of  their  value,  the  mortgages  on  English  lands 
were  over  58  per  cent,  of  their  value  (says  Mullhall)  in  1870,  and  since 
then  the  value  and  income  of  these  lands  has  fallen  off  from  30  to  50  per 
cent.  The  number  of  farming  bankruptcies  in  Britain  have  increased 
six  times  in  ten  years.  Bills  of  sale  nave  multiplied  ten  times  in  fi.ve 
years. 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3838. 

No.  ^7 1.— Farms  and  Manufactures  Contrasted. 


Btatee. 

Farms — acres  improved 
land. 

Man  ufactures— bands 
employed. 

1880. 

1860. 

1880. 

1860. 

Ohio 

18,081,091 
13.9.«,738 

8.290,862 
26,115.154 

9,162,628 
19,864.541 

7,246,693 

5,604,702 
10,736,566 
16,745,031 

12,625,394 

8,242,183 

3,470,296 

1:^,(106,374 

3,740,167 

4,792,792 

556,250 

118,789 

405.468 

6,246,8n 

183  609 
69,508 
77.591 

144,727 
67,109 
28,372 
21,247 
4,793 
12,002 
63,995 

76,602 
21.295 
23,190 
22,968 

Indiana „ 

MlchlRan 

Illinois..... 

16,414 
6,307 

Inwa 

2,123 
836 

^'ebraska- 

Kansas _ 

1,735 
19,681 

HlBaourl 

Ten  States 

135  691,906 

52  306, 58 i 

663,013 

188,651 

Increase  16 

lO  per  cent. 

Increase 

251  per  cent. 

128 


FAR 


Wo.  S71. — FarriM  and  Manufactures  Contrasted. — Continued. 


Ohio 

Indiana- 

Mlchlcrau 

Illinois 

Wisconsin 

Iowa 

Minnesota 

Nebraska. 

Kan.sas 

^Ilssoml 

Ten  States 


Manufactures— wages 

Maanufactures— value  ma- 

paid. 

lerlala  used. 

1880. 

1860. 

1880. 

1860. 

J«2,in3,flno 

$22,302,989 

1215,334,256 

$69,800,270 

21,yG'),888 

6,318,335 

10vl,262,917 

27,142,597 

23,:  13,082 

6,73.'-.,n47 

92,900,269 

I7,6:5r.,(;n 

57.4'J'.i,U85 

7.637,921 

289,fM3,907 

35,558,782 

18,8U,i)n 

4,628.708 

85,796,178 

17.137,:'34 

y,T'25,'J62 

1,922,417 

48,701,311 

8,612,2.V.I 

8,Gl:!,il<U 

712,214 

55,660,681 

1,904,070 

1,742,311 

105,332 

8,208,478 

2;i7.215 

3,99.->,(il0 

880,346 

21,453,141 

8,612,269 

2t,30U,716 

6,669,910 

110,798,;;92 

23,849,941 

232,008,465  I        57,553,225      1,028,902,.530  I        210,490,338 
Increase  303  per  ceut.  Increase  389  per  cent. 


The  growth  of  manufactures  in  the  ten  States  here  named  surely  has 
wrought  no  hardship  or  imposition  on  avrricuiture.  Tue  increase  of  .S03 
per  cent,  in  wages  paid  to  the  worker-?  in  the  manufacturing  estahlish- 
ments  indicates  how  greatly  the  home  markets  for  the  food  products  of 
the  farmer  have  increased  ;  the  .'VS'.)  per  cent,  of  increase  of  value  in  ma- 
terials used  shows  how  much  more  of  the  wools,  the  Hax,  the  hemp,  the 
straw,  the  woods  are  conpumed  in  the  localities  of  production,  and  the 
increase  of  1(J0  per  cent,  in  the  attreage  of  improved  land  proves  how  the 
two  great  industries  go  hand  in  hand  and  prosper  together. 

— Senator  Wilson,  Record,  2867. 

Farms,  small— Products  importod. 

No.  372. — Bub  not  content  with  this  already  formidable  competition 
Avith  our  own  farm  products,  it  is  proposed  in  the  IMills  bill  to  give  the 
farmer  a  final  blow.  By  reference  to  this  measure  we  find  on  the  free- 
list  such  products  of  the  farm  as  flax,  hemp,  jute,  beesTrax,  soap,  vegeta- 
bles, plums,  prunes,  currants,  meats,  game,  poultry,  milk,  eggs,  beans, 
peas,  bulbs,  feathers,  grease,  garden  seede,  linseed,  flaxseed,  broom  corn, 
tallow.  Tiipse  are  usually  the  products  of  the  small  farmer,  as  many  a 
pior  family  is  wholly  maintained  from  the  sale  of  their  poultry,  vegeta 
bles  and  fruit«.  It  may  be  asserted  that  these  products  have  little  com- 
petition from  abroad,  and  hence  no  harm  can  result  from  placing  them 
on  the  free-list.  Let  us  see.  There  were  imported  last  year  from  foreign 
countries  the  followinj' : 


£gs8  (now  freo).... 

Seeds 

Fea'hers  for  beds. 
Prults  and  nuts.... 

Flax 

Hemp,  etc 

Vegetables. 

Total 


Value. 


$l,960,4«>5.3>.t 
816,560.81 
204.W1.55 
15,r«S.i>73  ifi 
1 ,908  845.00 
9.971,270.00 
2,276.21.4.47 


32,250,327.07 


Duty. 


$172,437.68 

"  •j'i'ii.O'ys.w 

154,508.63 

1.775,831.39 

647,509.90 


2.860  386.24 


With  free  trade  for  all  these  we  can  at  once  perceive  how  greatly  these 
importations  must  increase.  — IIkrmann,  Record,  47')'). 

ix  129 


FEE 

FoctliuK  F.uropo— llulliioiuutiuu  ol' Tree  (rudcrs. 

;\o.  27;t.— Tlie  chairman  of  the  committee,  in  Lis  recent  speech.- 
(lei-lared  that — 

'■  We  are  the  preat  at;ricuhural  people  of  the  world,  and  have  beer, 
fi'eding  the  people  of  Europe,  and  must  receive  European  goods  in  ex- 
change or  fail  to  export  our  Burplufl,  and  thus  surfeit  the  home  market 
and  reduce  priced." 

This  hallucination  of  feeding  the  people  of  Europe  is  easily  dispelled. 
As  bread  is  the  main  staff  of  European  hfe,  let  ua  see  where  it  is  obtained. 
The  population  of  Europe  is  about  :i.50,0(X),0lH),  and  the  coneuiuption  of 
wheat  about  oA  bushels  per  head,  of  which  scarcely  more  than  half  a 
bushel  is  required  from  North  and  South  America,  Asia,  and  Australasia. 
In  three-fourths  of  the  entire  area  of  Europe  the  consumption  does  not 
amount  to  2  bushels  per  head,  and  nearly  every  prain  of  that  is  produced 
at  home.  On  about  half  of  the  area  of  Europe  there  is  a  surplus  to  spare 
to  the  other  half.  The  largest  consumer  of  wheat  in  the  world,  France, 
was  also  the  largest  producer  less  than  fifteen  years  ago,  and  ha.a  uow 
about  as  large  an  area  and  product  as  ever,  and  needs  of  foreign  wheat 
only  about  10  per  cent,  of  her  supply. 

The  80,000,000  people  of  Russia  live  mostly  on  rye,  as  do  the  people  of 
Germany  and  Central  Eurone,  and  produce  it  all  themselves.  Many  of 
the  people  of  the  North  of  Europe  consume  a  large  proportion  of  maize. 
Some  in  the  North  of  Earope  subsist  largely  on  oat-meal.  The  consump- 
tion of  all  cereal?  in  Europe  usually  average  at  least  l(i  bushels  per  head, 
of  which  3  pecks  per  capita  come  from  other  continents.  Feeding  the 
people  of  Eirope?  Four  continents  combinint,'  to  supply  a  per  capita 
deficiency  of  3  pecks  per  capita  in  the  fifth.  A  failure  of  one-half  peck 
in  this  deficiency  sends  prices  rapidly  upward;  an  excess  of  one-half 
peck  produces  an  instant  and  sudden  fall  in  India  and  Dakota.  An  ad- 
ditional half  bushel  would  sprout  in  the  bid  or  be  fed  to  farm  animals 
without  a  foreign  offer.  This  in  so  well  known  that  it  would  be  charity 
to  attribute  to  ignorance  the  pretense  of  enlarging  the  exportation  of 
wheat  by  low  taritl>.  or  no  tariffs,  or  by  any  other  device  short  of  the 
creation  of  a  few  million  more  foreign  mouths. 

If  we  do  so  little  in  feeding  Europe  with  bread,  still  less  do  we  euf>- 
plv  the  meat  she  consumes.  Last  vear  we  exported  102,000,000  pounds 
of'beef,  fresh  and  salted  ;  138.000,00'0,  or  four-fifths  of  it.  went  to  Great 
I'.ritain.  Very  little  is  ever  wanted  elsewhere,  and  Englishmen  are  now 
straining  every  nerve  and  spending  British  gold  in  enterprise  to  sup- 
ply their  country  with  frozen  and  canned  beef  from  Australia  and  the 
Argentines.  Of  ">0'J,C'OU,<i(X)  pounds  of  bacon,  pork,  and  hams  exported, 
380,(H>0,000  pounds,  or  three-fourths  of  it,  went  to  Great  Britain  and  a 
part  of  the  remainder  to  Canada.  ScSircely  a  nation  in  the  world.  Great 
Britain  excepted,  depends  upon  foreign  nations  for  its  meat  supply.  It 
is  a  necessity  of  their  existence  that  they  should  supply  themselves.  It 
is  the  same  with  cheese,  the  only  other  food  product  of  which  there  is  an 
appreciable  deficiency  in  Europe.  Its  market  is  confined  chiefly  to  Great 
Britain,  and  exportation  cannot  be  enlarged  at  all  without  a  reduction  in 
price,  and  any  sudden  extension  is  a  i)ractical  and  physical  impossibility. 
The  rich  there  buy  all  they  can  eat  now,  and  the  poor  all  they  can  afford. 
The  requirement  is  fixed  and  limited  with  the  least  possible  element  of 
elasticity,  so  that  the  foreign  demand  can  only  fluctuate  with  the  annual 
variations  of  the  home  supply.  This  statement  should  dispose  of  the 
boastful  and  silly  pretense  so  glibly  an  1  frequently  made  by  free-traders, 
of  feeding  Europe,  and  ought  to  mark  tlieexit  of  America  in  the  role  of 
the  world's  nurse  and  caterer  to  llie  universe.    [Applause.] 

— BciiBows,  Record,  3452. 

130 


FEL— FIL 

Folt  koo<1n. 

Xo.  27-1.— In  the  making;  of  felt  goods  there  is  invested  in  the  coun- 
try about  two  million  of  dollars,  the  value  of  tke  material  used  is  two  and 
three- fourths  millions,  and  the  total  value  of  the  manufactured  product 
is  lees  than  four  millions.  In  this  field  New  England  has  over  one  and 
a  half  million  dollars  invested,  about  SO  per  cent,  of  the  whole,  and  her 
manufactured  produtt  is  not  far  from  three  millions  of  dollars,  or  75  per 
cent,  of  the  entire  amount. 

— Gallingkr,  Record,  3G90. 
FibroiiN  plantN  (now)  for  flic  South. 

Xo.  a7.>. — And  I  eay  without  reservation  to  the  enterprising  men 
■who  are  Bhii])in<;  the  destinies  of  and  atsurinf^  prosperity  and  wealth  to 
the  New  South  that  it  will  need  only  the  announcement  that  our  fields 
furnish  jute  and  ramie  as  well  as  cotton  to  brin^  Northern  and  foreign 
capital  to  their  midst  to  share  the  enormous  profits  of  the  manufacture 
of  the  newly-domesticated  fibers  into  thread  and  fabrics.  Addressing 
this  class  of  my  fellow-citizens,  I  also  invite  attention  to  the  fact  that  it 
is  the  representative  voice  of  Texas,  Arkansas,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Ten- 
nessee, and  West  Virginia  that  proposes  not  only  to  repel  the  introduc- 
tion of  jute  and  ramie,  but  to  hinder  the  growth  of  flax,  hemp,  manila, 
and  other  substitutes  for  hemp,  jute,  ramie,  and  other  fibers  by  huddling 
them  together  on  the  free-list. 

— Kkllky,  Record,  319G. 

Fi^s  placed  on  Trec-liNt. 

3ro.  S76. — There  is  no  reason  under  the  sun,  and  no  Democrat  and 
nobody  else,  be  he  from  California  or  be  he  from  Texas,  can  explain  why 
prunes  and  plums  should  be  struck  from  the  free-list  and  figs  retained 
upon  the  free-list.  They  are  all  three  California  industries ;  three  young 
California  industries.  Figs  to-day  are  so  cheap  it  is  clear  that  their  price 
is  little  aflected  by  the  tariff.  It  scarcely  pays  now  in  the  State  of  Cali- 
fornia to  dry  the  black  figs.  We  are  resorting,  with  great  success,  to  the 
white  Smyrna  fig.  If  Congress  will  stop  meddling,  if  it  will  keep  off  its 
hands  for  a  little  while,  we  will  develop  the  industry  to  a  great  success. 
I  hoj)ethe  gentleman  will  recommend  to  his  side  of  the  House  to  vote 
for  this  amendment. 

— McKenna,  California,  Record,  G203. 
Files. 

'So,  277. — Files,  prior  to  the  tarifTof  ISGl,  were  nearly  all  imported, 
and  those  of  the  ordinary  .size  were  sold  at  from  six  to  seven  dollars  per 
dozen.  Mr.  Nicholson,  of  Rhode  Island,  invented  a  machine  for  their 
manufacture  which  proved  a  success,  and  to-day  we  have  one  hundred 
and  fifty  file-works  established  entirely  due  to  a  protective  tariff,  and 
find  that  files  of  equal  merit  are  now  sold  at  from  $2  to  $L'..'^(i  per  dozen. 
Of  files  only  to  the  amount  of  $40  were  importeti  in  1887,  but  some 
thousands  oi  American  workmen  now  find  employment  in  their  manu- 
facture. 

— Senator  Morrill,  Record,  3020. 

FlleH— Frioe  leNN  tlinn  the  tnritr. 

"Kit.  27S. — I  desire  to  have  the  Clerk  read  in  my  time  a  few  remarks 
of  Mr.  W.  T.  Nicholson,  manager  of  the  great  Nicholson  File  Works  of 
Providence,  probably  the  best  expert  anil  more  thoroughly  conversant 
with  this  trade  than  any  other  man  in  the  United  States — perhaps  the 
beet  file-maker  in  the  world: 

"  When  I  entered  this  business  in  1865  there  was  thesame  import  duty 
on  the  coarser  classes  of  goods  which  now  rules.    At  that  time  the  Eng- 

131 


FII:-K!> 

liflh  list  price  far  theeo  poods  was  ?7  per  dozen.  Tlie  market  then  was 
i^r,  ten  oti,  or  tti  i;i»  per  tlozen.and  it  was  at  that  price  I  beiian  f:elling. 
Tu-<lay  I  sell  the  Hame  fsoods  for  ^J.IJO  per  <lo/.en.  The  market  price  to- 
day is  ^7  (the  old  lliij^dish  list  price),  seventy  o!f,  or  $.'.10.  I  eet  a  little 
more  than  some,  perliape,  owing  to  the  long-establisheil  reputation  of 
my  make.  Now,  this  immense  reduction  is  owinjj  entirely  to  the  heavy 
domestic  coujpetition  ttimuiated  by  the  protective  system,  Twenty-tive 
years  ago  the  Knplishmen  had  control  of  our  market,  and  could  allord  to 
pay  our  fluty  of  ^il'. •")().  It  all  came  out  o:'  the  consumer.  To-day  we  sell 
the  poods  at  a  lower  lipure  than  the  tax  itself.  When  that  much-cou- 
doled-with  farmer  is  told  that  he  tiles  his  saw  with  a  "  highly-taxed 
tile,"  I  hope  he  will  remember  that  it  is  only  and  precisely  because  a 
high  duty  is  levied  on  it  that  he  is  able  to  buy  it  so  cheap," 

— Faruuhar,  Record,  6458, 

I 'ire  AriiiM. 

\<».  27!>. — In  the  manufacture  of  fire-arms  the  entire  capital  em- 
ployed is  about  eight  and  one- fourth  million  dollars;  the  material  used 
costs  one  million  eipht  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  the  product  ag- 
pretra^ea  a  value  of  five  and  three-fourths  millions.  In  this  industry 
New  England  has  almost  a  monopoly,  turnishing  over  seven  million 
iiollars  of  the  capital,  being  about  ^even-eighths  of  the  whole,  spending 
for  material  one  million  six  hundred  tloupand  dollars,  or  sixteen-eight- 
eenths  of  it  all,  and  furnishing  a  production  of  over  four  and  three- 
fourths  millions,  leaving  one  million  for  the  rest  of  the  country  ;  and 
notwithstanding  she  has  the  monopoly  no  fault  is  heard  of  the  rate  of 
wages  paid  in  this  industry,  nor  has  any  dialurbance  occurred  among  the 
laborers  so  employed. 

— <  iALMNGER,  Uecofd,  3690, 

I'i*»li<-r.>   (r<-iit.>    aiiid  .^lillM  bill. 

\o.  !iSO. — 'Already  we  have  action  by  the  tinancial  exponent  of  the 
AdininiBlration  of  the  I'nited  States— I  mean  Mr.  Mii,i-s — the  gentleman 
who  in  the  I  nited  States  Congress  represents  the  <  tovernment  of  the  da}', 
and  stands  in  the  position  mcst  analogous  in  the  IJniteil  States  to  the 
tinance  minister  in  tliis  House,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways 
anil  Means,  who  propounds  the  policy  of  the  Administration  in  the 
House.  How  is  he  selected?  The  Democratic  party,  sustaining  the 
<  iovernment,  selects  a  man  as  ."speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
who  is  in  accord  with  the  policy  of  the  Administration  for  the  time  be- 
ing, and  Mr.  CaklipLk.  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
nominates  the  chairman  of  tiie  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  and  all 
the  members  of  the  committee  :  and  therefore  the  chairman  of  that  com- 
mittee occupies  the  position  of  representing  the  Government  in  bringing 
forward  such  bills  as  will  represent  the  views  and  sentiments  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  the  ( 'nited  States  supporting  the  Administration, 
What  have  we  seen.'  The  ink  is  barely  dry  upon  this  treaty  before  he, 
as  the  rc|)re8entativeof  the  Government  and  chairman  of  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means,  brings  forward  a  mea.-ure  to  do  what?  Why,  to 
mike  free  articles  that  Canada  sends  into  the  United  States,  and  upon 
which  last  year  $1,800,000  of  duty  was  paid." 

******* 

"I  .say  that  under  this  bill,  which  has  been  introduced,  and  which,  I 
believe,  will  pass,  for  it  does  not  require  two-thirds  of  the  Senate,  where 
the  Kepublican  majority  is  only  one  in  the  whole  House,  to  pafs  this 
bill :  it  requirps  a  majority  of  one  only,  and  I  am  very  sanguine  that  this 
bill  will  pass  during  the  present  session.  Modified  it  may  be,  but  I  am 
inclinefl  to  think  the  amendments  will  be  still  more  in  the  interests  of 
I.V2 


I  I.A 

Canada  than  as  the  tall  siand-  to-ilay.  If  this  is  the  case,  I  think  we 
may  con^rratalate  ourselves  upon  securing  the  free  admission  of  our  lum- 
ber, ujMin  which  was  paid  (huinj:  the  last  year  no  less  than  .i^I,?.l".,}")n.  On 
copper  ore,  made  free  by  the  2\Iills  >)ili,  we  paid,  or  there  was  paid  to 
make  it  meet  the  views  of  the  lionorable  >?entleman  opposite  more  cor- 
rectly— $1m;,'.I4o.  ( »n  salt  >^i:1,'.i'j2  duty  was  paid.  Thesis  rendered  free  by 
the  Mills  bill.  I  am  sorry  to  tind,  as  I  hoped  would  be  the  case  from  the 
first  copy  of  the  bill  that  came  to  me,  that  potatoes  were  not  included 
amongst  vegetables.  I  am  sorry  to  lind  there  is  a  doubt  aa  to  whether 
the  term  '  vegetables  not  specially  enumerated '  will  not  exclude  pota- 
toes."   (Interview  Canadian  Minister  in  Boston  Herald.) 

—  Iti.Nci.Kv,  Maine,  Record,  5103. 

Fla.x— Don't  (loNtro.v  llie  uiaiiiiliiotiire. 

Xo.  liHl. — This  tek'L'ram  is  in  conlirmation  of  the  statement  made 
by  the  gentleman  from  New  Jersey  [Mr.  Phelps]  during  the  course  of 
hip  remarks. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows : 

"New  York,  July  11,  1888. 
"  Hon.  Hkrm.^n  Lehlbach, 

"  House  of  JiepreserUalives,  Washington,  D.  C: 
"We  most  earnestly  urge  you  to  oppose  the  proposed  reduction  in  the 
tariff  on  tlax,  liemp,  and  their  products.  We  pay  from  two  to  three  times 
more  wages  than  European  manufacturers  do.  We  cannot,  for  this 
reason,  even  under  present  tariff,  compete  in  fine  grades  with  foreign 
manufactures.  The  proposed  reduction  would  destroy  our  industry  here, 
increase  the  revenue  by  (iua<lrupling  importations,  and  make  the  United 
States  dependent  on  Europe  for  its  supplv  of  liax  and  hemp  products. 

"MAIISHALL.^  CU." 

— Jackson,  Record,  6690. 

Flav.  drCKKfMl.  not  raw  material. 

Xo.  i^!J. — I  have  a  purpose  in  making  these  statements.  I  want  to 
show  that  there  is  no  rea-^on  why  (lax  in  the  condition  called  dressed 
line  should  come  within  the  argument  urged  on  the  other  side  in  sup- 
port of  this  bill ;  that  is,  the  argument  that  it  should  be  permitted  to 
come  in  free  aa  raw  material.  Raw  material  is  not  a  proper  name  for 
importations  under  the  flax  and  hemp  schedule  of  any  aitide  whatever. 
For  this  reason  I  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  when  flax  and  hemp  come 
here  it  has  then  received  a  large  part  of  its  value  from  labor  alone,  and  is 
no  longer  raw  material.  Labor  has  taken  the  straw  of  little  value,  and 
when  it  reaches  us  it  is  worth  }!20O  per  ton. 

—Jackson,  liecord,  665(0. 

I'lax,  «liif,v  on. 

Xo.  'Jh:!.— r>y  transferring  this  article  ti  the  free-list  we  reduce  the 
revenue  bv  only  an  inconsiderable  sum.  The  total  value  of  the  imports 
of  these  /lax  fibers  during  the  pa^t  fiscal  vear  wa.s  but  ?l,!»O0,0O(t ;  of 
dressed  fiax,  $<ilM,0(iO;  of  llax  not  dre8.«e<l,  $l',f  27,0(tO;  of  fiax-tow,  .*-j:5:5,- 
000,  making  the  total  amount  of  imports  $l,'.'0'.t,()00,  as  stated,  upon  which 
there  was  collected  an  aggregate  duty  of  .f  ir):{,(if)s.(;:). 

Now,  the  flax  that  comes  directly  in  competition  with  the  American 
llax  product  is  the  Russian  and  Canadian  llax,  being  used  for  the  same 
purpose  as  ours,  generally  manufactured  into  wrapping  threads,  coarse 
bagging,  crash,  carpet-warp,  and  coarse  wearing  apparel. 

—Brown,  Indiana,  Record,  'i4S5. 
13;i 


FLA 

Flax— EfleotM  of  tlio  hill. 

Xo.  2!^  1.— Such  Btateiuents  ought  to  be  sufficient  to  induce  the  ma- 
jority to  change  their  bill.    Will  they  heed  this  testimony  ? 

"  Ntw  Brighton,  Pa.,  April  16,  1888. 

"  Dear  Sirs:  After  strniriilinf?  forty  years  we  have  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing an  important  industry  for  manufacturiDg  flax  an<l  hemp  twine 
from  American  hemp  8tod  flax.  About  the  year  1875  we  made  the  finst 
twine  that  was  ever  used  on  a  grain-binder.  Increasing  the  quantity 
each  year,  we  now  make  about  L'OO  tons  annually  (in  addition  to  other 
twine.s),  all  from  American  hemp,  thereby  contributing  to  the  success  of 
that  great  labor-saving  machine,  the  grain-binder. 

"  If  the  duty  is  taken  off  hemp  and  flax,  we  believe  there  would  not 
be  a  pound  grown  in  the  United  States.  We  could  not  compete  wit b 
foreign  manufacturerp,  nor  even  with  manufacturers  in  or.r  own  co'intry 
who  are  located  near  the  seaboard,  as  the  freights  would  be  against  us 
and  we  would  be  under  the  necessity  of  stopping  our  mill.  Two  hun- 
dred liands  would  be  thrown  out  of  employment,  and  the  savings  of  two 
generations,  invested  in  buildings  and  machinery,  would  be  rendered 
worthless. 

"  We  would,  therefore,  most  earnestly  protest  against  the  putting  of 
foreign  fibers  on  the  free-liat,  and  the  lowering  of  existing  duties  on 
manufactured  goods. 

"  Very  respectfully,  "  BENT  LEY  &  GERWIG,  Limited." 

— Jackson,  Record,  (jt»91. 

Flax— ICiiKlund  protected  it  for  a  century. 

'So.  2H."5. — Our  free-trade  friemls  delight  to  quote  England  as  an  ex- 
ample, and  I  will  call  their  attention  to  something  ihey  are  not  likely  to 
speak  about.  England  protected  and  encouraged  lier  flax  an<l  linen  in- 
dustries by  bounties  and  tarifls  far  higher  than  any  one  ever  asked  in 
this  country.  The  British  Government  publit-hed  in  17^o  a  volume  of 
some  three  hundred  pages,  entitled  "  A  Collection  of  the  Acts  of  Parlia- 
ment now  in  force  relating  to  the  Linen  Manufacture." 

As  an  example  of  the  purpose  of  these  acts,  wliich  are  numerous,  I 
quote  the  preamble  of  a  few  of  them.    One  is  as  follows  : 

"  Whereas  the  advancement  of  the  linen  and  hempen  manufactures  in 
that  part  of  the  United  Kingdom  called  .Scotland  (which  are  now  under 
great  discouragements)  will  not  only  employ  great  numbers  of  poor,  but 
will  be  a  general  good  to  the  United  Kingdom  by  addiner  to  the  wealth 
of  the  realm." 

— J.\CKSox,  Record,  4708. 

Flax  liber  h1iou1<1  l»e  proleclc*!. 

>'o.  2S6. — The  farmers  in  the  Western  States  produce  about  12,000,- 
0<»()  bushels  of  flaxseed.  This  result  has  been  brought  about  by  reason 
of  the  tarifl  <luty  on  flaxseed.  The  farmers  receive  a  fair  price  for  the 
product  by  reason  of  protection  against  cheaply  raised  seed  of  foreign 
countries.  A  large  number  of  oil-mills  have  oeen  erected  in  proximity 
with  the  production  of  the  raw  material,  and  the  result  has  been  that  the 
price  of  flaxseed  oil,  which  ranged  from  about  80  cents  to  $1  per  gallon 
before  these  mills  were  establislied,  now  ranges  from  about  '.id  cents  to  55 
cents  per  gallon.  It  was  the  duty  on  the  seed  which  induced  these  re- 
sults. If  the  duty  placed  on  many  articles  manufactured  in  whole  or  in 
part  from  the  flax  liber  was  increased,  it  would  induce  the  establishment 
of  plants  for  the  manufacture  of  articles  from  flax  fiber;  but  as  it  is  the 
foreign  manufacturers  of  such  articles  control  the  American  market  to  a 
great  extent.  — Tho.mas,  of  Kentucky,  Record,  4559. 

].'^4 


FLA 

Tlax  industry. 

]\'o.  2H7.— Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  flax  is  by  no  means  an  insignificant 
industry.  It  is  raised  in  almost  every  State  and  Territory  in  the  Union. 
It  is  lari.:fcly  produced  in  Indiana,  Illinoip,  Iowa,  Ohio,  Kentucky,  Mis- 
souri, New  York,  New  Jersey,  North  Carolina,  Pennsylvania,  Teniiessee, 
and  Virginia.  In  18(30  our  flaxseed  protiuct  was  but  oGtJ.OdO  bushelp, 
while  in  ISSO  it  was  stated  in  the  census  at  7,171,00a  busliels,  and  it  in 
estimated  that  the  seed  product  has  now  reached  over  12,000,000  bushels. 

In  ISSO  there  were  produced  in  the  United  .States  4L'1,09S  tons  of  flax 
straw,  1,5«55,540  tons  of  fiber,  and  it  is  now  estimatetl  that  the  production 
of  flax  fiber  in  the  United  States  is  over  2,500,000  tons.  Notwithstand- 
ing thi.'i,  it  is  estimated  that  there  are  destroyed  in  the  United  States  at 
least  .")(l()  OUO  tons  of  (lax  straw  every  year,  on  account  of  its  not  being 
sufficiently  near  manufactories  where  it  may  be  put  into  fabrics.  This 
industry  is  very  considerably  larper  than  that  of  hemp,  which  is  also 
transferred  to  the  free-list  in  this  bill.  It  is  estimated  that  in  1870  tliere 
were  12,000  tons  of  hemp  produced,  while  in  1880  the  product  had  di- 
minished by  more  than  one-half,  having  receded  to  5,025  tons. 

— Browne,  Indiana,  Record,  5485. 

Flax— Necessity  Tor  protect iou. 

Xo.  288.-— From  that  letter,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  House  can  get  exact 
data  of  the  difference  between  one  of  the  best  running  thread-mills  in 
the  world,  at  Johnstone,  Scotland,  and  the  Grafton  Mills,  in  Massachu- 
setts. , 

The  letter  is  as  follows : 

"  Boston,  November  6, 1885. 

"  Sir  :  Referring  to  the  Treasury  circular  sent  to  the  Grafton  Flax 
Mills,  asking  for  information  in  regard  to  linen-thread  manufacturing, 
■we  beg  to  submit  briefly  our  replies  upon  the  main  points  suggested 
therein. 

♦  ♦*♦*♦• 

"  From  the  foregoing  it  will  be  seen  that  the  cost  of  manufacturing 
threads  at  Grafton  is  very  much  greater  than  in  Scotland  :  (I)  the  duty 
of  5  to  7  per  cent,  on  the  raw  material  used  ;  (2)  building  costs  100  per 
cent,  more;  (3)  machinery  costs  .")0  per  cent,  more;  (4)  coal  co3t8  200 per 
cent,  more;  (5)  wages  are  at  least  100  per  cent,  higher.  Under  such  cir- 
cumstances a  protective  duty  on  the  manufactured  thread  in  absolutely 
essential  to  the  existence  of  an  American  linen-thread  mill.  Taking 
into  consideration  aH  the  various  items  of  increased  cost  as  enumerated, 
we  are  fully  satislied  that  any  reduction  of  the  present  rate  of  duty  on 
linen-thread,  which  is  4i)  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  would  entail  the  most 
serious  results  upon  linen-thread  manufacturing  in  the  United  States, 
and  would  make  it  extremely  difficult  for  domestic  thread  raanufactur- 
•ers  to  hold  ther  own  against  foreign-made  thread. 

"  We  beg  to  remain,  sir.  with  great  respect, 
"Yours,  faithfully, 

"J.  R.  LEESON  &  CO. 

"  Honorable  Secretary  of  the  Treasury." 

— Farqcuar,  Record,  6691. 

Flax— Present  <liitieN. 

Xo.  289. — Thp  present  duty  on  flax  straw  is  ?.'>  per  ton  ;  on  flax  tow, 
$10  ;  on  flax  not  hackled,  i?20,  and  on  hackled  (lax.  $40,  a  percentage  re- 
spectively of  10  73  on  (lax  straw,  of  O.O.'i  on  unhackled  flax,  and  of  7.06 
on  hackled  flax,  as  shown  by  the  importations  and  values  last  year. 
These  percentages  are  very  low,  and  certainly,  if  the  growers  and  dressers 

135 


FLA 

of  flax  are  to  have  protection  at  all,  as  low  as  can  reasonably  be  ::::;ked- 
The  importations  for  the  ten  months  ending  April  30, 1888,  amount  to 
*!  404.7l'l'.  For  the  year  ending  June  3G,  1887,  they  amounted  taiil,- 
Vt08,S4r). 

The  farmers  of  Dakota  are  now  beginning  to  find  a  profitable  market 
for  their  tow,  and  tow  mills  are  being  operated  in  many  sections  of  our 
Territory.  But  the  protection  upon  tow  and  llax  straw  is  altogether  in- 
adequate now,  and  to  place  it  upon  the  free  list  simply  means  that  this 
portion  of  the  product  becomes  absolutely  worthless. 

— GiFFORD,  Record,  5791. 

Flax— Protection  or  waste. 

\*o.  290. — Take  one  agricultural  industry  in  my  own  State  of  Towa 
for  illustration.  Flax  is  a  fairly  remunerative  crop  in  that  Stat"  under 
the  protection  now  given  to  it  and  its  product,  flaxseed-oil.  Let  me 
show  you  how  it  works.  A  poor  man  comes  to  Iowa  to  make  a  home 
for  himself  and  family.  lie  buys  ICU  acres  of  land  on  long  credit,  with 
interest  on  the  deferred  payr.'.ents,  and  this  accounts  for  a  large  amonnt 
of  the  mortgages  we  hear  iSo  much  about.  In  the  olden  time  it  took  a 
whole  season  to  break  up  a  portion  of  his  land  to  be  ready  to  sow  grain 
in  the  second  season  ;  since  we  have  had  a  fair  duty  on  flaxseed  he  com- 
mences to  break  up  his  land  in  the  spring  and  as  fast  as  he  has  10  acres 
broken  he  puts  it  in  llax.  By  the  1st  of  July  he  has  oO  acres  broken  anH 
sown  in  flax,  from  which  he  can  realize  five  or  six  hundred  dollars  the 
first  year,  and  in  addition  have  his  ground  ready  for  wheat  or  com  the 
succeeding  season.  The  result  is  that  he  is  able  to  make  his  payment  on 
his  land  and  support  his  family  during  his  first  season. 

We  in  Iowa  have  hoped  that  in  the  near  future  we  would  have  fac- 
tories erected  in  our  State  to  utilize  the  lint  of  our  flax  fields  into  thread 
and  linen.  That  hope,  if  this  bill  is  to  pass,  will  never  come  to  frnition. 
The  lint  will  rot  on  the  ground  where  it  is  thrashed. 

— Geak,  Record,  4289. 

Flax— Prepared  fiber  not  raw  material. 

Xo.  291. — Take  flax  after  it  is  grown  and  ready  to  be  cut  or  pulled- 

I  presume  our  friends  would  then  call  it  raw  material,  but  in  fact  it  has 
required  great  labor  to  bring  it  to  that  condition.  The  land  had  l)een 
cleared  and  fenced  by  labor  ;  the  soil  had  been  plowed  and  harrowed  by 
labor,  and  the  seed  sown  by  labor.  Bat  flax  when  grown  is  of  a  very 
trifling  value,  so  little  that  in  this  country  thousands  of  tons  are  burned 
because  the  farmers  are  unable  to  utilize  it. 

But  after  the  tlax  is  grown  it  goes  through  the  diflTerent  processes  of 
rotting  or  re'.t'ng,  rippling,  and  scutching — each  requiring  a  large  amount 
of  skilled  labor. 

The  following  description  I  ask  to  have  printed  will  show  more  fully 
than  I  can  describe  the  labor  that  is  bestowed  on  flax  before  it  becomes 
what  is  called  dressed  line  and  is  ready  for  spinning.  It  is  then  worih 
$iiO0  per  ton,  nearly  all  of  which  is  labor.  Even  then  it  is  treated  by  this 
bill  as  raw  material. 

"  There  are  two  ways  of  retting  flax,  water  retting  and  dew  retting. 
Water  retting  is  followed  mainly  in  Western  Europe.  The  bunches  of 
flax  are  sunk  in  large  shallow  dams,  and  held  down  by  turf.  The  water 
causes  certain  chemical  changes  to  take  y>lace  in  the  fiber,  which  softens 
it  and  fits  it  for  manufacture.  Dew  retting  is  mainly  in  vogue  in  Russia. 
There  the  stalks  are  simply  left  on  the  ground  exposed  to  the  action  of 
the  sun,  air,  rain,  and  dews  until  similar  chemical  changes  are  brought- 
about. 

136 


FLA 

"After  the  stalks  have  been  retted  the  seeds  or  berries  are  cr)mbed  out. 
This  is  called  ripplino;.  Finally  the  llax  is  passed  thron<:h  breaking  or 
"scutching"  machines,  ■which  beat  out  the  shives  or  wooden  coies.  It 
is  then  ready  for  the  manufdcturer. 

"  See,  then,  how  mu'-h  labor  lias  been  expended  upon  the  flax  in  order 
to  make  even  raw  material  uf  it.  it  has  been  sowed,  pulled,  tied,  retted, 
rippled,  and  scutche  1.  Or,  omitting  the  work  done  before  it  leaves  the 
tield  in  which  it  grew,  it  h:is  gone  throuirh  three  separate  and  distinct 
processes  before  it  comes  to  the  spinning  mill." 

— Jackson,  Record,  GGOO. 

Flax.seod.    (See  also  Liinsoed.) 

Flaxsood  to  go  on  Iroe-Iist. 

>o.  'Z\9'i. — This  uneiiual  duly  is  not  just  to  the  farmer,  and  the  duty 
on  flaxseed  should  be  raised  to  at  least  40  cents  per  bushel  instead  of 
being  placed  upon  the  free-list,  and  the  duty  on  linseed  oil  should  be 
lowered.  We  have  heard  agreat  deal  about  thisbeing  intended  to  break 
up  trusts  and  monopolies  in  the  interest  of  the  farmer.  Right  here  is  an 
example  of  liow  this  is  done.  The  product  of  the  farmer  is  free  of  duty 
absolutely.  Everything  in  the  shape  of  raw  product,  flax  straw,  flix  not 
hackled  "or  dressed,  flax  hackled,  known  as  dressed  line,  tow  of  flax  or 
hemp,  and  flaxseed,  are  all  on  the  free-list. 

The  farmers  who  are  striving  to  develop  the  bleak  prairies  of  the 
Northwest,  with  but  few  manufacturing  industries  among  them,  must 
ship  the  raw  material  from  their  farms  to  the  mills  of  other  sections  and 
to  the  market?,  there  to  compete  for  a  price  with  the  raw  products  of 
other  countries  entered  duty  free,  put  upon  the  market  by  labor  which 
does  not  average  20  cents  per  day. 

— GiFFORD,  Record,  5791. 

Flaxseed  or  liuNced. 

Xo.  21KJ.— The  present  law  protects  the  linsesd-oil  industry  bv  a 
tariff  of  25  cents  per  gallon  upon  all  imported  oil,  and  20  cents  per  bushel 
on  flaxseed.  Under  that  protection  the  raising  of  flaxseed  by  our  farmers 
has  increased  from  an  annual  produce  of  700,000  bushels  to  over  12,- 
000,000,  which  crop  finds  a  ready  cash  market  from  the  linseed-oil-niills 
at  prices  ranging  from  $1  to  ?1.25  per  bushel,  bringing  to  the  i>ocket8  of 
the  American  farmers  the  sum  of  from  tiv^elve  to  fifteen  million  dollars 
each  year. 

The  advocates  of  the  Mills  bill  profess  to  be  the  special  friends  of  the 
American  farmers.  How  can  you  explain  to  the  farmers  of  the  great 
and  growing  West  the  necessity  of  destroying  an  industry  worth  $12,- 
COO.OOd  to  the  farmer  in  order  to  reduce  the  revanue  to  theViovernment 
$84,380.11  ?  A  policy  that  not  only  deprives  the  farmers  of  ;rl2,(iOO,(iOO, 
but  enriches  the  linseed  capitalists  of  England  at  the  expense  of  American 
citizens. 

Xnmber  of  ynills. 

Ohio 21     Pennsylvania S 

Indiana 7  ,  Minnesota :} 


Illinois 1- 

lowa 11 

Missouri 4 

Kansas 2 

Nebraska 1 

Dakota 1 


Wisconsin 3 

Michigan l 

New  York 7 

Total 81 

— Williams,  Record,  6214. 
137 


FLA 

Flaxneed  oil. 

Xo.  201.— I  am  speakinj;  generall,v  of  the  subject  and  referring  flpc- 
oially  to  the  duty  on  oil.  If  the  oil-mills  are  destroyed  and  the  market 
for  the  seed  is  taken  from  the  farmer  then  the  crop  becomes  worthlepp, 
as  it  is  only  valuable  as  they  can  sell  the  seed  to  be  manufactured  into 
oil.  If  the  price  of  oil  is  so  low  that  the  manufacturers  cannot  pay  a  fair 
price  for  the  seed  the  growing  of  Uax  must  cease  and  our  farmers  become 
the  sufferers.  The  bill  proposes  to  reduce  the  duty  on  oil  over  50  per 
cent.  I  ask  that  it  phall  only  be  reduced  to  20cent3'a  gallon,  and  that  it 
shall  not  go  into  effect  until  January  1,  18S'.»,  so  that  the  farmers,  I  re- 
peat, may  have  the  privilege  of  earnering  their  preeent  crop  ^-ith  the  law 
as  it  was  when  the  seed  was  sown,  and  as  they  had  a  right  to  expect  (he 
law  would  remain.  It  is  a  reasonable  request  and  I  hope  there  will  be 
no  objection. 

The  amendment  I  offer  reduces  the  duty  25  per  cent.,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  farmers  of  the  great  West  I  protest  against  a  further  reduction. 
We  ask  that  our  farmers  shall  be  protected  against  the  pauper  labor  of 
India.  The  flaxseed  of  India  is  of  a  better  quality  than  that  raieeil  by 
our  people  and  yields  4  per  cent,  more  oil,  and  with  the  ineignificant 
sum  paid  for  labor  in  India  our  mills  must  close  and  our  farmers  must 
cease  to  grow  flax  unless  they  can  be  protected  substantially  as  now. 

— Fkbkins,  Record,  632-3. 
Flax  thread— Labor  and  reduced  eost. 

Xo.  205. — When  Barbour  Brothers  introduced  their  Mackay  thread 
lor  shoes  they  sold  it  at  90  cents  a  pound.  They  have  reduced  the  cost 
to  the  consumer  all  these  yearn,  until  now  the  price-list  shows  that  tiiey 
pell  it  at  57  cents  a  pound.  First  they  sold  spool  thread  at  $1.07  a  pound  ; 
now  they  sell  it  for  tls.V  cents  a  pound.   Has  the  consumer  been  injured  ? 

Mr.  Barbour  further  says : 

"  While  I  am  an  American  born,  and  the  industry  I  represent  in  Pater- 
son,  N.  J.,  is  thoroughly  American,  I  am  also  a  large  stockholder  in  a 
flax-spinning  company  in  Ireland;  and  that  yon  may  judge  of  the  rela- 
tive wages  paid  in  the  two  countries,  I  would  state  that  the  pay-rolls  of 
the  two  mills,  as  recently  compared,  differed  onlv  about  $500,  the  number 
of  hands  in  the  Irish  mill  being  2,900  against  1,400  in  the  New  Jersey  mill." 

— Phklps,  Record, "(jGSO. 

Flax  thread— Reduce  protectiou  and  increase  revenue. 

'So.  200. — In  connection  with  hi.s  reuiarks  Mr.  Phelps  submitted  the 
following  letter: 

"  New  York,  March  31,  1SS8. 

"  Dear  Sir:  .\3  a  stockholder  and  director  of  Barbour  Flax  Spinning 
Company  of  Paterson,  N.  J.,  I  wish  to  make  a  statement  to  you  regarding 
the  flax-thread  indastry,  and  to  call  your  attention  to  the  effect  which 
the  proposed  Mills  bill  would  have  upon  it. 

•'  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  duty  on  linen  thread  is  at  present 
40  per  cent.,  this  company  has  paid  on  an  average  for  the  past  five  years 
over  ?ti0.f  00  a  year  in  <luties  on  the  finer  sorts  of  linen  thread,  finished 
and  ready  for  market,  which  it  was  found  more  profitable  to  import  than 
to  manufacture  here. 

'The  Mills  bill  would  cut  down  protection  on  these  goods  to  25  per  cent., 
an<l  as  a  consequence  would  shut  down  a  large  portion  of  maciiinery  and 
throw  hundreds  of  hands  out  of  employment.  Should  this  bill  pass,  I 
think  I  do  not  overstate  the  ca.se  when  I  say  that  the  company  would 
find  it  profitable  to  import  four  times  the  quantity  previously  imported. 
Therefore,  instead  of  reducing  the  revenue  in  this  particular  case  to 
f37,500,  it  would  in  reality  increase  it  to  $150,000. 

—Phelps,  Record,  6686. 
1.^ 


FLA— FOO 

Flax  ami  Iiciup. 

Xo.  !it»7. — Tiie  linen  industry  of  the  United  States  is  small  to  what  it 
should  be,  but  it  ia  safe  to  say  that  the  passage  of  the  Mills  bill  will  prac- 
tically end  it,  and  close  all  the  factories,  unless  it  may  be  a  very  few  on 
the  seaboard.  By  this  bill  llax,  hemp,  and  kindred  fibers  are  placed  on 
the  free-list,  and  duties  on  manufactured  articles  are  greatly  reduced. 
Much  of  our  country  is  well  adapted  to  the  raising  of  flax  and  hemp  for 
liber,  and  we  ought  to  raise  and  manufacture  all  we  use.  Tliis  industry 
never  has  been  adequately  protected  ;  it  is  not  now  in  a  prosperous  con- 
dition, and  it  goes  without  saying  that  with  the  passage  of  this  bill  it 
will  be  abandoned. 

In  188')  we  produced  12,000,000  bushels  of  flaxseed.  The  fiber  of  this 
seed,  amounting  to  150,000  tons,  and  that  ought  to  have  been  worth  to 
the  farmers  $34,000,000,  was  burned  up.  Why,  do  you  ask  ?  Because  it 
requires  a  large  amount  of  skilled  labor  to  treat  the  fiber  and  manufact- 
ure it,  and  without  protection  Hufiicient  wages  cannot  be  paid  to  obtain 
it.  Here  is  an  industry  that  if  protected  should  give  employment  to 
thousands  of  skilled  laborers  and  would  enable  the  farmers  of  the  West, 
and  especially  the  Northwest,  to  farm  their  lands  with  more  profit  than 
they  can  in  wheat  and  corn. 

— Jackson,  Record,  4709. 

Flesh  and  blood  compotitioii. 

\o.  298. — Free  trade  meacs  cheopness  to  the  few  rich  idlers  with 
fixed  incomes,  but  longer  hours,  lower  wages,  harder  work  to  the  work- 
ers, who  are  many.  Goods  are  too  cheap  for  us  when  they  are  cheaper 
than  we  can  make  them.  Competition  with  long  hours  and  low  wages 
will  bring  us  to  long  hours  and  low  wages.  "  Competition  for  cheapness 
becomes  competition  in  cheap  labor,  and  competition  in  cheap  labor 
means  competition  in  flesh  and  blood." 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3839. 

Food  an<l  animals. 

'St*.  299. — The  next  class  of  duties  to  which  I  d&U  your  attention  is  on 
articles  of  food  and  animals.  Of  these  the  value  imported  during  the 
last  fiscal  year  was  $11 2,27.}, 07(5,  paying  a  duty  of  ^tj7,'j08,3.'>4,  but  of  this 
sum  the  articles  of  sugar,  fruit,  and  rice,  valued  at  $00,898,000,  paid  a  duty 
of  $63,190,000,  or  more  than  nine-tenths  of  all  the  taxes  levied  on  food 
and  animals.  These  are  articles  which  enter  into  the  consumptjon  of 
every  family  and  every  inhabitant  of  the  United  States.  Now,  if  the  ob- 
icct  18  to  reduce  surplus  revenue,  what  better  mode  could  he  suggested 
than  to  repeal  c)ne-lialf  of  the  duty  on  sucar,  and  thusdirectly  relitve  the 
people  from  $2S,2")(),0ilO  of  taxes  on  an  article  in  most  general  use  by  the 
people  of  the  United  Statesand  bearing  a  tax  of  82  per  cent.  No  such 
suggestion  is  made  by  the  President  or  the  Secretary,  nor  do  I  care  to  ex- 
plore the  reasons  for  their  silence. 

—General  Sokrman,  Record,  202. 

Fooling  the  people. 

X<».  :i<>0. — Mr.  Chairman,  "the  hand  of  Esau  "  will  be  offered  again. 
Democracy  will  "  put  on  the  very  good  garments  "  of  Republicanism  on^o 
more,  which  she  "  keejw  at  home  "  witliher,and  "  the  little  fkins  of  tno 
kids"  she  will  put  about  her  hands  "  and  cover  the  bare  of  her  neck  " 
with  them,  and  she  will  be  able  to  truly  say,  "  Th.it  what  I  sought  cmim 
quickly  in  my  way."  [Laughter.]  And  when  she  is  asked,  "  Art  tbou 
in  favor  of  protection  ?'  she  will  answer,  "  I  am."  The  voice  wUl  he  the 
voice  of  Jacob,  but  the  device  will  not  deceive  thia  time.  The  people  will 
not  bless,  nor  serve,  nor  worship  thy  party  this  time.  Mr.  Chairman,  when 

130 


FOR 

it  coavK  near  to  them,  the  i?in<  11  of  its  record  will  not  be  "as  the  Pinell 
of  11  i>lenliful  lielil  wliuh  the  Lord  liath  blessed. "  It  cannot  come  a^ain 
deceitfully  and  set  the  votes  of  the  people.  They  have  found  it  out  at 
last.  It  has  taken  them  pomp  time  to  do  so,  but  the  revelation  ia  now 
complete.     Prpsi<lent  I.inco'n  once  paid  : 

•'  A  political  partv  may  fool  part  of  the  people  all  the  time,  and  all  tht^ 
people  pvirt  of  the  time;  bat  no  I'olitical  party  can  fool  all  the  people  all 
the  time. 

— McCoMAs,  Record,  '.iCAA. 

For(>it;ii  labor  bills—  Aiiti-piKipcr  and  <*ooly  billN  pnSHCd  by 
IC<>Iiiibli4*aii  i>art.>. 

\<».  :K>I.— -Mr.  Chairman,  it  was  not  the  Democr?tic  but  the  Repub 
lican  party  that  ji^ssed  the  auti-pauper  immi;;ration  bill.  It  was  not  the 
Demo<Tatic  but  the  Republican  party  that  paseed  a  bill  prohibiting  the 
importation  of  cooly  laborers  under  contract.  It  was  not  the  Democratic 
party  that  place<l  upon  the  statute-books  of  this  nation  that  blessed  law 
known  as  the  homestead  act.  It  was  the  Re])ublican  party  that  for  the 
first  time  in  the  history  of  this  country  made  labor  free.  I  hold  that  the- 
record  of  the  Democratic  party  on  this  (iiieslion  ought  to  estop  forever 
its  leading  meaibers  from  posing  in  political  contests  in  the  attitude  of 
the  friends  of  the  laboring  men  of  this  country. 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4000. 

For<'i$;it  iii4iiiKtri<'M  in  I'liitcd  Statt'M.    ( Sio  >°o.  4:t2.) 
F4>r«'i;;ii  lal><»r— I><'nio<'rali<'  iiiasqiit'  roinovt'd. 

Xo.  :{(I2. —  If  you  are  going  to  legislate  to  raike  wages  higher  by  im- 
f»osing  a  tax,  you  should  put  the  tax  on  the  men,  not  on  the  goods.  If 
you  want  to  protect  our  workingmen  against  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe, 
why  do  not  you  take  measures  to  keep  that  pauper  labor  from  coming 
here?  Free  trade  in  labor  and  pro*e.?tion  on  everything  the  laboring 
man  buys,  and  that  ia  called  protection  to  American  labor. 

— F()i:d  (Deiii.),  Record.  3GU9. 

Foreign  inarkelH— C'apliiro  of— (Wool.) 

Xo.  ;iO;i.—  lUit,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  are  told  that  we  need  above  all  things 
to  capture  the  foreign  markets  for  our  manufactures  of  wools  ;  that  to  get 
these  markets  we  must  produce  these  goods  more  cheaply  than  they  can 
be  furnished  by  any  other  manufacturing  nation.  This  means  that  the 
cheapest  passible  labor  and  material  must  be  employed  in  these  manu- 
factures, for  thepo  are  the  chief  elements  of  their  cost.  Can  we  atfonl 
to  obtain  these  markets  at  such  a  cost?  In  the  struggle  this  policy  in- 
vites with  the  cheap  wools  of  South  Africa,  South  America,  and  Aus- 
tralia, and  the  cheap  wavies  of  Austria,  Belgium,  France,  Germany,  and 
Great  Britain,  we  may  not  only  fail  to  secure  this  wider  market,  but  lose 
our  own.  And  what  are  the  markets  of  the  world,  and  how  do  they  com- 
pare in  value  and  extent  with  our  own?  The  five  countries  exporting 
woolen  goods  with  the  value  of  their  exports  last  year  are  as  follows: 

Austria-Hungary $10,9.35,541 

Belgium '. 15,381, .328 

France 71,702,919 

Germany 51,701,2I(» 

England 118,048,557 

Total 2(32,769,561 

Of  the  above  the  United  States  bought  $45,000,000.  Deduct  this,  and 
there  is  left  of  the  world's  market  i-2 17,000,000,  while  our  own  market  is 

14'.' 


FOR 

worth  annually  quite  ?i3(X),0C0,f  00.  Our  home  roarket  is  worth  more,  by 
nearly  one-third,  than  the  entire  "world's  markets,  if  we  could  capture 
them  all." 

—Browne,  Indiana,  Record,  3527. 

l''orei};n  ninrkotH  »ii<l  prof octioii. 

^'o.  :t01. — <)iir  op|)r)nenta  meet  us  with  the  statement  that  the  pro- 
tective sysiem  keeps  uh  from  Heliini^  komJs  in  a  foreign  market. 

I  cite  an  exhibit  of  our  foreign  exports  from  ls4')  to  iSSOlo show  what 
eiiect  tariir  laws  have  upon  export  trade.  In  what  is  called  the  free- 
trade  era,  from  lS^()to  18(10,  our  exports  per  capita  were  :f'.).!»4 ;  in  the 
protective  era,  from  1S()(>  to  ISSO,  it  was  :J^14.:'>.")  per  capita.  Our  exports 
lor  each  citizen  of  the  I'nited  States  wfro  50  per  cent,  more  under  pro- 
tection than  under  free  trade.  The  truth  i.«,  our  foreit,'u  commerce  never 
grew  as  rapidly  as  it  has  since  we  have  had  a  protective  policy.  The  in- 
crease cf  our  foreign  trade  in  l.S4ri  to  1S»;0  was  70  per  cent.,  but  from  I'^fi') 
to  ISSO  it  was  ;>0(»  per  cent.  <  »iir  foreign  commerce,  importsand  export.*, 
in  ISGO  was  $400,000,000  ;  in  IKM)  it  was  $1,500,000,0C0. 

Ck)nsuJt  the  last  report  of  the  liureau  of  Statistics  en  commerce,  and 
you  will  find  that  our  exports  to  each  foreign  country  do  not  have  the 
slightest  reference  to  our  imports  from  that  country.  I  tind  that  tho 
gentleman  from  Maine  [Mr.  Dingley]  cites  that  we  exported  last  year 
to  Great  Britain  productions  to  the  value  of  $303,000,000,  but  imported 
from  that  country  only  ^Kio.OOO.OOO.  We  imported  from  the  West  In- 
dies $70,000,000,  but  exported  only  $L'4,00o,000. 

Have  these  gentlemen  heard  of  any  one  in  this  country  who  proposes 
to  stop  buying  su^ar  in  Cuba  because  she  buys  so  little  of  us?  We  im- 
ported .*.")3.00(M)0(J  from  Brazil,  but  Brazil  bought  of  us  only  $y,000,000. 
What  becomes  of  a  doctrine  that  we  can  sell  only  as  we  buy  in  the  bght 
of  6uch  facta  as  these  ? 

— OwKN,  Record,  5531. 

Foroivrii  iiiarkot— Transportation  wawto  of  ioroe. 

X«.  J{0.">. — .\11  unnecet-sary  transportation  is  a  waste  of  energj',  and 
our  development  ought  to  tend  in  the  direction  of  reducing  it  to  the 
minimum.  Of  all  things  lam  imj)re?8ed  with  the  importance  of  sup- 
plying our  own  nfceesaries  of  life.  With  our  vast  area,  offering  every 
variety  of  soil  and  climate,  every  dollar  expended  in  the  deveiopment 
of  our  latent  possibilities  raises  the  wall  of  defense  against  possible 
foreign  foes,  and  largely  serves  the  purpose  of  naval  and  military  ex- 
penditures. 

Transportation  only  consumes  ;  it  does  not  create.  It  is  a  tax  on  every 
article  curried,  and  should  be  avoide<l  as  far  as  possible,  and  the  forces 
now  going  into  its  wasteful  service  released  for  more  protitable  ind  pro- 
<Iuctive  labor,  or  at  least  not  increased  unneceeearily.  This  can  only  be 
done  by  encouraging  the  building  up  of  home  markets.  As  we  are  legis- 
lating for  this  country  und  not  for  any  other,  tlie  first  step  is  to  relievo 
our  people  from  dependence  upon  the  foreign  market.  Every  bushel  of 
wheat  con6ume<l  here  is  a  busliel  less  added  to  the  foreign  surj>lup,  and 
every  acre  of  land  taken  from  wheat-growing  and  applied  to  other  pur- 
poses means  so  nmch  less  wheat  for  an  already  overloaded  foreign  mar- 
ket. We  largely  control  the  grain  prices  in  Liverpool  by  the  (]uiintitie3 
we  send  there. 

Wheat  bears  transportation  better  than  any  other  cereal,  having  the 
greatest  value  proportioned  to  its  weight;  and  still,  at  present  prices, 
wheat  ;;00  miles  or  more  west  or  northwest  of  Chicago  pays  one  bushel 
out  of  every  three  to  transportation  companies  between  the  place  of  its 
production  and  Liverpool.     Kvery  third  bushel  is  given  away  for  tho 

141 


FOR 


transnortation  of  the  other  two.  A  considerable  part  of  the  price  re- 
ceivea  for  the  other  two  bushels  is  paid  for  carrying  oack  such  articles  as 
the  farmer  needs. 

This,  Mr.  Chairman,  i^  the  industrial  and  commercial  system  Demo- 
crats promulj^ato  when  they  want  "to  tear  down  the  walls  in  order  that 
our  farmers  mav  have  open  markets  of  the  world." 

— Haugkn,  Record,  4233. 

ForoiKn  market  anreliable. 

\^o.  :{4>0. — If  the  American  farmer  cannot  depend  upon  England  as 
a  foreij:n  market  for  his  wheat  or  produce  when  his  home  market  is  de- 
stroyed by  the  decline  or  overflow  of  the  manufacturing  interests  and  the 
increase  of  agricultural  producta,  where  can  he  look  ?  In  what  part  of 
the  world  must  he  seek  a  market  ? 

In  seven  years  our  exports  of  wheat  from  this  country  decreased  over 
92,000,W0  bushels  and  the  value  of  the  exports  fell  off  over  $117,000,000. 
In  other  words,  the  farmers  of  the  United  States  received  $117,000,000 
less  for  the  wheat  exported  in  18St)  than  for  the  export  of  1879.  This 
was  a  loss  of  over  Gl  per  cent,  in  the  amount  of  wheat  exported,  and  of 
over  70  per  cent,  in  the  value  of  the  exports.  The  export  value  of  a 
bufihel  of  wheat  in  18S1  was  over  $1.24  and  in  1886  it  was  only  87  cents. 

During  this  time  there  has  baen  no  export  duty  in  thiB  country  or  im- 
port duty  in  England  on  wheat.  Absolute  free  trade  has  existed  be- 
tween these  two  countries  so  far  as  grain  is  concerned,  and  the  resultant 
facta  are  apparent  to  every  one. 

— Symks,  Record,  4311. 

Fiireiicu  market  nnreliable. 
Xo.  307. — Average  export  prices  for  tJie  fiscal  years  from  1876  to  1885, 
compared  with  1885,  1886,  and  1887. 


Corn   per 
busbel. 

Wheat  per 
bubhel. 

Cotton  per 
pound. 

Butter  per 
pound. 

Cheese  per 
pound. 

18TC  tot885 

$0.68?i 
.506 

$1.16H 
.873 

fO.U 
.10 

$0.18} 
.161 

so.iox 

.09 

1885,  1886,  1887 

Decline 

.on  31-40 

.20  3-40 

.01 

.021 

.01 X 

Comparative  yearly  loss  to  Ainericran  i'armers  on  said  crops  between 
above  periods : 

On  corn $112  500.000 

On  wheal » ; 180,600,000 

On  cotton 27.000,000 

On  dairy  producta 98,000,000 

Total  yearly  loee 468.000,000 

The  table  showing  the  comparative  loss  to  agriculture  for  the  years 
1885, 1886,  and  1887,  as  contrasted  with  the  period  from  1876  to  1885,  is 
not  open  to  that  objection,  and  the  total  yearly  loss  on  corn,  wheat, 
cotton,  and  dairy  products  for  this  period  of  $468,000,000  is  not  explaina- 
ble otherwise  than  by  reference  to  the  condition  of  the  currency.  The 
apgrc;.'ate  for  the  three  years,  1885,  1 886,  and  1887,  of  the  comparative 
losses  thus  established  is  $1,404,000,000,  from  which  I  deduct  the  compara- 
tive loss  on  the  cotton  crop  of  the  Southern  planter,  and  find  the  net 
comparative  loss  on  com,  wheat,  and  dairy  products  to  have  been  $1,- 
323,000,000,  most  of  which  fell  upon  the  country  west  of  the  ^Mississippi. 

— Faequhak,  Record,  4489. 
142 


FOR— FRE 

Foreign  trade,  Krowfli  oi*. 

Xo.  SOS.— In  ISOO  our  exports  were,  in  round  numbers,  $335,000,000, 
and  our  imports  but  ^373,000,000. 

From  LS!jO  to  1S70,  notwithstanding  the  great  war  which  occupied  half 
the  decade,  our  exports  had  grown  to  $420,000,000,  the  imports  being 
$432,000,000. 

And  in  18S0  our  exports  were  $841,000,000  and  imports  $741,00,000,  ex- 
cess of  imports,  $100,000,000. 
The  per  capita  of  exports  and  imports  for  ISGO  and  1880  la  as  follows: 

Per  capita. 

1860.  Imports $1  00 

Exports 1  11 

1880.  Imports 1  07 

Exports 1  G6 

— BurrEKwouTU,  Record,  4397-8. 
Fonndry  and  niaeliine-sliop  productious. 

Xo.  309. — In  foundrj'and  machine-shop  productions  the  country  has 
invested  one  hundred  and  fifty-tive  millions  of  dollars;  materials  used 
amount  to  one  hundred  and  three  and  a  half  millions,  and  the  annual 

Sroduct  therefrom  is  about  two  hundred  and  four  millions  of  dollars. 
lew  England's  investment  in  this  industry  is  over  thirty-one  millions 
of  dollars ;  she  pays  lor  materials  twenty  millions,  and  her  finished 
product  is  worth  forty-three  millions,  or  about  one-iifth  of  the  entire 
capital,  the  cost  of  manufacture,  and  value  of  tinidhed  products. 

— Gallingeji,  Record,  3691. 

Free  list,  no  article<»  placed  on  by  mils  bill. 

No.  310. — It  is  claimed,  Mr.  Chairman,  by  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania [Mr.  Scott]  that  the  Mills  bill  is  not  a  free-trade  tarid'.  There 
are  fifty-three  intlustries  which  in  this  bill  you  have  put  on  the  free  list. 
Certainly  as  to  those  industries  there  can  be  no  question  that  you  have 
adopted  free  trade.  Heretofore  these  industries  have  Vjeen  encouraged 
and  maintained  by  protective  duties,  but  now  in  this  bill  you  place  every 
one  of  them  upon  the  free-list.  These  industries,  iucluding  the  wool  and 
other  firm  products  placed  on  the  free  list,  enriched  the  country  last  year 
with  products  valued  at  $500,000,000  andgave  empleymentto  many  thou- 
sands of  workmen.  This  is  a  big  slice  of  free  trade  for  one  bill,  not  taking 
into  account  the  damage  that  will  be  done  by  reductions  of  duties  that 
will  invite  injurious  foreign  competition  to  other  industries. 

— DiNGLKY,  Record,  6417. 
Free  raw  material. 

Xo.  Jill.— Mr.  Chairman,  what  is  raw  material  ?  If  there  is  a  phrase 
in  the  Knglish  language  that  has  been  and  now  is  abstractly  and  deceit- 
fully used,  it  is  "free  raw  material."  Congress  and  the  people  have  been 
treated  to  an  exceedingly  large  supply  of  very  free  and  very  raw  mate- 
rial on  this  tariir  question  of  late. 

The  President  insists  ujwn  free  raw  material.    He  says  : 

"Tlie  radical  reduction  of  the  duties  uiwn  raw  material  used  in  manu- 
facture or  its  importation  is,  of  course,  an  important  factor  in  any  elfort 
to  reduce  the  price  of  these  articles.  It  would  not  only  relieve  them  from 
the  increased  cost  cause<l  by  the  tarift'  on  such  material,  but  the  manu- 
factured product  being  itself  cheapened,  that  jiart  of  the  tariflfnow  laid 
upon  such  products  as  a  compensation  to  our  nianufiicturers  for  the  pres- 
ent price  of  raw  material  couUl  be  accordingly  mo<iilied.  Such  reduction 
or  free  importation  would  serve  largely  to  reduce  the  revenue.  It  is  not 
appart-nt  how  such  a  change  can  nave  any  injurious  effect  upon  our 
manufacturers." 

143 


FRE 

The  President  here  shows  his  want  of  comprehension  of  the  whole 
taritf  syeteui.  In  one  j)arapraph  he  persuades  the  farmers  that  the  tarifl 
•which  protectp  the  nianufarturer  is  a  preat  wrong  to  them.  In  another 
paragraph  he  attempts  to  fhow  the  manufacturer  that  he  will  be  bene- 
titeii  by  pultiiijj  what  he  calls  "  raw  material  "  upon  the  free-lii^t.  The 
President  for<.'etri  or  ignores  the  fact  that  puttincr  ''raw  material"  on  the 
free-list  would  ruin  many  of  the  great  agricultural,  mining,  and  other  in- 
dustries of  this  country. 

— Symes,  Record,  4306. 

I'reo  i-:m   material. 

]%'<».  lllti, — But  the  proposition  of  free  raw  material  which  the  Presi- 
dent makes,  which  is  in  every  Democratic  speech  made  in  this  House, 
and  which  is  a  continual  son^'  in  the  moutli  of  every  free-trader,  is  about 
as  absurd  aa  any  part  of  the  free-trade  argument.  What  is  raw  material  ? 
Nothint:  that  has  been  matle  valuable  by  human  labor  ;  nothing  that  has 
been  wrought  or  developed  by  the  skill  or  muecle  oif  man.  Bat  free- 
traders make  their  classification  to  suit  themeelve^.  Some  place  raw 
material  at  one  stai^e  of  ihe  manufacture  and  some  at  another,  and  when 
an  article  has  been  wrought  to  the  condition  next  to  the  la«t  degree  of 
perfection,  so  that  they  would  not  protect  any  workman  except  him 
whose  labor  has  been  applied  to  the  last  process  of  production,  most  of 
our  free-traders  cease  to  call  it  raw  material.  This  free  raw  material 
proposition  of  the  free-trader  is  a  deceptive  one.  It  is  an  attack  upon 
protection  which  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  think  will  be  the  more 
effective  because  it  is  plausible  and  taking.  There  is  no  really  raw 
material  upon  which  any  duty  exists. 

I  desire  to  append  here  the  following  speech  and  reeolutions  of  Hon. 
A.S.  Hewitt,  now  Democratic  mayor  of  New  York  City,  made  ata  work- 
ingman's  meeting  some  time  ago  : 

[Extract  from  Mr.  Hewitt's  speech.] 

"  Protection  to  American  manufacturers,  but  protection  to  labor  and 
laborers.  The  value  of  every  manufacture  is  made  up  entirely  of  the 
wages  paid  to  produce  it.  Coal  and  iron  in  the  mines  cost  nothing.  They 
are  the  free  gift  of  God.  But  they  are  excavated  by  the  pick  and  shovel 
of  the  workman  ;  by  him  they  are  wheeled,  carted,  boated  to  market; 
by  the  workman  they  are  carried  to  the  mill;  by  the  workman  the  fur- 
nace is  heate<l  and  charced  ;  by  him  the  iron  is  puddlf d,  rolled,  put  up 
for  market,  carried  thither,  and  sold.  It  is  labor,  laljor,  labor  that  con- 
stitutes every  addition  to  the  value  of  the  article,  and  it  is  the  man  who 
bestows  that  labor  who  should  enjoy  all  the  fruits  thereof. 

— MiLLiKKN,  Record,  4252. 

Free  raw  luatcrial. 

X<».  mil. — They  now  claim  that  the  tariff  on  the  raw  material  is  the 
American  diliiculty.  If  we  could  only  remove  that  tariff,  then  we  could 
produce  a^ainat  the  world. 

How  valueless  a  ton  of  iron  ore  slumbering  in  the  mountain  !  How 
cheap  a  tree  waving  in  the  forest  I  Statistics  say  it  takes  $1.12  to  land  a 
ton  of  coal  on  top  of  the  ground  in  Illinois  or  Indiana.  It  takes  a  like 
sum  of  money  to  deliver  it  on  a  side  track  in  Chicago ;  that  is  $2.24. 
The  teamster  charges  75  cents  to  deliver  that  ton  at  the  home  of  the 
citizen.  He  can  deliver  but  five  loads  a  day  on  the  average.  That  makes 
12 'tit,  and  the  consumer  pays  $'.).oO  for  the  coal.  No  one  has  ever  quar- 
reled with  that  price.  The  cheapness  of  material  while  in  the  state  of 
nature,  and  the  fact  that  value  attaches  to  it  just  as  labor  is  applied,  is  the 
144 


I 


TRE 

solemn  lesson  this  country  is  trying  to  teach  the  free  trader.  That  labor 
creates  all  values  is  an  economical  truth  so  apparent  that  all  men,  even 
men  on  the  other  side  of  this  Chamber,  ought  to  understand  it. 

— Owen,  Record,  oool. 
Free  NUgar— why  not?    (See  Xo.  113.) 
Free  trade  t'allaeies.    (See  Xo.  220.) 

Free-trade  priiieiples— An  aiitlioritatiro  statement. 

\o.  ;il  I. — A  "convention  of  delegates  appointed  by  public  meetings 
in  various  States  of  the  Union  "  wae  "held  at  Philadelphia  in  Septem- 
ber and  October,  1831,  remonstratini^against  the  existing  tariff  of  duties." 
A  committee  appointed  for  the  purpose  prepared  and  presented  to  Con- 
gress a  memorial  containing  this  summary  : 

"Your  memorialists  respectfully  pray  : 

"  First.  That  the  duties  be  fo  reduced  as  to  leave,  after  the  extinguish- 
ment of  the  public  debt,  only  that  amount  of  revenue  which  may  be 
necessary  to  meet  the  ordinary  exigencies  of  the  Government. 

"  Secondly.  That,  allowing  a  reasonable  time  for  a  gradual  reduction  of 
the  present  exaggerated  duties  on  some  articles,  the  duties  on  all  im- 
ported articles,  not  free  of  duty,  be  ultimately  equalized,  so  as  that  the 
duty  on  any  such  articles  shall  not  vary  materially  from  the  general  rate 
of  all  the  duties  together,  or,  in  other  words,  from  a  uniform  duty  ad 
valorem  on  all  imported  articles  subject  to  duty. 

"  Thirdly.  That  wines,  teas,  coffee,  and  similar  articles  be  not  added  to 
the  list  of  those  now  free  of  duty,  but  may,  on  the  contrary,  be  subject  to 
duties,  corresponding  in  proportion  to  their  respective  value  with  those 
laid  on  other  imported  articles  subject  to  duty." 

The  committee  estimate  the  amount  of  gross  revenue  required  (after 
the  debt  was  paid)  at  $13,600,000,  and  the  volume  of  imports  subject  to 
duty  at  $.>1,664,000 ;  thus  requiring  an  ad  valorem  duty  of  25  percent, 
for  revenue  only  on  all  imported  articles. 

(Senate  doc.  55,  vol.  1,  1st  sess.,  22d  Cong.,  entitled :  "  Memorial  of  the 
Committee  of  the  Free-Trade  Convention.") 

Free  trade  a  Confederate  doctrine. 

Xo.  315. — Now  I  do  not  say  this  because  all  but  two  of  the  maioritj' 
of  the  committee  who  reported  this  bill  are  from  the  late  Confederate 
States,  whose  constitution  declared  for  free  trade,  nor  alone  becaus"  these 
gentlemen  were  all  ardent  adherents  and  valiant  defenders  of  that  consti- 
tution and  still  believe  in  the  superior  excellence  of  free  trade  :is  an  eco- 
nomic policy,  though  these  are  indeed  suspicious  circumstances,  but  be- 
cause the  bill  itself  discloses  its  hostility  to  the  protective  principle. 

Nowhere  in  the  literature  of  this  subject  is  there  a  better  statement  of 
what  is  meant  by  this  kind  of  tariff  than  that  found  in  Article  II,  section 
8,  of  the  constitution  of  the  late  Confederate  States.    It  is  as  follows  : 

"  The  Congress  shall  have  power  : 

"  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  impost^?,  and  excises,  for  revenue  nec- 
essary to  pay  the  debts,  provi'le  for  the  common  defense,  and  cirry  on 
the  government  of  the  Confederate  States;  but  no  bounties  shall  be 
granted  from  the  treasury,  nor  shall  any  duties  or  taxes  on  importations 
from  foreign  nations  be  laid,  to  promoteor  foster  any  branch  of  industry  ; 
and  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  unif^orm  throughout  the 
Confederate  States. 

— Gr3Ut,  Record,  4405. 

Free  trade,  avowed  purpose  of. 

Xo.  :tl<l. — In  a  speech  at  the  Waterborouch   dinner,  given   subse- 
quently to  the  passage  of  the  tariff  of  1828,  Mr.  Hamilton,  of  South  Caro- 
X  145 


FRE 

lina,  gave  expression  to  their  refolve  when  he  said,  "  We  must  prevent 
the  increase  of  manufactories,  force  the  Burnlus  labor  into  ajrricultiire 
j>romote  the  cultivation  of  our  unimproved  Western  lam  Is  until  i)rovi8- 
ions  are  so  multiplied  and  reduced  in  price  that  the  slave  can  be  fed  bo 
cheaply  as  to  enable  us  to  jrrow  our  euj^arat  o  centaa  pound.  Then,  with- 
out protective  <lutiee,  v.e  can  rival  Cuba  in  the  production  of  that  staple 
and  drive  h'^r  from  our  markets." 

—  Kkllev  (Quotations  from  "Cotton  is  King  "),  Record,  3195. 

Free  trade— Kritish  f'ariuorH. 

Xo.  3 17.— Read  now  what  the  British  ofiicial  said  in  the  IIouhp  of 
Commons  the  other  <lay.  If  free  trade  is  such  a  grand  thing  for  the  farm- 
ers, why  this  condition  of  the  British  farmer?    The  ofiicial  said  : 

"That  the  prolonged  depression  of  agriculture  in  England  is  a  matter 
that  surpasses  the  Irish  problem  in  interest  and  danger.  The  loss  in 
values  for  the  last  year  is  put  at  nearly  $2')0,0()0,000,  an  amount  equal  to  a 
reduction  of  one-fourth  of  the  export  trade  of  the  country.  Thousand- 
of  acrfs  of  land  have  gone  out  of  cultivation,  and  there  has  b€>en  a  con- 
current decrease  in  all  kinds  of  live-stock.  Furthermore,  there  is  a  steady 
increa.se  of  unemployed  persons  who  formerly  earned  a  living  as  farmer.", 
the  present  number  being  estimated  at  700,000,  while  those  who  are  able 
to  find  employment  have  to  work  at  greatly  reduced  wages." 

Now  I  want  to  read  a  few  extracts  from  British  sources  to  show  why  the 
Britisher  is  so  interested  in  having  us  adopt  fre«  trade  or  reduce  our 
tarifTd.  Hon.  Alfred  Morris,  connected  as  an  official  with  the  Manchester 
British  Union,  says : 

"A  reduction  of  tariflfs  in  America  will  most  undoubtedly  lead  to  an 
augmentation  of  the  mass  of  imports  into  the  States.  The  effect  of  abo- 
lition or  of  reduction  of  the  tariff  respectively  on  the  mass  of  imports  is 
only  a  matter  of  degree.  In  either  case  an  enormous  amount  of  internal 
production  in  the  States  will  be  displace*!.  Tampering  with  the  tariff 
must  flood  the  American  market  with  foreign  manufactures,  to  the  dis- 
placement of  her  labor  and  impoverishment  of  the  community  at  large." 

There  is  the  honest  truth.    How  do  the  revenue  reformers  like  it? 

— Peters,  Record,  4718. 

Froo  trade  and  Calirornia  Rol«l. 

>«.  :ilS.— But  this  only  reprc^t-c  nts  the  result  for  a  single  year  ;  and 
for  a  fuller  comparative  view  of  the  workings  of  these  two  systems  take 
the  last  ten  years  under  the  tariff  of  184(5,  from  1830  to  18G0,  in  every 
one  of  which  but  one  the  balance  of  trade  was  against  us.  The  total 
balance  against  us  for  those  years  was  |i:'.27,"')47,00o,  thereby  taking  that 
amount  of  money  out  of  the  circulation  of  the  country. 

Only  for  one  thing  this  constant  drain  upon  the  gold  of  the  country 
must  have  been  disa.strou3  in  the  extreme.  That  one  thing  was  the  dis- 
covery of  g«ld  in  California  in  1848,  early  in  the  era  of  free  trade.  From 
her  mines  came  a  supply,  between  18o0and  18G0,  of  1520,000,000.  and  this 
enabled  us  to  meet  this  constant  demand  and  avert  widespread  disaster. 

Only  for  this,  more  serious  still,  not  only  to  manufacturers  but  to  every 
American  industrv,  would  have  been  the  revenue  tariff  of  1840. 

Now  over  against  this  sum  of  $327,447,095  of  coin  which  went  out  of 
the'countrv  in  ten  years  under  free  trade,  let  us  set  the  result  for  the  last 
ten  veart»,  from  1870  to  1880.  The  balance  was  every  year  in  our  favor, 
and  amounted  to  the  grand  total  of  $1,578,990,786. 

—Grout,  Record,  440G. 

Free  trjido  can  bo  reached  Ki*»daally. 

Xo.  :J19.— The  Democratic  party  is  not  a  free-trade  party. 
This  bill  also  shows  that  the  Democratic  party  is  opposed  to  making  a 
146 


FRE 

reiliution  of  ihe  tariff  to  a  i-nrcly  revenue  basis  at  one  blow,  but  ifl  will- 
ing' that  reduction  Bhali  take  plare  ^jradually,  80  that  the  various  indus- 
triesi  may  adjust  thein'<elve9  to  the  chaui^ed  nchedule. 

Then  away  with  this  deludinj^  cry  <  f  protection  to  American  labor. 
It  has  l)een  u=eil  and  is  still  being  used  to  deceive,  hoo<hvink,  and  blind 
labor  to  the  real  situation.     Protection  is  only  furnished  to  capital. 

—Stone  (Dom.),  Kestncky,  Record,  4402-3. 

Free  Irailc— Cheap  goodM  niid  clioap  iiioii. 

Xo.  IJ20.— The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  annual  message 
to  Con^zress,  talks  very  glilily  about'tho  reduced  price  of  goods  compen- 
satin;.'  for  any  reduction  of  wages  which  might  be  l»rought  about  by  his 
tariff  policy."  And  this  is,  to  a  great  extent,  the  stock  in  trade  of  the 
free-trade  theorists. 

Oh,  yes,  cheap  goods  a  nd  cheap  products  of  the  workshop  and  the  farm 
are  the  thing=»  to  make  men  happy  and  contented  with  their  lot  in  life. 
I  deny  it  utterly.  Adults,  with  no  one  dependent  upon  tliem,  may  be 
satijlied  with  a  bare  living.  But,  sir,  the  wage-woi-ker,  the  toiler  in 
summer's  lassitude  and  winter's  fropts  and  snows,  wants  more  than  a 
living.  He  wants  something  for  old  age — something  for  his  children. 
Besides  being  fed  and  clothed  they  want  books  to  real,  and  pens  and 
ink  and  paper  and  pencil.  They  want  an  education  with  which  to  ti^jht 
life's  battle. 

Sir,  go  talk  to  the  toilers  in  the  iron  hills  and  coal  mountains  in  Penn- 
sylvania and  Virginia,  or  the  bituminous-coal  deposits  of  the  great  Wefit 
about  the  a<lvantage8  of  cheap  food,  and  cheap  clothing,  and  cheap  com- 
modities of  every  description,  and  they  will  tell  you  very  quickly  that 
what  they  want  is  steady  employment  and  good  wages,  and  they  will 
take  care  of  the  food  and  clothing  jmrt  of  this  whole  business. 

For  myself,  I  say  to  vou  very  frankly  that  I  am  opposed  to  cheap  goods 
and  cheap  agricultural  products.  Cheap  iroods  and  cheap  products  mean 
cheap  labor — starvation  wages  for  toiling  slaves,  without  hope  and  with- 
out ambition  for  the  future.  Huts  and  hovels  and  nakedness  and  pau- 
perism and  crime  follow  sadly  after  the  procession  of  cheap  labor. 

—Bound,  Record,  4482. 

Free  tra«lo  doclarod  by  lleiuoorafio  party.    (See  Xos.    162, 
lU;t,  1(>I,  1U5,  !<>({,  1H4I.) 

Free  trade  <leiiiie<l. 

.\o.  Uai-— Krif  trade  does  not  deny  the  right  to  tax  imports,  but  in 
such  taxation  it  eliminates  protection.  England  has  a  revenue  of  more 
than  one  hundred  millions  from  this  source,  all  laid  upon  articlee  not  pro- 
ducetl  in  Great  Britain,  and  ko  it  is  wholly  unprotective. 

(The  English  theory  and  Democratic  argument  are  one  and  the  same. — 
Eo.) 

—  !•:.  B.  Taylor,  Record,  6930. 

Free  trade  aii<I  l>oiiioeratic  party. 

Xo.  lt'i'2. — Mr.  Chairman,  c  )n(ining  myself  within  the  limit  alloweil 
me  and  paring  down  my  remarks  accordingly,  I  propose  to  reply  to  an- 
other Ftatement  made,  not  only  in  this  Hall,  but  at  the  other  eadi  of  the 
Capitol.  Not  long  ago,  in  order  to  extricate  his  parly  from  the  dilemma 
in  which  it  has  been  placed  by  the  message  of  the  President,  the  dis- 
tinguished Sanator  from  Indiana  [.Mr.  Voorhees]  declareil  that  his  party 
was  not  for  free  trade  ;  that  free  tragic  w.is  a  myth  and  a  folly.  That 
declaration  has  been  ecboe<l  on  this  floor  time  an<l  again  efnce  the  open- 
ing of  this  debate.  I  propose  now  to  disprove  by  clear  and  conclusive 
evidence  the  truth  of  that  declaration. 

147 


FRE 

I.    I'YKAMIU  OK  IJRITISII  FREE  TRADE  LITERATL'RE. 

Xo.  32;i.— I  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  before  the  vote  was  taken 
in  the  laat  Conj.'re8s  npou  the  question  of  considering  the  Morrison  bill, 
the-  Jfcformity  oi  which  was  so  hideoue  that  it  was  strangled  by  a  Demo- 
cratic I  louse,  desks  of  members  were  garnished  with  pyramids  of  British 
leaflets  to  enlighten  the  average  Congressmen  upon  the  beauties  of  Mor- 
rison free  trade. 

II.  FREE  SHIPS. 

\o.  :121.— Another  piece  of  evidence  tending  to  show  the  free-trade 
proclivities  of  the  Democratic  party  is  the  favorable  report  of  a  measure 
known  a.^  the  ''shipping  bill"  by  a  Democratic  Houseof  Representatives. 
It  provides  that  foreign-built  ships  shall  be  put  on  the  American  rtgiater 
free,  and  that  every  conceivable  article  that  enters  into  the  construction 
of  a  vessel,  from  the  keel  to  the  bow,  from  the  hull  to  the  mast-head, 
from  the  nail  to  the  anchor,  shall  hereafter  be  imported  free  of  duty. 

III.  MILLS  BILL. 

]Vo.  3S5. — This  interesting  free-trade  production  is  now  upon  one  of 
the  House  calendars,  ready,  perhaps,  for  an  enforced  consideration.  Its 
passage  will  close  down  every  ship-yard  in  America:  throw  thousands 
out  of  employment,  and  American  ship-building  will  be  only  a  pleasing 
reminiscence  of  the  past.  I  am  certain  it  will  not  receive  a  single  Re- 
publican vote.  Republican  Representatives,  true  to  the  doctrine  of  pro- 
tection, are  in  favor  of  American  shipi^,  built  by  American  hands,  out  of 
American  material,  and  manned  by  American  seamen. 

IV.    BRITISU  NEWSPAPERS. 

Xo.  336. — As  farther  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the  proposition  I  have 
undertaken  to  prove,  the  message  of  the  President,  the  platform  of  the 
Democratic  party,  has  the  unqualified  indorsement  of  every  British 
newspaper.  The  London  Spectator,  the  Saturday  Review,  the  IX)ndon 
Times,  the  Economist,  the  London  Statist,  the  London  Post,  the  London 
Standard,  the  London  Globe,  the  London  Daily  News,  the  Glasgow  Herald, 
the  People's  Journal,  the  Haddington  Courier,  the  Scotchman,  the  Lon- 
don Iron,  the  London  Ironmonger,  the  London  Colliery,  (Tuardian,  the 
London  Echo,  and  the  London  Coal  Trade  are  among  the  number.  [Ap- 
plause on  Republican  side.] 

— WooDBUHN',  Record,  40O4. 

Free  trade— Democratic  party  Tor  it. 

Xo.  327.— I  will  send  to  the  Clerk's  des'k  to  be  read  three  extracts 
from  the  comments  of  the  same  press  thirty-six  years  ago,  when  frank- 
lin Pierce  was  a  candidate  for  President  against  Winfield  Scott.  They 
were  for  free  trade  then — they  are  for  free  trade  now,  and  know  and 
command  their  allies  here. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows  : 

"The  triumph  of  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party  brought  for- 
ward by  the  men  of  the  South  will  secure,  probably  forever,  the  aacend- 

encv  of  liberal  commercial  principles." 

******* 

"  In  this  respect  and  on  this  point  we  take  General  Pierce  to  be  a  fair 
representative  of  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  as  such  a  valuable 
practical  ally  to  the  commercial  partv  of  this  country." — London  Times, 
1852. 

*  *  *  *  *  *  * 

"As  regards  England,  public  sympathy,  it  is  needless  to  say,  is  enlisted 
in  favor  of  the  Democratic  candidate.    2sot  that  General  Pierce  is  con- 
148 


FRE 

sidered  the  better  man.  Far  otherwise.  He  ie  merely  accepted  as  the 
nominee  of  the  fireat  party  in  the  Union  who  desires  to  pueli  the  prin- 
ciple of  free  trade  to  its  utmost  limits." — Wilmer  ct  Smith's  Liverpool 
Times,  1852. 

******* 

"  The  two  parties  of  the  Republic,  Whig  and  Democrat,  that  is,  con- 
servative and  proprressive,  protectionists  and  free  trade,  appear  to  have 
marshaled  their  forces  and  selected  their  candidates  for  the  coming  elec- 
tion. Every  Englishman  of  almost  every  class  rejoices  in  the  expecta- 
tion of  success  for  the  Democratic  free-trade  party." — London  Dispatch, 
1855. 

— Allen,  ^lichigan,  Record,  4982. 

Free  trade— Democrats  for  it. 

Xo.  328. — The  gentleman  from  Maryland  [Mr.  Rayner]  paid  : 
"I  follow  my  party  upon  this  great  issue,  the  issue  of  the  hour;  and  I 
have  no  right,  sir,  to  look  to  any  industry  in  your  district  or  in  my  dis- 
trict or  in  the  district  of  any  other  man  in  this  country  when  the  great 
fundamental  question  before  the  whole  country  is,  whether  or  not  the 
systematized  plan  of  robbery  and  plunder  which  ha.s  been  in  existence 
eo  long  shall  be  kept  up  against  the  rights  of  the  whole  American  people." 
[Applause  on  the  Democratic  side.] 

The  gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Cox]  said  in  the  Forty-seventh 
Congress : 

"  The  first  prejudice  to  be  overcome  is  that  so  often  answered.  It  is 
verbal.  It  relates  to  the  plfra.^o  '  free  trade.'  '  God  save  ue,'  said  an 
eminent  man,  'from  the  evil  spirit  and  from  metaphors  !'  It  is  idle  to 
explain  that  freedom  and  trade  in  themselyes,  together  or  separately,  are 
not  obnoxious  to  any  one.  No  one  champions  slavery  and  isolation. 
Free  traders  have  but  one  object :  to  be  rid  of  that  state  of  affairs  which 
forbids  nations  to  exchange  with  each  otiior  their  various  products,  un- 
trammeled  by  hostile  and  prohibitory  tariff." 
Speaker  Carlisle,  in  the  Forty-seventh  Congress,  said  : 
"  If  we  were  called  up>on  now  for  the  first  time  to  declare  a  principle 
or  inaugurate  a  policy  upon  this  subject  I  should  hesitate  to  imnounce 
my  adherence  to  the  creed  which  demands  the  largest  liberty  in  law  ; 
that  doctrine  which  opens  the  channels  of  commerce  in  all  parts  of  the 
world,  and  invites  the  producer  and  consumer  to  meet  on  equal  terms  in 
a  free  market  for  the  exchange  of  their  commodities,  for  I  sincerely  be- 
lieve that  all  commercial  restrictions  are  in  the  end  injurious  to  the 
interests  of  the  people." 

— Grout,  Record,  4407-8. 

Free  trade— DepreNsiou  of  prodiieers. 

'So.  ;i20.— In  dealiug  with  the  results  of  the  depression  the  commis- 
eion  eays : 

"  We  have  observed  above  that  the  complaint  proceeds  chiefly  from  the 
classes  who  are  more  immediately  and  directly  concerned  in  production, 
and  therecan  be  nodoubt  that  of  the  wealth  annually  created  in  thecoun- 
try  a  smaller  proportion  falls  to  the  share  of  the  employers  of  labor  than 
formerly.  Tne  diminution  in  the  rate  of  profit  obtainable  from  produc- 
tion, from  agriculture  and  manufacturing,  has  given  riso  to  a  widespread 
feeling  of  depression  among  the  producing  classes.  It  is  from  these 
classes,  and  especially  from  the  employers  of  labor,  that  the  complaint 
chiefly  proceeds. 

"Ttiose,  on  the  other  hand,  who  are  in  receipt  of  fixed  salaries,  who 
draw  their  incomes  from  fixed  investments,  have  comparatively  little  to 
complain  of.    Those  classes  of  population  who  derive  their  income  from 

149 


FRE 

foreign  investments  or  from  property  not  directly  connected  with  foreign 
industries,  appear  to  have  little  ground  of  complaint.  On  the  contrary, 
they  liave  profited  by  the  Remarkably  low  prices  of  many  commodities." 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  the  capitalists,  the  monopolists,  the  importing 
merchants,  and  those  who  derive  large  fixed  incomes  from  bonds  and 
other  investments  who  are  and  who  have  always  been  clamoring  for 
free  trade  in  this  country.  It  is  from  the  employers  of  labor,  from  the 
workingmen  who  produce  the  products  and  build  up  the  industries  of 
the  country  that  the  demand  comes  for  a  protective  tariff. 

— Sym£s,  Record,  4307. 
Free  trade— Do  we  want  increased  importations? 

Xo.  330. — Do  the  farmers  want  increased  importations  of  agricultural 
products?  Of  barley  alone  there  were  §6,152,000  of  value  imported  last 
year,  and  of  vegetables  a  value  of  $^2,270,000.  The  total  imports  of  the 
products  of  agriculture  for  the  year  18S7  free  and  dutiable  were  in  value 
$197,808,240.  Of  this  sum  $46,078,443  was  admitted  free  of  duty  and  the 
reminder  paid  a  duty.  Do  the  agriculturists  want  the  duties  all  re- 
moved and  their  products  driven  from  this  market?  Seven  million  three 
hundred  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  foreign  glass  came  into  this  country 
]a8t  year.  Do  the  glass-blowers  want  this  volume  increased  ?  Five  mill- 
ion five  hundred  and  forty-five  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  pottery  of  for- 
eign make  entered  our  market  last  year.  Do  the  potters  want  this  vast 
sum  augmented?  Will  the  wool-growers  who  were  compelled  to  com- 
pete with  $16,000,000  worth  of  foreign  wool  last  year  relish  the  prospect 
of  having  their  product  further  displaced  next  year  ;  and  the  labor  en- 
gaged in  woolen  manufactories  in  this  country,  are  they  anxious  that  the 
$44,000,000  worth  of  woolen  goods  imported  in  1887  in  competition  with 
the  products  of  their  labor  shall  be  multijflied  in  1SS9?  All  these  im- 
portations will  be  greatly  increased  if  this  bill  f-hall  become  a  law.  Every 
invoice  of  foreign  goods  which  comes  here,  the  like  of  which  we  can  make, 
crowds  out  just  so  much  American  labor.  Is  there  to  be  no  limit  to  this 
foreign  invasion? 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4753. 
Free  trade— Dodging  the  issue. 

ISo.  331. — There  is  not  a  member  on  this  floor  who  dares  to  openly 
advocate  and  commit  his  party  to  the  support  of  the  present  tariff  laws 
of  this  country.  But  to  escape  the  condemnation  of  the  people  protec- 
tionists battle  against  a  phantom  of  their  own  creation,  which  they  csll 
"  free  trade,"  a  thing  that  no  member  on  this  side  has  advocated  or  hinted 
at.  Afraid  of  the  real  issue  before  the  country  gentlemen  on  the  other 
side  raise  and  discuss  an  issue  that  is  not  now  and  has  not  been  in  Con- 
gress for  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

Mr.  "WEBER.  Will  the  gentleman  from  Mississippi  allow  me  to  ask 
him  a  question  ? 

Mr.  STOCK  DALE.  I  will,  if  the  gentleman  from  New  York  will  ask 
the  question  without  going  into  an  argument  and  consume  my  time. 

Mr.  WEBER.  The  question  I  wish  to  ask  the  gentleman  from  Mis- 
sissippi is,  whether  it  was  not  the  evasion  of  that  issue  which  brought 
success  to  your  party? 

Mr.  STOCKDALE.    Where? 

Mr.  WEBER.  In  New  York.  And  was  not  Samuel  J.  Randal!  sent 
to  close  protection  States  of  the  North  whom  you  now  declaim  against 
on  this  floor,  and  that  it  was  Hon.  Samuel  J." Randall  who  saved  your 
party  ? 

Mr.  STOCKDALE.  I  do  not  know  what  power  Hon.  Samuel  J.  Ran- 
dall has  in  New  York.  If  he  saved  the  Democratic  part}'  I  desire  to  do 
him  honor. 

150 


FRE 

"But  I  take  this  uiacas.-ioa  here  on  this  flx)r  as  voicing  the  sentknenta 
of  the  two  great  political  parties  on  this  question,  and  we  need  not  go  to 
New  York  or  elsewhere  to  ascertain  what  they  are. 

The  people  know  as  well  as  we  can  tell  them  what  parties  have  done, 
and  will  pass  upon  it;  but  the  eyes  of  the  country  are  upon  us,  anxious 
to  know  what  we  are  going  to  do  at  this  session  of  this  Fiftieth  Congress. 

— Stockdale  (Dem.),  Record,  4o82. 

Fi'cc  ti*a<lc  (loguia  Torceil  all  other  measures  to  the  cal- 
eudar. 

Xo.  332. — But  tliey  say  wheat  is  lower  than  it  was.  Ah  !  I  want  to 
say  a  word  to  my  silver  friends.  Since  the  agitation" of  the  tariff  by  the 
introduction  of  the  Morrison  bill  there  has  not  been  a  word  said  either 
by  my  friend  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Bland]  or  the  gentleman  from  Texas 
[Mr.  Mills]  on  the  subject  of  silver.  Before  their  master's  edict  on  tariff 
was  issued  they  attempted  to  make  this  country  believe  the  great  evil 
we  were  laboring  under  was  silver  alone ;  that  the  depreciation  in  the 
price  of  silver  cused  the  depreciation  in  the  American  market,  especially 
for  corn,  wheat,  cotton,  and  such  products  as  could  be  produced  in  India 
and  other  silver  countries  ;  but  now  they  have  forsaken  their  silver  god 
and  are  worshipping  their  party  idol,  free  trade. 

Why,  sir,  I  would  not  want  to  call  it  cowardice,  but  when  I  see  a  man 
running  away  from  a  fight  I  have  my  opinion  as  to  what  started  him 
running;  and  I  find  the  Democrats  who  since  Cleveland  issued  his  anti- 
silver  proclamation  before  his  inauguration  made  a  desperate  fight  for 
free  coinage  are  in  this  Presidential  year  lashed  like  curs  «.way  from  sil- 
ver into  the  free-trade  manger  of  the  master  where  their  only  yelp  is 
tariff,  tariff,  tariff.  Tuey  have  followed  their  dictator  and  abandoned  all 
pension  legislation,  telegraph,  railroad,  land,  pleuro-pneumonia,  convict 
and  contract  labor,  money  and  currency,  ship-building,  harbor  defense, 
gun-making,  admission  of  States,  Hennepin  canal,  private  calendar,  civil- 
eervice  reform,  interstate  commerce,  eight-hour  law,  anti-monopoly,  Chi- 
nese, Mormons,  fraud  in  refunding  bonds,  and  Oklahoma.  You  have 
abandoned  all  other  legislation,  and  have  made  everything  subservient 
to  this  one  dogma  of  free  trade.  — Bkumm,  Record,  5219. 

Free  trade,  eiTcct  of. 

Xo.  333. — Eloquent  appeals  are  made  on  this  floor  in  favor  of  open- 
ing the  markets  of  the  world  to  American  products ;  but  when  that  time 
comes  the  mills  of  Manchester,  Dover,  Great  Falls,  Rochester,  Suncock, 
Franklin,  and  other  places  in  my  State  will  be  as  silent  as  the  linen  mills 
of  Ireland  are  to-dajs  and  the  "  hum  of  countless  industries,"  now  heard 
on  the  banks  of  the  Merrimac,  will  be  as  silent  as  the  grave.  A  "  free 
and  open  market "  means  comjietition  with  England,  China,  Australia, 
and  Canada.  It  means  either  that  they  will  possess  our  markets  and  de- 
stroy oar  industries,  or  else  that  our  mechanics  and  workingmen  will  ac- 
cept the  wages  and  live  in  the  same  manner  that  the  people  of  these 
countries  do.  It  means  that  the  prosperous  .and  thrifty  mechanics  of 
New  England,  who  own  pleasant  homes  and  have  many  of  the  luxuries 
of  life,  will  be  reduced  to  the  condition  of  the  workingmen  in  some  of  the 
large  cities  of  England,  where,  according  to  English  testimony,  not  a  sin- 
gle workingman  or  mechanic  owns  the  house  which  covers  his  head. 
There  is  no  other  alternative,  however  cunningly  the  Democratic  party 
may  try  to  make  it  appear  otherwise. 

— Gallinger,  Record,  5558. 

Wree  trade  England  and  the  Fniteil  States. 

IXo.  334. — While  carefully  avoiding  any  recommendation  of  the  pro- 
lective  system,  he  shows  the  industrial  condition  of  different  countries 

151 


l-RR 

entering  into  competition  witli  Knglaml,  and  speaks  partionlarly  of  thv 
irrowinK  inilustrics  of  Cienuany,  Austria,  Italy,  Russia,  and  Spain,  all  of 
wliich  countries  have  protective  tarifl's.     He  then  adds: 

"Finally,  a  terrible  competitor  to  all  European  manufacturing  coun- 
tries has  ^'rown  up  of  late  in  the  United  SUites.  *  *  *  Manufactures 
must  grow  in  the  States;  and  they  are  growing  at  such  a  sneed — an 
American  speed — that  in  a  very  few  years  the  now  neutral  markets  will 
be  invaded  hy  American  goods." 

While  this  alien  but  far-sighted  English  writer  sees  that  our  system 
has  already  prepared  the  way  for  invading  the  neutral  markets  of  the 
world,  our  Democrats  are  telling  us  that  we  must  change  that  system 
and  sudor  adversity  instead  of  prosperity  before  we  can  compete  in  for- 
eign markets.  This  is  strange  logic,  that  we  must  be  embarrassed  at 
home  and  our  home  system  broken  down  by  the  politicians  before  we 
can  prosi>er  abroad.  No  better  explanation  can  be  given  of  the  law  and 
method  of  our  American  prosperity  than  the  following  statement  which 
he  gives  as  to  the  general  law  of  development : 

"As  soon  as  any  industry  has  taken  firm  root  it  calls  into  existence 
hundreds  of  other  trades,  and  as  soon  as  the  first  steps  have  been  made 
and  the  first  obstacles  have  been  overcome  the  growth  of  industries  goes 
on  at  an  accelerated  rate." 

In  that  sentence  is  written  the  industrial  history  of  the  United  States. 

I  need  not  go  farther  for  testimony  touching  the  break  down  of  that 
English  system  for  the  introduction  of  which  into  our  country  this  bill 
is  the  opening  wedge.  Every  business  man  of  our  commercial  cities 
knows  that  the  condition  of  England  is  that  described  by  the  Parlia- 
mentary commission,  and  eo  vividly  stated  above  by  Prince  Kropotkin, 

— Kean,  Record,  4257. 

Free  trnile— Eiijs^land's  view  of  Domocratic  policy. 

\o.  :t:t5. — It  is  well  known  that  England  is  the  great  champion  of 
free-trade,  and  has  long  desired  that  our  tariff  laws  should  l)e  repealed 
that  she  might  fdl  our  markets  with  her  goods,  manufactured  with  her 
poorly  paid  labor.  Let  ussee  whether  her  people  consider  the  President's 
message  and  the  Mills  bill  as  a  movement  in  the  direction  of  free  trade, 
and  whether  they  think  that  free  trade  is  the  policy  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Democratic  party. 

I  quote  a  few  extracts  from  the  leading  papers  of  recent  date : 
[From  the  Saturday  Review.] 

"  It  may  be  taken  for  granted  that  the  President  has  not  acted  without 
previously  consulting  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  and  securing 
their  approval.  He  and  they  have  taken  up  again  the  old  free  trade 
policy  of  the  South  Carolina  politicians,  unconnected  with  what,  in  the 
jargon  of  American  politics,  wa:s  called  the  sectional  question." 
[From  the  People's  .Tournal,  Dundee.] 

"A  great  sensation  has  been  created  by  i'resident  Cleveland's  message, 
and  if  the  policy  which  it  indicates  be  carried  out  it  will  produce  almost 
as  much  enect  in  this  country  as  in  America.  The  tariff  reform  which 
the  President  recommends  goes  as  far,  at  least,  as  the  abolition  or  reduc- 
tion of  the  duties  on  raw  materials.  Should  Congress  give  effect  to  this 
proposal,  its  immediate  result  would  be  an  enormous  stimulus  to  English 
industry." 

[From  the  Haddingtonshire  (Scotland)  Courier.] 

"  This  much  is  certain,  that  another  fierce  contest  is  pending  in  America 

over  the  principle  at  issue.     If  it  terminates,  as  it  may  be  hoped  it  will 

do,  in  the  direction  of  a  relaxation  of  those  imposts  that  now  so  vexa- 

152 


i 


FEE 

tionsly  hamper  commercial  intercourfle  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  we  may  look  to  an  imi)etU8  being  given  to  our  home  trade 
that  will  go  far  to  make  up  for  the  depression  of  late  years." 
[The  London  Iron  and  Steel  Trades  Journal.] 

"  The  facts  set  forth  in  the  President's  mesbage,  though  by  no  means 
new,  are  now  brought  so  prominently  under  the  notice  of  the  American 
Congress  and  of  American  citizens  that  a  violent  stimulua  must  be  given 
to  the  party  which  advocates  entire  freedom  of  trade.'' 
[From  "A  member  of  Parliament "  by  cable  to  the  free-trade  New  York 

Herald.] 

"  To  convert  the  United  States  is  indeed  a  triumph.  The  C!obden  Club 
will  henceforth  set  up  a  special  shrine  for  the  worshipof  President  Cleve- 
land, and  send  him  all  its  publications  gratis.  Cobden  founded  free-trade, 
Cleveland  saved  it.  Such  is  the  burden  of  the  song  all  through  England 
to-day." 

THE    DEATU-KXELL   OF   PROTECTION. 

"  The  New  York  representative  of  the  London  Daily  News  telegraphs : 
'Reports  from  Washington  are  increasingly  favorable  to  the  passage  of 
the  tarill'-reform  bill.  It  is  to  be  reported  to  the  House  early  this  week, 
and  its  passage  without  material  modification  is  now  generally  expected. 
The  sentiment  in  favor  of  tariff  reform  is  steadily  growing  in  all  parts  of 
the  country.  A  notable  demonstration  will  be  made  here  on  April  13, 
when  the  Reform  Club,  organized  after  the  message  was  published,  will 
open  the  temporary  club-house.  Mr.  James  Russell  Lowell  has  accepted 
an  invitation  to  preside  at  a  public  meeting  and  make  the  principal  speech. 
The  club  has  over  six  hundred  members.  It.s  sudden  growth  is  only  one 
of  many  signs  that  American  intelligence  is  at  last  awake.  Nothing  in 
American  politics  is  more  ovious  than  that  Mr.  Cleveland's  message  has 
sounded  the  death-knell  of  protection.' 

We  lind  the  foregoing  in  the  Iron  and  Coal  Trades  Review,  of  London. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  President's  message  is  hailed  with  delight 
in  England,  for  the  very  reason  that  it  threatens  destruction  to  American 
industries;  and  if  English  manufacturers  had  the  power  the  Mills  bill 
would  soon  become  a  law. 

— Jackson,  Record,  4704. 
Free  trade— I-2ii{;Iish  UoprosNioii. 

No.  ^UO. — The  commissioners  assign  among  others  two  ppecial 
causes  of  the  depression  :  the  protective  tariff  whicli  they  say  ban  built 
up  the  manufacturing  industries  of  the  I'uited  States,  and  to  a  large  ex- 
tent excluded  foreign  importations;  and  the  protective  tariffs  of  Ger- 
many and  other  European  countries,  which  have  not  only  excluded  Brit- 
ish goods,  but  have  also  resulted  in  large  importations  of  manufactured 
goods  into  England  from  Germany,  Austria,  and  other  countries.  They 
conclude  that  not  only  has  I'ngland's  foreign  market  lieen  partially 
taken  away  from  her  by  protective  tarifl's,  but  that  her  home  market  is 
being  seriously  injiire<l  by  the  foreign  competition  of  nations  whose  in- 
dustries have  been  built  up  by  protective  tariffn. 

The  commission  says  in  its  final  rerxjrt : 

''  We  are  disposed  to  think  that  one  of  the  chief  agencies  which  have 
tended  to  i^erpetuate  this  state  of  things  is  the  protectionist  policy  of  so 
many  foreign  countries  which  has  become  more  marked  during  the  last 
ten  years  than  in  any  i>revious  period  of  any  similar  length.  The  high 
prices  which  protection  secures  the  producer  within  t be  protected  area 
naturally  stimulates  the  production  and  impels  him  to  engage  in  compe- 
tition in  foreign  markets. " 

— SvMEs,  Record,  4.307. 
15.1 


fi:k 

Frve  trudo  export**  luoiioy  that  ooiiiom  not  back. 

\o.  ;i;i7.— Mr.  ('liairm.111,  the  ditloreuce  between  free  trade  anJ  pro- 
tection, so  far  ae  our  country  is  concerned,  may  fairly  be  etated  in  thi^ 
way.  The  free-trader  qaysi,  let  us  buy  where  we  can  buy  the  cheapest, 
that  is,  from  foreigners.  To  pay  for  it  we  mu?t  send  our  money  out  oi' 
the  country,  or,  so  far  as  they  will  take  them,  we  can  exchange  cotton, 
meat,  and  grain.  The  effect  of  this  must  of  course  be  to  stop  manufact- 
uring unless  we  are  willing  to  manufacture  at  lower  rates  and  cheaper 
prices  than  foreigners.  The  money  we  send  away  will  not  come  back, 
Rn<l  every  year  the  country  must  get  poorer  and  poorer.  The  President 
says  that  locking  up  one  or  two  hundred  million  dollars  in  our  own 
Treasury  withdraws  money  from  circulation,  makes  times  hard,  and  may 
bring  0!i  a  panic.  What,  then,  must  be  the  ellect  if  we  send  that  much 
to  forei>rn  countries  every  year  to  buy  goods  and  never  get  it  back?  Is 
the  surplus  so  dangerous  we  want  to  send  it  to  Europe  and  Asia  to  get  it 
out  of  the  road  ?  Is  that  a  good  way  to  dispose  of  it?  The  protectionist 
says  anything  we  buy  abroad  that  we  can  produce  or  make  at  home  is 
deiar  at  any  price.  We  have  coal,  limestone,  and  ore;  let  ua  build  fur- 
naces and  rolling-mills,  employ  our  own  people,  make  our  own  iron,  and 
keep  our  money  at  home.  It  is  better  for  the  farmer  to  Hell  bis  wheat, 
potatoes,  and  meat  to  his  neighbors  who  are  making  the  iron  than  to 
have  to  pay  railroads  and  ships  for  carrying  it  thousands  of  miles  to  liud 
a  foreign  market. 

— Jackson,  Record,  4711. 
Froo  trade  and  farm  products. 

X«.  :(:(S. — Hut  under  a  system  of  free  trade,  while  the  price  of  the 
manufactured  article  would  be  raised,  as  will  be  shown  hereafter,  wage.s. 
and  the  farmers'  products  would  always  be  reduced  to  the  lowest  world- 
standard,  because  farm  products  are  generally  the  result  of  individual 
labor  segregated  and  widely  distributed  all  over  the  world,  and  therefore 
not  so  much  the  subject  of  combination  and  monopoly  in  ihe  interest  of 
the  producer,  but  only  the  iobber.  Moreover,  the  farmer  cannot  suddenly 
increase  or  reduce  his  product  at  will,  for  he  must  sow  and  reap  at  times, 
or  in  seasons  over  which  he  has  no  control.  He  cannot  so  readily  adjust 
his  product  to  the  supply  and  demand  of  the  market  as  can  the  rich  for- 
eign manufacturer.  His  crops  are  perishable,  and  must  generally  be 
gathered  and  sold  when  they  are  ripe;  and  while  his  cattle  and  live-stock 
must  always  be  fed,  they  cannot  always  be  held,  but  must  be  slaughtered 
without  regard  to  the  rise  or  fall  of  values.  Moreover,  the  elements, 
the  weevil,  the  grasfihojijier,  the  cut-worm,  the  hog  cholera,  pleuro-pneu- 
monia, anda  thou6an<l  other  pests,  have  often  more  to  do  with  the  quin- 
tity  and  (juality  of  his  products  than  the  farmer  himself  has  ;  and  as  his 
products  fructify  at  certain  jx-iiodswell  known  to  the  blood-sucking 
speculator,  this  commarcial  free-trader  has  more  to  do  with  the  price  of 
the  farmer's  product  than  has  the  farjner.  Therefore  I  repeat,  sir,  thai 
free  trade  will  always  pull  the  farmer's  product  to  the  lowest  worhl- 
fctandard,  while  it  will  raise  the  price  of  manufactured  articles  just  in 
proportion  as  they  can  drive  out  home  manufactures  and  establish  an 
exclusive  foreign  monopoly  of  these  produ;;tfi. 

— Brumm,  Record,  5218. 

Froo  trado— C)ieor$;e  reooRnizos  it. 

Xo.  mm. — Henry  George,  who  is  certainly  one  of  the  keenest  ob- 
servers of  events,  as  he  is  also  a  close  reasojier,  says,  in  relation  to  the 
discussion  in  Congress  of  the  bill,  of  the  speech  of  Mr.  Mills  as  follows: 

"  Mr.  Mills's  speech  in  opening  the  tariff  debate,  as  printed  in  full  in 
the  Congressional  Kecord,  justifies  the  impressiou  produced  by  the  tele- 
154 


4 


FRE 

graphic  reports.  It  is  a  manly,  vigorous,  and  most  effective  free-trade 
speech,  aboundiaj?  with  t'lling  points  that  go  to  the  very  heart  of  pro- 
tection.    It  ought  to  be  lar<,'ely  circulated  as  a  campaign  document." 

Also  of  the  speech  of  Mr.  ^icMillin,  he  says: 

'•  If  there  remained  in  tlie  mind  of  any  one  a  lingering  doubt  lest  the 
igaue  between  the  two  giant  parties  should  be  belittled  into  a  mere  ques- 
tion of  tariff  tinkering,  Mr.  McMillin's  speech  on  the  reopening  of  the 
tariff  debate  on  Tuesday  last  should  dispel  it.  '  1  would  be  grati  lied, 'said 
the  Tenneessee  CongresHman, '  to  have  any  man  explain  the  justice  of 
requiring  one  man  to  contribute  a  tax  in  order  to  make  another  man's 
vocation.'    This  is  not  talking  tariff  reduction  :  it  is  talking  free  trade." 

— Llhlb.\cu,  Record,  4204. 

Free  trade,  gospel  of. 

Xo.  JIIO. — But  our  free-trade  friends  (and  ))y  that  term  I  include  any 
man  who  favors  putting  on  the  free-list  anything  we  can  make  here  in 
sufficient  quantity,  or  lowering  the  duty  to  such  an  extcut  as  to  place  the 
article  under  control  of  the  foreign  manufacturer)  say  that  tariff  duties 
raise  the  price  of  the  product  and  rob  the  consumer,  while  not  enhancing 
wages;  that  they  foster  monopoly,  shut  us  out  from  the  foreign  market, 
and  produce  overproduction.  Herein  is  the  whole  gospel  of  free  trade. 
Now,  let  us  consider  these  dogmas  seriiitim. 

Fii-st,  they  allege  that  the  tariff  raises  the  price  of  products  and  robs 
the  consumer.  While  this  is  false,  as  I  shall  show  liereafter,  ye'  if  it 
were  true  that  it  raises  the  price,  this  in  itself  would  not  of  necessity  be 
an  evil,  for  if,  under  a  homogeneous  Government,  a  thorougK  system  of 
protection  would  raise  the  value  of  one  or  more  products  of  labor,  it 
would,  if  not  interfered  with  by  a  cheaper  commercial  system,  raise  all 
products  of  labor  and  all  wages  of  labor ;  for  in  a  locality  or  country  of 
divei-silied  interests  and  resources  like  ourd,  where  the  people  rule,  all 
wages  and  products  of  labor,  if  protected  against  extrinsic  factors,  would 
relatively  adjust  themselves  to  a  common  level,  unless,  of  course,  affected 
by  some  special  element,  as  patent-right,  limited  quantity,  or  area. 

— Bhumm,' Record,  5218. 

Froc  trade— Urnsping  at  sliadows. 

No.  311. — Does  your  mouth  water  at  the  prospect?  "What  market 
do  you  give  up  for  all  this?  Where  is  the  best  market  in  the  world? 
Where  the  people  have  the  most  money  to  spend.  Where  have  the  peo- 
ple the  most  money  to  spend?  Right  here  in  the  United  Sratt-s  of 
America  after  twenty-seven  years  of  protectionist  rule.  And  yon  are 
asked  to  give  up  such  a  market  for  the  markets  of  the  world  !  Wliy  the 
history  of  such  a  transaction  was  told  tweaty-four  hundred  years  ago. 
It  is  a  classic.    You  will  lind  it  in  the  works  of  ,Esop,  the  fabuiist. 

On'^e  there  was  a  dog.  lie  was  a  nice  little  dog.  Nothing  the  matter 
with  him  except  a  few  foolish  free  trade  ideas  in  liis  head.  He  w.ih  trot- 
ting along  as  happy  as  the  day,  for  he  had  in  his  mouih  a  ni,*e  shoulder 
of  succulent  mutton.  By  and  by  became  to  a  stream  bridged  by  a  plank. 
He  trotted  along,  and,  looking  over  the  side  of  the  plank,  he  saw  the 
markets  of  the  world  and  dived  for  them.  A  minute  after  he  was  crawl- 
ing up  the  bank  the  wettest,  the  sickest,  the  nastiest,  the  most  mutton- 
less  dog  that  ever  swam  ashore. 

— Reed,  Record,  4073. 

Free  trailc— flow  <'aiiada  inviteM  it. 

Xo.  ;{ 13. — lOxecntive  document  20:>,  of  May  '^,  is  resi):?ctfully  recom- 
•-aended  to  the  House  and  the  country  for  consideration  in  this  connec- 
tion.   Nor  must  I  fail  to  mention  the  policy  our  Canadiau  friends  have 

155 


FRE 

pecn  fit  to  pursue  in  the  matter  of  their  valu>ition  of  our  imporls.  I  havfv 
caurieci  to  be  exaiuine<l  the  various  tarilts  of  the  nations  of  the  worUl,  an-l. 
po  far  as  they  make  distinct  mention  of  the  subject,  they  are  in  accord 
with  our  own,  whidi  fixes  the  ail  valorem  duties  ujion  the  wholesale  price 
of  the  commoditv  in  tlie  markets  of  the  country  of  production.  This 
rule  is  in  accor.luuce  with  the  laws  of  trade,  as  all  commercial  transac- 
tions of  any  moment  are  based  on  that  rule.  But  Canada  haa  seen  fit 
to  make  a  very  harassing  exception  to  this  rule,  and  imposes  her  duties 
ui)ou  the  retail  value  at  which  the  goods  are  sold  for  consumption  in  the 
countries  of  production,  and  as  the  United  States  in  the  preat  bulk  of 
her  common  necessities  is  the  only  country  she  has  to  deal  with,  it  means 
an  assessment  of  duty  upon  the  retail  value,  the  value  at  which  goods 
enter  into  daily  consumption  in  the  homes,  and  not  in  the  markets,  of 
the  United  States. 

— Baker,  New  York,  Record,  4480. 

Fr(M>  trade— How  Eugland  lamonted  the  ^lorriMon  bill. 

.\o,  :tl:S. — I'^ngland  waita  with  undisguised  impatience  the  adoption 
ot  free  trade  in  America. 

After  the  defeat  of  the  Morrison  tariflf  bill,  in  the  Forty-ninth  Con- 
L'refs,  the  London  Daily  Telegraph,  an  ultra  Crown  paper,  had  the  fol- 
fowing: 

••  A  bill  to  establish  in  America  what  the  Encrlish  call  free  trade  has 
just  been  defeated  in  the  House  by  the  narrow  majority  of  four.  The 
measure  was  of  enormous  importance  for  English  manufacturers,  as  it 
would  have  enabled  them  to  export  goods  to  the  States  without  the 
crushing  tarifl" now  imixjsed,  and  ila  fate  was  watched  with  intense  in- 
terest by  Englishmen.  Were  it  passed  it  would  have  been  worth  $100,- 
OOU.UOO  per  annum  to  British  manufacturers. " 

— Kennedy,  Record,  43.38. 

Free  trade— How  it  blesses  England. 

\o.  II 1 1.— I  beg  leave  to  call  your  attention  to  the  following  extract 
from  a  letter  of  Mr.  Howard  Vincent,  M.  P.,  to  the  London  Times,  con- 
cerning t/ie  condition  of  iufluotrial  allairs  in  Great  Britain  at  this  time, 
under  the  free-trade  system  prevailing  there.    He  says: 

"No  national  party  could  p.saibly  ignore  the  serious  state  of  affairs 
now  prevailing.  It  i.s  detailed  from  day  to  day  in  your  columns.  Land 
worth  from  l'j  to  7')  per  cent,  less  than  forty  years  ago  and  almost  un- 
salable ;  arable  lan<l  thrown  into  pasture,  yet  fewer  animals  in  the  fields : 
agricultural  distress  very  similar  to  that  described  by  Lord  Shafcesbury 
as  prevailing  about  1S41 ;  in  the  towns  hundreds  starving,  owing  to  the 
factories  being  closed  or  working  only  on  half  time  ;  deputations  to  local 
authorities  praying  for  relief  works ;  in  the  metropolis  hungry  men  at 
every  corner;  pauperism  increasing;  discontent  rising;  employment 
everywhere  scarcer,  while  the  population  is  rapidly  multiplying. 

"  There  is  no  i-las^,  no  profe.-nion,  no  avocation,  no  calling  unaffected  in 
some  degree.  Distress  must  always  be  fflt  more  in  some  places  and  in 
torue  communities  than  in  others.  But  the  general  fact  is  undeniable. 
The  commissioner  of  police  of  the  metropolis,  the  vestries,  the  guardians 
of  the  poor,  as  well  as  philanthropic  societies  and  statesmen,  may  open 
registers  for  the  unemployed,  but  will  not  provide  the  employment,  for 
little  or  none  is  to  be  found  in  town  or  country.  Temporary  remedies 
mav  be  applied,  but  they  will  not  be  more  effectual  than  palliatives  to  a 
malignant  cancer. 

"Fifty-two  chambers  of  commerce  have  oinoially  declared  that  '  for- 
eign tariffs  and  bounties  and  foreign  competition'  are  '  most  injurious  to 
British  trade,'  and  '  at  the  bottom  of  all  our  troubleg.'  The  royal  coni- 
1-50 


FKE 

miseion  on  the  ilepreesion  of  trmlL'  and  industry  indorped  this  declara- 
tion. Take  the  bills  of  lacHni:  at  any  port  in  the  kingdom,  stand  with  teh 
unemployed  at  the  gatth  of  any  railway  station,  and  the  fact  is  apparent." 

— MoRiiow,  Record,  4L'71. 

Free  trade— How  it  clioupcuN  lubor. 
>o.  It  1.1. — Sir  IMward  .Sullivan,  a  member  of  the  British  Parliament, 

has  written  a  very  able  and  practical  work  upon  the  destructive  eflecta 
which  foreign  competition  by  free  trade  has  brought  upon  English  in- 
dustries. The  English  laboring  claesea  occupy  somewhat  an  intermediate 
position  between  the  American  and  those  cf  the  continental  nations  of 
Europe.  The  result  has  been  that  large  importations  into  England  of 
the  products  of  cheaper  labor  have  greatly  depressed  English  manufact- 
ures.   Mr.  Sullivan  states  this  result  as  follows  : 

"  The  labor  problem  in  this  country  (r.  «.,  in  England)  is  easily  stated  ; 
but  ita  solution  is  another  matter.  A,  B,  C,  1),  E,  and  F  are  industrial 
communities,  all  having  the  same  or  nearly  the  same  advantages  of  ma- 
terial machinery,  etc.,  but  in  B,  C,  D,  E,  and  F  wages  are  from  20  to  50 
to  70  per  cent,  lower  than  in  A  ;  and  moreover,  the  workmen  in  !'>,  C,  1), 
E,  and  F  work  much  longer  hours  and  are  more  thrifty  than  the  work- 
men in  A,  and  consequently  most  manufactured  articles  are  produced 
cheaper  in  B,  C,  D,  E,  and  F  than  in  A. 

"If  therefore  B,  C,  D,  E,  and  F  are  allowed  to  send  into  A's  markets, 
duty  free,  anything  they  can  produce  cheaper  than  A  ran,  it  is  evident 
they  must  undersell  A,  and  the  employment  of  A's  workmen  will  be  de- 
stroyed. There  can  be  no  mistake  about  this;  it  must  be  so  and  it  is  so. 
It  is  just  what  is  happening.  In  France,  Germany,  Austria,  Belgium, 
Holland,  Russia,  E_'ypt,  and  India  the  workers  work  for  from  L'O  to  70 
per  cent,  less  wages  and  about  20  per  cent,  longer  hours.  *  *  *  The 
result  is  that,  all  other  conditions  being  equal,  they  can  produce  almost 
everything  cheaper  than  we  can.  And  this  they  are  doing ;  and  our 
free-traders,  in  illustration  of  the  warning  that  a  certain  nerson  '  always 
tinds  work  for  idle  hands  to  do,'  are  working  night  ana  day  to  devise 
further  means  to  enable  them  to  deliver  their  cheap  goods  in  our  markets 
at  the  lowest  possible  cost,  and  their  ellbrts  are  completely  suo-essful. 
Every  year  the  delivery  of  foreign  gobds  enormou.sly  increases,  and  every 
year  the  employment  of  our  workers  enormously  diminishes  ;  and  this  is 
very  simple. 

"  It  would  happen  to  France,  Germany,  etc.,  if  they  were  fools  enough 
to  follow  our  example." 

— Symks,  Record,  4307-8. 

Free  triMlc— How  It  would  iujiiro  raruterN. 

>o.  :i  10. — As  an  illustration,  take  one  and  a  half  millions  of  the  per- 
sons now  engaire<l  in  uianufacturing  and  mining,  an<l  |>ut  them  to  farm- 
ing. an<l  it  would  add  about  2o  per  cent,  to  the  number  of  farmerw,  and 
thus  reduce  the  numljer  of  non-producing  consumers  in  like  prt)portion 
and  add  one-tifth  additional  to  tlie  present  surplus  productions  made  by 
the  farmers,  which  would  greatly  reauce  the  price  ot  all  farm  iiroducta  in 
the  market  below  what  it  now  is;  and  if  one  and  a  half  millions  of  the 
persons  now  engaged  in  manufacturing  and  mining  were  taken  from 
that  pursuit,  that  would  greatly  re<luce  the  manufatluretl  articles  in  the 
market,  and  to  that  extent  increase  the  price  of  all  manufactured  articl«ii 
that  must  be  bought  by  the  farmer. 

—Senator  Bkown  (Dem.),  Record,  2147. 
Free  trade  in  the  luilieniiiiiiii, 

Xo.  :{  47.— Free  trade  in  the  United  States  is  fountled  upon  a  com- 
munity of  etjualities  and  reciprocities.     It  is  like  the  unrestrained  free- 

157 


FRE 

<  lorn  and  reciproial  relal  ions  and  (jV)linationfl  of  a  family.  Here  we  are 
one  country,  one  lan^jnape,  one  allegiance,  one  standani  of  citizenship, 
one  llajj,  one  Coubtitutiou,  one  nation,  one  deatiny.  It  ia  otherwise  with 
foreij^n  nation",  each  a  peparate  organism,  a  diBtinct  and  independent 
rxil'tical  pociety  orKanize<l  for  ita  own,  to  protect  ita  own,  and  work  out 
Its  own  destiny.  We  deny  to  those  foreign  nations  free  trade  with  ua 
njwn  equal  terms  with  our  own  producers.  The  foreign  producer  has  no 
right  or  claim  to  equality  with  our  own.  He  is  not  amenable  to  our 
laws.  There  are  resting  upon  liim  none  of  the  obligations  of  citizenship. 
He  pays  no  taxes.  He  performs  no  civil  duties;  is  subject  to  no  de- 
111  inds  for  military  service.  He  is  exempt  from  State,  county,  and  mun- 
icipal obligitions.  He  contributes  nothing  to  the  support,  the  progress, 
ami  glory  of  the  nation.  Why  should  he  enjoy  unrestrained  equal  nriv- 
ileges  and  prolits  in  our  markets  with  our  producers,  our  labor,  anu  our 
tax-payers?  Let  the  gentleman  who  follows  me  answer.  We  put  a 
burden  upon  hia  productions,  we  discriminate  against  his  merchandise, 
because  he  ia  alien  to  ua  and  our  intereatf,  and  we  do  it  to  protect  our 
own,  defend  our  own,  preserve  our  own,  who  are  alwaya  with  us  in  ad- 
versity and  prosperity,  in  sympathy  and  purpoee,  and,  if  necessary,  in 
sacrifice. 

— MlKinlky,  Record,  4749. 
Free  traulc— In  wIioho  Interest? 

\o.  11  IS.— Dj  you  suppose  that  you  can  convince  the  farmer  of  the 
Weat,  in  the  light  of  experience  and  historv",  that  absolute  free  trade  is 
best  f'>r  him  and  hia  interests?  What  town  or  community  upon  our 
prairiea  would  not  give  a  bonus  to  secure  a  factory  of  aome  sort  in  its 
midst?  What  farming  community  would  say  no  to  the  proposition  that 
would  place  twenty-five,  one  himdred,ora  thousand  workmen  near  them 
to  purchase  their  garden  and  farm  products? 

Those  manufacturers  paid  the  Cobden  Club  alone  more  than  a  million 
of  dollars  a  <iuarter  of  a  century  ago  to  establish  free  trade.  They  ex- 
pended untold  millions  upon  millions  in  underselling  ami  (Iriving  out 
manufacturing  es'abliphments  in  tlfis  and  other  countries.  The  British 
government  lent  its  aid  directly  to  the  enterprise  by  paying  enormous 
subsidies  to  ateamship  and  tran8j)ortation  linea  to  insure  transportation 
for  the  goods.  The  object  accomplished,  the  competing  and  home  factory 
closed,  the  British  manufacturer  at  once  places  the  price  of  hia  wares 
where  they  will  net  him  a  handsome  profit,  after  paying  him  for  all  losses, 
and  the  poor  lamb  that  has  been  cajoled  by  the  foreign  wolf  must  pay 
the  price  he  aska  or  go  without. 

*  — GiFFORD,  Record,  5791. 

Free  trade  is  tHxiuK  iioii'OoiiipetiiiK  iteuiH. 

\o.  :t4l>. — But  juHt  now,  for  a  moment,  I  want  ip  hold  the  attention 
of  the  HouBe  and  the  country  to  the  (act  that  the  contest  precijiitated  by 
this  bill  is  between  our  present  protective  syntem  and  its  insidious  foe, 
free  trade,  or  tariff  for  revenue  only,  which  is  the  fame  thing,  for  there 
is  no  Fiich  thing  as  absolute  free  tra<le.  All  free-tra<le  nations,  so  called, 
lay  tariff  ilulieaon  imports,  free-trade  ICnjiland  raiding  almost  $K>0,0On.fX>0 
annually,  and  free-trade  No.'way  and  Sweden  each  about  one-third  of 
their  revenues  from  that  Fource.  The  distinguishing  feature  of  the  free- 
trade  or  revenue-tariff  policy  is  to  lay  duties  on  foreign  goods  without 
any  reference  whatever  to  the  protection  of  domestic  industries,  but 
solely  for  revenu?,  and  this,  in  contrailistinction  from  a  protective  tariff, 
which,  while  it  rai.set?  revenue,  protects  domestic  products,  is  called  free 
tra<le.  Hence  a  tariff  for  revenue  only,  a  revenue  tariff,  and  free  trade 
are  equivalent  terms. 

— Groxtt,  Record,  4405. 
138 


I"  HE 

Free  traile— ItM  propliot  aii«I  liiH  4liN<*i|>leN. 

\4>.  ilTiO. — Therein  but  one  free  trade,  and  the  President  is  its  pro- 
phet. Whoever  falls  in  battle  in  the  service  of  this  new  Allah  and  its 
prophet  for  hiui  shall  open  the  shining  grates  of  the  heaven  of  foreiRn 
midf  ions  and  Federal  olUces.  Therefore,  with  conGdence  I  quote  to  the 
true  believers  the  inspired  wisdom  of  the  message.  It  is  an  old  quota- 
tion much  wondered  at.  Tiie  mere  wisdom  of  tliis  world  has  refuted  it 
many  times  and  oft.  But  it  is  of  the  essence  of  the  doctrines  which  op- 
pose prottction.  It  is  the  warp  and  woof  of  the  whole  discussion,  which 
must  be  mj'  excuse  for  again  inflictinig  it  on  a  weary  world.  "  These 
laws,"  he  says,  and  he  is  speaking  of  tarilf  laws — "  These  laws  raise  the 
price  to  consumers  of  all  articles  imported  and  subject  to  duty  by  prt- 
••ist'tj  the  sum  paid  for  such  duties."  ''  Precisely"  is  the  word  he  uses, 
and  it  is  a  word  of  tremendous  significance.  JIul  the  corollary  whicli  he 
draws  from  the  whole  sentence  is  of  still  more  tremendous  significance. 
If  the  consumer  pays  "  precisely  "  the  duty  in  excess  of  the  price  of  the 
imported  article,  then  the  President  is  also  right  when  he  says  that  on 
all  domestic  protected  articles  the  consumer  pays"  nearly  or  quite  the 
same  enhanced  price."  That  is  the  whole  counsel  of  the  Lonl  on  tlie 
subject  Whether  the  protection  be  incidental  or  accidental,  the  ref-ult 
of  war  tariff  or  peace  tarifl',  the  consumer  not  only  pays  the  duty  on  im- 
ported articles  to  the  Government,  but  also  on  all  domestic  productions 
Its  equivalent  to  the  greedy  manufacturer. 

— Rekd,  Record,  4668. 
Free  trade  uicaiiM  uiitaxotl  f'oroiKii  euuipotitioii. 

Xo.  JWI.— Cheap  blankets  ami  cheap  salt  are  a  mockery  if  labor  is 
cheaper  still.  Free  trade  means  untaxed  foreign  compe'.ition.  It  cheap- 
em  a  few  things  the  workman  consumes,  but  cheapens  everything  that 
he  produces.  Protection  raises  the  price  of  a  few  things  the  workman 
consumes,  but  raises  the  price  of  everything  he  produces,  an<l  higher 
wages  for  what  he  produces  means  a  higher  standard  of  life  for  home, 
wife  and  children. 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3S39. 
Free  tra<lc— .MillH  bill  iindoniablo. 

Xo.  W^i'Z. — To  the  wool->.'rower  and  the  men  interested  in  that  busi- 
ness tlie  Mills  bill  is  in  exproj^s  terms  and  without  any  qualilicationa 
absolute  free  trade.  It  is  not  a  tstep  in  the  right  direction,  as  free-traders 
would  describe  some  parts  of  the  bill.  No  balf-way  measures  aVxiut  it. 
It  is  not  an  effort  to  lessen  or  lower  the  tariff  under  a  pretext  of  reducing 
the  income,  but  at  once  our  i)ortfl  and  market.s  are  made  free  to  wool  of 
all  kinds.  The  stranger  pays  nothing  to  stand  on  an  ecjnality  with  our 
citizens.  It  is  free  trade  in  wool.  Perhaps,  in  this  connection — lest  some 
might  infer  that  there  was  not  much  free  traee  in  this  bill  beside  wool — 
it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  call  attention  to  the  fart  that  it  is  absolute 
free  trade  in  many  other  industries  in  this  country  that  give  employ- 
ment to  thounands  of  our  peopln.  It  proposes  free  trade  in  wool,  free 
trade  in  wood,  fbmSer,  and  timber  of  all  kinds;  free  trade  in  salt ;  free 
trade  in  copper  ores;  free  trade  in  liemp,  manilla,  and  all  vegetable 
fibers  ;  free  trade  in  tin-plate;  free  trade  in  tish  ;  free  trade  in  iron  and 
steel  cotton  ties  or  hoop^ ;  free  trade  in  vegetAbl.'S  ;  free  trade  in  over 
one  hundred  other  articles,  with  sweeping  retluctiona  in  regard  to  many 
articles  that  are  left  dutiable. 

— J.\CKS0N,  Record,  09.35, 
Free  Irado— .Hr.  .IlillH  four  year**  aRO. 

X^o.  \ViX\. — I  am  disapfxiintfil  in  the  sjH'ech  of  my  friend  from  Texas. 
I  supposed  he  would  have  made  some  such  declaration  aa  this  : 

109 


FRE 

"  God  grant  that  the  day  may  soon  come  when  American  ships, 
freighted  with  American  commerce,  shall  again  go  to  sea  under  the  shield 
and^  protection  of  our  own  Hag. 

"  But  if  that  day  is  to  come  it  must  be  preceded  bv  a  reversal  of  the 
policy  of  commercial  reBtriction.  We  must  remove— both  by  legislation 
and  diplomacy— every  hindering  cause  that  prevents  the  free  exckange 
of  the  products  of  our  labor  in  all  the  markets  of  the  world. 

"  We  must  unfetter  every  arm,  and  let  every  muscle  strike  for  the 
highest  remuneration  for  its  toil. 

"  We  must  let  wealth,  the  creation  of  labor,  grow  np  in  all  the  homes 
of  our  people.  Then  every  industry  will  spring  forward  at  a  bound,  and 
wealth,  prosperity,  and  power  will  bless  the  land  that  is  dedicated  to  free 
men,  free  labor,  and  free  trade."     [Loud  applause.] 

[Loud  applause  on  the  Democratic  side.] 

Now  hear  the  applause  on  the  Democratic  side.  I  am  glad  to  hear 
that  [renewed  laughter  and  applause  on  the  Democratic  side],  because 
it  shows  that  they  recognize  the  courage  that  their  leader  had  four  years 
ago,  and  which  he  seems  to  be  deprived  of  to-day. 

—Reed,  Record,  6465. 

Free  Irade— Milli*  opouly  lor  if. 

\o.  a51.— On  April  24,  1S78,  in  discussing  the  "  W^ood  tariff  bill," 
Mr.  Mills  u.sea  this  language: 

"  The  committee  could  have  imposed  duties  at  20  per  cent.,  as  a  gen- 
eral rule,  making  a  few  exceptions  above  that  standard  and  many  below, 
and  raise  one  hundred  millions  instead  of  one  hundred  and  forty-one.  The 
next  year  the  sameduties  would  bring  one  hundred  and  twenty  millions, 
because  the  imports  would  be  largely  increased  by  the  lower  duties.  Our 
policy  should  be  to  take  the  smallest  amount  of  taxes  that  we  can  by 
customs;  and  we  should  gradually  decrease  the  amount  until  our  customs 
taxes  come  alone  from  no  compding  articles  entering  our  custom  houses. 
We  now  have  over  a  hundred  millions  from  whisky  and  tobacco  and 
other  internal  taxes,  but  they  are  on  the  same  principle  as  the  tariff 
taxes  on  consumption,  and  fall  on  the  poor,  and  should  be  largely  de- 
creased."    (See  volume  2t»  of  Congressional  Record,  page  2793.) 

Here  the  honorable  gentleman  declares  for  a  tariff  for  revenue  only, 
such  aa  they  have  in  England,  and  which  is  known  as  free  trade  there. 
The  honorable  gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Cox]  compares  nrotec- 
tion  with  highway  robbery,  and  votes  for  the  lowest  possible  reduction 
of  duty  on  everything,  unless  the  Democratic  caucus  orders  otherwise. 
Many  speakers  upon  the  other  side  have  boldly  declared  that  this  bill 
does  not  go  as  far  towards  free  trade  as  they  wished,  but  they  would  sup- 
port it  as  the  best  they  could  get,  while  other  leaders  of  the  party  coun- 
sel moderation  until  the  party  gets  full  control  of  the  executive  and  legis- 
lative departments  of  the  Government. 

— Bbeweb,  Record,  6765. 

Free  trade— No  "  shorter  liour?*"  to  protect  labor. 

Xo.  tl^a. — Speakingof  shorter  hours  of  labor  the  British  commission 
report,  from  which  I  have  quoted,  says,  page  XXI,  paragraph  82,  speak- 
ing of  shorter  hours  of  labor  : 

"It  must  be  for  the  country  and  the  workman  himself  to  decide 
whether  the  advantages  of  shorter  hours  compensate  for  the  increased 
cost  of  production  or  diminished  output.  We  believe  that  they  do,  and 
on  BO<-ial  as  well  a.s  on  economical  questions  we  should  regret  to  see  any 
curtailment  of  the  leisure  and  freedom  which  the  workman  now  enjoys. 
No  advantage  which  could  be  expected  to  accrue  to  the  commerce  of  the 
country  would,  in  our  opinion,  compensate  for  such  a  change." 
160 


FKE 

On  tlie  commission  was  Bonaiuy  Price,  the  only  recognized  professor 
on  it,  and  here  is  his  sole  contril'iitiou  to  this  volume: 

"  I  beg  to  express  my  disaent  from  piiragranh  82.  It  contains  a  special 
repudiation  of  the  great  doctrine  of  free  trade.  [Great  if^  Uiana  of  the 
Ephesian?.]  Shorter  hours  of  labor  do  not  and  cannot  compensate  to  a 
nation  for  iucTeased  cost  of  i)roduction  or  diminished  output.  They  tax 
the  community  with  dearer  goods  in  order  to  confer  Fpe<'ial  advantages 
on  the  workiu^man.  They  protect  him,  and  tiiat  is  a  direct  repudiation 
of  free  trade.    Ike  country  is  sentencetl  to  dearer  and  fewer  goods." 

BoNAMV  Price. 

He  is  right,  the  dear  professor,  though  rather  crisp  and  brutal.  Shorter 
hours  and  higher  wages  are  "direct  repudiations  of  free  trade.  ' 

—Reed,  Record,  4670. 

Free  trade  aud  protection— Comparison  of  intelliKenee. 

\'o.  356. — Under  the  caption  "  Number  of  newspapers  mailed  to  sub- 
scribers or  news  agepts  by  publishers  and  news  agents"  we  have  the 
following  exhibit : 

Total  of  the  sixteen  free-trade  states laH  203,516 

Total  Ohio  and  Llinois lu!),254,004 

■Showing  dilFerence  in  favor  of  these  two  protection  States,  Ohio  and 
Illinois,  of  3,050,488. 

But  perad venture  publications  of  a  higher  order,  which  evidence  more 
recondite  learning  ^nd  philosophical  research,  have  flourished  better. 
Let  us  examine. 

Under  the  claaification  "  Number  of  magazines  and  other  periodicals 
mailed  to  subscribers  or  news  agents  by  publishers  and  news  agents"  we 
have  the  following  exhibit. 

Here  is  the  showing : 

Total  number 3,800,3.52 

Total  number  issued  in  Ohio G,4«J8,216 

Difference  in  favor  of  Ohio 2,0(i7,8G4 

— BuTTKRWORTn,  Record,  43I»7. 
Free  trade  or  protection. 

\o.  11^7. — Tiie  Democracy  has  under  Cleveland  after  forty  years 
renewed  its  allegiance  to  English  free  trade.  This  tight  is  not  dver  tlie 
details  of  this  hill  but  on  the  broad  issue  of  free  trade  or  protection. 
Your  tariff  of  1840,  the  L-ontagion  of  Cobden's  enthu8ia.«m,  resulted  in 
the  Imnkruptcy  of  all  industries,  wheat  rotting  in  unthrashe<l  si;  ckw,  and 
com  burned  for  fuel  on  the  Western  farms.  Said  Richard  Cobden  in 
1844: 

'  You  hav^no  more  right  to  doubt  that  the  sun  will  rise  to-morrow 
than  to  doubt  that  in  less  than  ten  years  from  this  time,  when  En>:l:ind 
inaugurates  the  glorious  era  of  commercial  freedom,  every  civillztnl  na- 
tion will  be  free  trade  to  the  backbone." 

— McCoMAs,  Record,  3837. 

Free  trade  or  prote<*ti<»n— \o  middle  Kroimd. 

3fo.  :t.>S. —  ^Ir.  (jliairtnar),  there  in  no  -niddie  uround  on  this  quef-tion. 
Such  a  claim  is  a  mere  pretense.  \  man  is  a  free-trader  or  prote<*tionist- 
If  a  free-trader,  as  far  as  the  revenue  is  raised  bv  tariff,  he  wants  it 
levied  without  reference  to  protecting  industries.  If  he  is  a  protection- 
ist, ho  wants  it  levied  with  special  reference  to  its  industrial  Ix^nefits  ;  and 
when  an  industry  is  self-siipporting.  or  experiment  has  prrtven  it  incapa- 
ble of  development,  he  withdraws  the  protection.  The  lines  that  sepa- 
xi  101 


FRE 

rate  them  are  as  widely  separate  aa  the  poles  and  as  clearly  defined  tif- 
ai^'  diflerent  policies  of  government.  The  tariff" reformer  is  a  politician. 
a  citizen  who  is  not  anciiored  to  any  governmental  principle.  He  is  a 
Bpeculator  on  political  chances.  He  is  an  industrial  mugwump,  who, 
when  you  scratch  his  back  vou  lind  a  man  who  reforms  every  one  else, 
hut  wants  to  protect  the  iildustries  in  hi.s  own  district. 

For  me  to  clefcnd  and  protect  an  industry  in  my  own  district,  and  bup- 
port  the  free-trade  policy  against  other  industri-s  elsewhere,  sliows  me 
asreally  acknowledging  the  value  of  protection,  but  that  as  a  politician! 
am  willint:  lo  join  my  jiurty  in  a  crusade  against  others.  It  is  of  seed 
such  ad  this  that  trouijle  i.s  brought  to  governments. 

— Owen,  Record,  554."). 

Froo  trade  or  protection  the  Inniio. 

\o.  :S5fK — But  to  conclude,  let  me  say  that  the  isaue  is  now  fairly 
and  clearly  m\de  between  the  crreat  parties  of  the  country,  the  Denio- 
<Tatic  free  trader  and  the  Republican  protectionist,  and  I  am  glad  it  is  so. 
We  see  no  more  f-uch  dodgery  of  this  question  on  the  part  of  our  Demo- 
cratic friends,  as  they  have  hitherto  attempted  with  such  success  as  their 
skill  obtained  by  long  experience  in  that  art  entitled  them  to.  The 
President's  message,  the  Mills  bill,  and  the  tariff  debate  in  this  House 
have  done  one  good  if  no  other.  They  have  disclosed  to  the  country 
that  the  Democratic  policy  is  free  trade  and  nothing  short  of  that ;  and 
if  the  present  bill  goes  not  quite  to  that  length,  its  advocates  do  ;  that 
is  sustained  upon  free-trade  ground  and  no  other,  and  that  the  Demo- 
cratic party  only  awaits  a  convenient  opportunity  to  come  out  of  its 
already  broken  shell  into  as  fully  Hedged  a  champion  of  free  trade,  })ure 
and  simple,  as  the  most  ardent  of  its  leaders  or  the  most  radical  Kmriisl; 
membern  of  the  Cobden  Club,  to  which  it  haa  contributed  so  many  ad- 
herents in  this  country,  could  desire. 

— MiLLiKKN,  Record,  4255. 

Free  trade— The  end  clearly  stated. 

\«».  JKIO. — The  gentleman  from  Texas  [Mr.  Mills]  a  few  years  ago  so 
clearly  outlined  the  policy  of  his  party,  and  so  clearly  foreshadowed  the 
bill  that  he  now  champions,  that  I  desire  to  read  a  few  words  from  a 
speei'h  delivered  by  him  in  this  House,  showing  that  It  is  the  purpose  of 
the  Democratic  party  to  land  this  country  ultimately  upon  free  trade. 
The  gentleman  said : 

"  The  committee  could  have  imposed  duties  at  20  per  cent.,  as  a  gen- 
eral ru'e,  making  a  few  exceptions  above  that  standard  and  many  below, 
and  raised  one  hundred  millions  instead  of  one  hundre<l  and  forty  one. 
The  next  year  the  same  duties  would  bring  one  hundred  and  twenty 
millions,  because  the  imports  would  be  largely  increased  by  the  low 
duties." 

Just  what  we  have  charged  will  be  the  effect  of  this  bill  if  it  should 
become  a  law. 

"  Our  policy  should  be  to  take  the  smallest  amount  of  taxes  that  we 
can  by  customs —  " 

Now  mark  this  language — 
'"  and  we  should  gradually  decrease  the  amount  until  our  customs  taxes 
come  alony  from  non-competing  articles  entering  our  custom-houses. ' 

There  is  tlie  distinct  declaration  of  free  trade.  First,  by  lowering  the 
duties  you  will  increase  the  importations,  and  year  after  year  as  the  im- 
portations increase  and  the  revenues  grow,  the  policy  is  to  stride  the 
duties  slill  Iwwer,  until,  what?  Tnfil  the  time  comes  when  there  shall 
be  no  duty  levied  upon  any  article  that  comes  in  competition  with  an 
American  product.  That  is  the  declaration  of  the  gentleman  from  T*-xas. 
1(12 


fi;t: 

the  cliairman  of  tbe  ("oramitfce  on  Ways  ami  Mrane.  Tt  is  upon  that 
theory  that  thin  bill  is  fninu'd,  ami  the  i^eutJtMiian  liimself  has  confessed 
that  the  praelical  effect  of  the  measure  will  he,  lirst,  to  stiiunlate  impor- 
tations, increase  the  revenue,  and  drive  the  country  to  free  trade. 

— BuKROWs,  Record.  G1G5. 

Free  <rn<le— The  President  arKues  it. 

\o.  ;I6I. — The  President  in  hia  message  and  other  addresses  presenta 
all  the  arfiumenta  adduced  by  the  mo^•t  rabid  free  trader,  and  yet  he  as- 
serts that  the  question  of  free  trade  or  protection  is  not  an  issue.  He 
urges  the  placing  of  wool  and  other  articles  called  "  raw  material  "  upon 
the  free-list,  and  to  that  extent  he  certainly  must  be  a  free-trader. 
Henry  George  and  every  free-trader  in  America  supports  Grover  Cleve- 
land for  President.  Kvery  free-trader  in  England  favors  the  re-election 
of  (trover  Cleveland,  fur  they  know  that  his  views  are  in  harmony  with 
their  own,  even  though  he  may  refuse  to  be  classed  with  them.  Let  us 
see  what  they  say. 

The  London  Daily  News,  the  great  Liberal  organ,  of  the  same  date, 
uses  the  f  jllowing  language  : 

"  President  Cleveland's  speech  is  more  to  the  point.  He  discusses  the 
principles  at  issue  in  the  struggle  and  shows  that  he  i«  the  free-trade 
candiuate  in  everything  but  name.  The  reservation  is  an  important  one 
for  American  party  purposes.  The  President  feels  compelled  to  charact- 
erize the  attempt  to  brand  him  as  a  free-trader  as  deception,  but  for  all 
that  the  electoral  conflict  now  in  progress  is  a  conflict  between  free 
trade  and  protection,  and  nothing  less.  This  is  a  very  good  conflict  as 
things  go,  and,  like  warfare  between  good  and  evil,  it  threatens  to  be 
perpetual.  Mr.  Cleveland  may  Ond  a  more  formidable  antagonist  in 
General  Harrison  than  we  have  been  led  to  expect." 

— Bkewkr,  Record,  6755. 

Free  trade— The  true  inwardness. 

yio.  ilOS. — Sir,  but  one  thing  is  needed  to  enable  us  to  take  the  scep- 
ter of  the  sees  from  England,  to  make  our  country  the  master  of  the 
trade  of  the  world — it  is  to  abolish  the  protective  tarifl'and  the  substitu- 
tion of  a  revenue  tarifl,  with  such  incidental  protection  as  it  will  justly 
afford. 

I  beg  leave  to  quote  the  following  from  my  remarks  on  the  subject  in 
my  speech  of  May,  1884. 

"  We  have  all  the  raw  materials  in  inexhaustible  abundance  within 
our  own  borders,  the  best  and  moat  intelligent  workmen  in  the  world  in 
our  midst,  yet  the  little  storm-beaten  island  of  England,  H.tXX)  miles 
away,  has  outstripped  us  in  all  the  markets  of  the  world  in  the  sale  of 
manufactured  articles.  She  undersells  us  everywhere.  She  sends  her 
ships  to  our  jwrts.  She  buys  cotton  of  our  planters,  transports  it  back 
to  her  shores,  manufactures  the  raw  material  into  articles  of  commerce, 
then  comes  right  to  our  door  and  undersells  us  in  Mexico, C<?ntralAmer- 
icji,  an»l  South  America;  yea,  even  passes  contemptuously  beyond  us  to 
the  other  great  ocean  and  wrests  from  us  the  trade  of  the  Pacific.  Why 
is  it  so?  Is  it  because  the  Englishman  is  more  enterprising  or  energetic 
than  the  American  ?  All  the  world  knows  that  is  not  true.  Is  it  be- 
cause she  has  establishe<l  friendly  commercial  relations  with  the  world  ? 
she  has  cast  down  all  her  barriers  of  protection  and  opened  her  market 
to  the  products  of  every  countrv. 

"  In  185G  the  l>emocratic  national  convention — 

"^RfHofirtl,  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment to  foster  one  brancli  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of  another,  or  to 
cherish  the  interests  of  one  portion  of  out  common  country.' 

163 


FRE 

"  Italeo  rt^pcito'l  vcilnUuia  the  first  resolution  quoted  above  of  the 
convenlion  ol'  l.So2,  aiul  then  it — 

"  'Resohed  finall;/,  The  time  has  come  for  the  people  of  the  Uniled 
States  to  declare  theuiselvea  in  lavor  of  free  seas  and  progressive  frte 
trade  throughout  the  world.'" 

— TowNsoKND,  (Dem.),  Record,  4248. 

I'rt'C  Irado— When  wo  own  ll*o  earth. 

No.  ;jO;i.— Tiie  free-trad^'rs  aasifii  tliat  the  farmers  are  beine  robbed 
hy  a  t:irifr  for  the  benefit  of  Americ.in  manufacturers,  and  tnat  they 
Blinuld  buy  where  they  can  buy  cheapest,  which  he  assumes  is  wherever 
labor  is  cheapest.  The  protectionists  declares  that  those  employed  in 
American  factories  are  now  consumers  of  the  products  of  the  soil ;  that 
if  forcetl  out  of  employment  in  manufacture  they  will  cease  to  be  con- 
sumers, and  mu.st  become  agriculturista  and  competitors  of  the  farmerb  ; 
that  the  policy  of  exchanging:  fiirm  products  for  foreign  poods  will  not 
benefit  the  American  farmer,  but  will  the  European  manufacturer. 

Mr.  Chairman,  when  I  am  the  member  of  a  Congress  which  legislates 
for  the  whole  world  I  will  be  a  free-trader  and  will  advocate  the  theories 
of  free  trade.  This  Congress  legislates  for  the  United  States  only,  and  its 
duty  is  to  defend  the  interests  of  our  citizens  against  the  rest  of  the 
world.  The  American  free-trader  i  i  endeavoring  to  fulfill  the  prophecy 
made  by  Adam  Smith,  in  his  Wealth  of  Nations,  when  he  said: 

"  It  will  take  less  time  to  people  America  than  it  does  to  civilize  a  bar- 
barous nation;  and  as  it  bet;oraes  populous  it  will  consume  the  produce 
of  nations  who  have  more  men  and  less  territory.  Rich  in  the  poeses- 
eion  of  a  fertile  soil,  possessing  the  knowledge  and  feeling  the  wants  </f 
the  most  civilized  nations  of  Europe,  they  will  exchange  the  produce  of 
their  soil  for  the  products  of  their  labor." 

This  pictures  America  as  merely  a  big  farm  tributary  to  European 
greatness.  That  was  what  ihe  British  Government  tried  to  make  the 
colonies  by  prohibiting  manufaclures  and  forcing  the  colonists  to  be  a 
people  of  agriculturists.  Our  Revolutionary  forefathers  removed  these 
restrictions  by  the  sword,  and  within  tl:e  space  of  a  single  century  under 
the  protective  system  we  have  become  the  greatest  manufacturing  na- 
tion on  earth.  What  the  British  Government  forced  this  country  to  do 
as  colonies,  the  Cobden  Club  and  the  D'mocratic  party  are  endeavoring 
to  persuade  it  to  do  now  that  it  is  an  independent  nation. 

The  free-trader  considers  a  tarifl'  as  a  neccrsary  evil,  to  be  justified 
only  as  a  means  of  raising  revenue.  But  if  i he  tarifi'  is  wl'at  it  has  been 
described  by  the  Pre.sident  au4.1  by  gen  lemen  upon  this  fioor  why  use  it 
as  a  system  of  raising  revenue?  If  it  raises  the  price  of  everything  con- 
sumed without  any  corresponding  advantage  to  our  citizens,  if  it  robs 
the  poor  for  the  benefit  of  the  rich,  if  it  "impoverishes  the  ptople  and 
protects  those  who  are  not  entitled  to  jjrotection,and  whom  it  is  a  bhame 
and  a  crime  to  protect,  at  the  expense,  the  toil,  and  the  suffering  of  tlieir 
countrymen,"  why  not  abandon  the  t-ystem? 

The  President  calls  the  tariff  ''the  viciouf^,  inequitable,  dlogical  source 
of  »innecea«ary  taxation."  The  gentleman  from  South  Canlina  [Mr. 
Hemphill]  declares  it  to  be  an  "unholy  and  unhallowed  scheme  erro- 
nooni^ly  called  protection."  The  gentleman  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Caruth] 
says : 

"This  tariff  is  a  most  insidious  enemy.  It  works  in  silence  and  under 
cover,  and  whilst  it  pretends  to  be  giving  us  'protection,'  it  is  really 
stealing  our  substance  and  destroying  our  lives." 

If  these  btatements  are  true,  then  1  am  opposed  to  a  tariff  for  revenue 
or  to  any  kind  of  a  tarifl'. 
These  verj'  moderate  denunciations  at  the  nation's  capital  have  been 


FRE 

cchofd  by  frientls  of  the  AilminiRtratinn  throughout  the  country,  ampli- 
fi'-il  and  specifically  applied.  Hon.  F>ank  Hnrd,  while  recently  inBtruct- 
inn  and  edifyinjj:  the  Democracy  of  Illinois,  is  reported  as  follows  : 

■'The  tiiiitr  touches  five  thousand  articles  that  enter  into  daily  con- 
sumption. They  are  increased  in  price  4')  per  cent.,  and  those  most  used 
by  tiie  poor  70  per  cent.  The  average  wa;:e8  is  S400  a  year,  and  if  the 
taritr  is  but  50  per  cent.,  out  of  his  $400  the  workman  has  to  nay  $200.  He 
gets  nothing  out  of  the  tariff— is  absolutely  robbed  of  $200.'' 

— Po.sT,  Record,  4343. 

Free  tra«le— Why  Enfflnnd  is  for  it. 

Xo.  !t61. — England  is  a  free-trade  country,  and  why?  Simply  be- 
CAUse  she  consumes  only  37  per  cent,  of  what  she  produces  or  manu- 
factures, and  is  compelled  to  tiiid  a  market  for  the  remaining r)3  percent, 
of  all  her  pro<lu''tionB.  In  other  words,  when  a  British  manufacturer 
makes  three  articles  he  can  see  only  one  of  them  at  home,  and  is  com- 
l)elled  to  find  a  foreign  market  for  the  other  two;  otherwise  his  factory 
must  close. 

America  consumes  92  per  cent,  of  what  she  produces,  and  sends  only  8 
per  cent,  abroad.  Therefore,  if  America  should  sell  nothing  abroad,  only 
one  man  out  of  every  twelve  would  be  thrown  out  of  employment.  We 
would  not  have  a  repetition  of  the  flobs  of  London,  SheOield,  Birming- 
ham, and  Manchester. 

— Kennedy,  Record,  4357. 

Free  trade— Why  Is  FnKlund  Nunorins:  ? 

Xo.  liWi, — The  revenue  tariffonly  has  prevailed  during  that  perio<l 
in  En;iland  and  Ireland.  The  result  there  is  also  known  to  the  world. 
Has  it  proved  a  benefit  to  Ireland  ?  Let  her  people,  escaping  by  the 
million  to  this  and  other  shores,  answer  for  her.  What  do  I'cglishmen 
Bay  for  themselves  ?  They  certainly  are  competent  witnesses  in  their  own 
afirairs.  For  years  they  have  been  bewailing  the  lo-sses  and  ruin  which 
have  come  to  their  agriculture,  both  in  reduced  productions  and  reduced 
prices.  The  depression  in  manufactures  and  traue  have  become  so  public 
and  serious  that  a  parliamentary  commission  was  recently  appointed  to 
inquire  into  its  causes.  That  commission  in  its  report  declares  that  the 
inihistrial  crisis  in  England  has  continue*!  since  1875,  which  was  the 
year  when  the  remarkable  prosperity  of  tlie  United  States  became  evi- 
dent after  the  passage  of  the  act  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments. 
This  commission  ga7e  as  the  reason  for  the  depression  the  low  profits  of 
manufacturers. 

An  Englinh  writer,  from  whom  I  shall  quote  further  presently,  com- 
menting on  the  commission's  report,  says  : 

"  Tnat  low  protits  mean  reduced  wages  of  labor  or  the  employment  of 
a  less  number  of  laborers  and  less  consumption  by  the  worker. 

"  Low  profits  for  the  Lancashire  and  Birmingham  manufacturers  mean 
narrowe<i  circumstances  in  this  country. 

"  For  many  decades  we  have  not  seen  sucli  a  cheapness  of  wheat  and 
manufactured  gootls  as  we  see  now,  and  yet  we  are  sullfring  from  a  crisis." 

I  call  the  attention  of  the  Democratic  lovers  of  the  English  system  to 
this  notable  admission. 

— Kean,  Record,  425C. 

Froe  trade— Why  Nonic  mon  boliovo  In  it. 

Xo.  ;KWI.— I  cAn  understand  very  well  how  a  professor  in  a  college  at 
an  annual  tixed  salary  cm  argie  in  favor  of  fre  >  trade  and  low  prices.  It 
is  easv  to  see  how  those  who  have  regular  tixed  incomes  from  any  source 
would  be,  for  the  time  being,  gainers  by  the  passage  of  the  bill.    This  is 

10-5 


FR1-: 

one  of  the  reasonB  why  English  aristocracy  with  tixeJ  Kroiind-rents  pay- 
able in  money  want  free  trade  and  low  pricea.  But  people  with  fixed  in- 
comes who  do  not  labor  are  but  a  very  small  minority  of  the  people  of  the 
United  Statts.  The  lar^e  body  of  the  consumers  of  our  lonntry,  the  bulk 
of  our  population,  are  also  producers.  We  are  an  industrious,  thrifty 
people,  nearly  all  producers.  Thd  laws  of  our  country  must  be  made  to 
do  justice  to  the  producers,  and  nothing  short  of  protection  is  adapted  to 
a  nation  like  ours. 

— Jackson,  Record,  6936. 

Free  trade— Why  it  Nwallowed  our  Kold. 

Xo.  :i«7.— In  IS()0  there  was  a  balance  of  trade  of  $20,060,002  against 
us,  which  took  out  of  the  country  that  amount  of  gold  and  silver;  for, 
rememlier,our  foreign  exchange  is  always  in  coin.  In  18S0,  after  twenty 
years  of  protection,  the  balance  of  trade  was  $l(i7,683,*Jl2  in  our  favor, 
thereby  bringing  that  amount  of  coin  from  foreign  countrieB  into  our 
own.  More  than  anything  else  the  balance  of  trade  indicates  the  general 
prosperity  of  a  country.  As  with  an  individual  so  it  is  with  the  whole 
people,  with  th-*  nation. 

It  is  a  very  simple  proposition.  If  the  American  people  buy  of  forei^^n 
nations  $20,0)0,000  more  than  they  sell,  it  is  quite  plain  that  at  the  end 
of  the  year  they  are  owing  that  amount  and  must  part  with  the  money,  in 
this  case  hard  cash,  to  settle  the  account.  Now,  if  instead  of  this  they  sell 
to  foreign  countries  $167,000,000  more  than  they  buy,  they  then  not  only 
have  not  to  part  with  the  $20,000,000,  but  they  will'receive  from  outside 
themselves  $167,000,000,  and  thus  will  be  $187,000,000  better  off;  will  have 
that  amount  more  of  circulation,  thereby  making  money  easier,  the  rate 
of  interest  lower,  and  the  whole  country  richer  by  that  amount. 

— Grolt.  Record,  4406. 

Free  trade  will  hurt  rnrinorM  as  well  um  niauuracturerM. 

\o.  JJO*^.— But  it  issaid  that  the  increased  demand  for  our  agricultural 
pniduction  will  compensate  for  any  injury  to  our  manufa<ture8.  Ncces- 
earily  the  crippling  of  our  minufacturea  will  cheapen  agricultural  produc- 
tion, both  by  crippling  the  consuming  power  of  the  people  and  by  the 
increased  production  which  the  return  of  the  factory  hand  to  the  field 
will  involve,  and  this  cheapening  and  the  introduction  of  foreign  goods 
may  increase  the  demand  for  wheat,  corn,  etc.,  but  through  the  lowering 
of  prices  will  benefit  us  but  little,  if  at  all.  In  the  end  we  must  accept 
European  conditions  and  cheapen  our  labor  so  as  to  hoM  our  market,  or 
in  large  measure  surrender  commercial  and  industrial  independence  and 
devote  ourselves  to  feeding  the  factories  of  Europe. 

The  foreign  market  as  pictured  to  us  by  the  free-trader  is  a  delusion 
and  a  snare.  We  already  sell  there  as  much  as  there  is  any  demand  for. 
We  successfully  compete  with  other  nations  in  the  sale  of  cotton,  grain, 
flour,  petroleum,  tobacco,  and  other  things  of  our  own  special  produc- 
tion, and  can  only  hope  to  increase  our  exports  materially  by  becoming 
the  carrier  of  our  own  productions.  Legitimately  a  nation  should  go 
abroad  only  for  those  things  which  it  cannot  produce  at  home  or  cannot 
produce  in  f^uflicient  quantities  to  supply  the  demand  of  its  people,  and 
commerce  between  the  nations  should  in  the  main,  be  confined  to  these 
thing's. 

•  — TnoMPsoN,  Ohio,  Record,  4319. 

Froc  trade— Wise  men  repudiate  it. 

\o.  :J6!>.— It  was  to  convert  the  world,  and  after  forty  years  no  nation 
has  adopted  it. 
166 


I- BE 

l".ut<  rprise  was  to  be  paralyzed  and  invention  etifled  where  free  trade 
■Md  not  prevail.  It  was  to  confer  great  benefits  on  its  votaries,  and  im- 
|X)se  evils  on  thoee  who  reje<'ted  it. 

Free  trade  to-day  comes  with  the  broken  promises,  the  disappointed 
'.ioi>e8  of  its  early  supporters  and  founders. 

Protective  France  and  Belgium  rival  England,  while  Germany  is  sur- 
passing her,  and  after  five  years  of  protection  Binmarck  says,  "  Germany 
lears  nobody  but  God,"  while  the  United  .States  has  far  outstripped  Eng- 
land in  en'erprise  and  inventive  industry.  Thirty-nine  fortieths  of  mau- 
kinii  repudiate  free  treble  to-day. 

Prophecy  had  been  falsified  by  hiftory.  One  year  ago,  outside  of  Eng- 
land, of  all  the  wise  and  thoughtful  men  in  Europe  and  America,  no 
ruler  or  minister  dared  to  propose  free  trade.  After  forty  years  of  trial 
all  statesmen  outeide  of  England  have  united  in  rejecting  it  is  as  one  of 
the  "  puerile  doctrines  and  illusions  of  mankind."  The  modern  states- 
men we  tind  all  protectionists:  Thiers,  Gambetta,  Clemenceaux,  Grant, 
Garfield,  Bismarck,  Sherman,  and  Blaine. 

Whenever  there  is  universal  sufl'rage  the  producers  the  world  over 
have  repudiated  free  trade.  When  free  trade  won  in  England  the  work- 
ing people  were  excluded  from  the  suffrage. 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3838. 

Free  trnde  witness. 

\o.  !t70. — I  like  a  free-trade  witness  once  in  a  while.  Here  is  Con- 
sul Schoenhof,  consul  at  Tunstall,  who  was  sent  abroad  with  a  roving 
comniission  U<  eee  if  he  could  not  undo  what  some  of  our  consuls  had 
been  doing  to  enlighten  the  people  of  this  country  as  to  the  cheapness 
of  the  nei^essaries  of  life  here  as  compared  to  their  cheapness  abroad, 
and  as  to  the  wages  paid  in  this  country  as  compared  to  the  wages  paid 
abroad.  This  in  one  of  his  recent  reports.  I  quote  it  from  a  newspaper 
article,  but  I  have  verified  it  so  that  I  know  the  quotation  is  correct. 
Writing  from  Tunstall,  he  says  : 

"  So  far  as  clothing  and  dry  goods  in  general  are  concerned,  I  find  cot- 
ton goods  fully  as  cheap  in  the  United  States  as  here." 

If  you  will  not.  take  the  testimony  of  protectionists,  if  you  will  not 
t8,ke  the  testimony  of  the  Senator  from  Maine,  who  speaks  of  what  he 
has  seen,  and  speaks  from  personal  observation,  I  beg  you  to  take  the 
testimonv  of  this  free-trade  consul. 

•'  I  fin  J  cotton  goods  fullv  as  cheap  in  the  United  States  as  here.  Shirt- 
ings and  sheetings,  if  anything,  are  superior  in  ([uality  for  the  same  price. 
-Vrticles  of  underwear  for  women  are  superior  in  workmanship  and 
cheaper  in  price  in  the  United  States.  Nor  are  men's  8hirt.«.  when  diiefly 
of  cotton,  any  cheaper  here.  Of  boots  and  shoes,  factory  made,  the  same 
mfy  be  said.  Articles  made  to  order  are  cheaper  in  England,  owing  to 
lower  prices  of  hand  labor  but  the  difference  in  prices  of  ready-made 
things  is  not  bo  marked.  In  worknlanship  ami  finish  I  find  the  corre- 
sponding articles  of  wholesale  manufacture  superior  in  the  United  States. 
This  is  tnic  of  clothing,  as  well  jis  collars,  cuffs,  and  like  articles." 

There  is  a  standing  challenge  in  the  oflice  of  a  j)roteclion  newspaper  in 
the  city  of  New  York  (with  the  8amj>les  ready  to  be  shown  to  any  free- 
trader) to  show  that  clothing  in  this  country  is  not  an  ciieapias  it  ia  in 
England.  The  truth  is  that  everybody,  except  the  dude  and  millionaire, 
can  be  clothed  cheaper  in  this  country  than  in  Fngland,  and  in  wculen 
cloth incr,  too ;  and  I  apprehenil  that  we  are  not  vcrv  anxioun  to  reduce 
the  tariff  duties  for  the  purpose  of  benefiting  tiie  dude  and  the  million- 
aire. 

— Senator  Platt,  Kecord,  1014. 


FRK 

Free  trade  oxaiuplo— Shall  wo  envy  or  iuiitatc  ? 

Xo.  371- — No  country  has  recently  suffered  more  from  the  depression 
of  trade  and  industry  tiuin  Cireat  Britain,  lier  landed  estates,  over- 
whelmin)ily  encumbered,  have  immensely  diaiinished  in  value ;  her 
farmiu);  interests,  if  we  may  credit  their  own  testimony;  are  nearly 
ruined.  Taxation  tliere  is  largely  direct  and  oppressive  upon  all  clatses, 
but  especially  so  upon  laborinji  men.  In  1S83  the  revenue  collected 
amounted  to'$lo.75  per  capita,  while  that  of  the  United  States  wa.s  only 
^.81.  The  interest  charged  upon  her  public  debt  was  $4.'J1  per  capita, 
while  that  of  the  United  States  in  1885  was  only  83  cents.  Great  Britain 
supports  over  a  million  of  paupers,  not  including  vagrants  and  casual  poor. 

— Senator  Mukbill,  Muy  9,  188G. 
Free  trade  maxims. 

Xo.  37::«. — 1.  The  taritrisatax  upon  foreign  articles  imported  into 
this  country.  While  it  is  in  the  first  instance  paid  by  the  importer,  it  is 
ultimately  paid  by  the  consumer.  When  it  is  levied  for  the  purpoees  of 
the  (lovernment  it  is  called  a  revenue  tariff,  when  it  is  levied  for  the  pur- 
pose of  aiding  individuals  in  their  business  enterprises  it  is  called  a  pro- 
tective tariff. 

2.  If  a  man's  business  be  a  profitable  one  it  does  not  need  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Government.  If  it  be  an  unprofitable  one,  it  furnishes  a 
good  reason  why  he  should  not  continue  it;  but  there  is  no  reason  why 
ne  should  compel  his  fellow-citizens  to  pay  higher  prices  for  the  articles 
he  manufactures  in  order  to  make  good  his  losses  in  a  business  into  which 
he  has  voluntarily  entered. 

3.  When  a  man  has  earned  a  day's  wages  they  are  his  own,  and  he 
ought  to  have  the  right  to  spend  them  where  he  plea^^e8,  and  where  in 
his  judgment  they  will  do  him  the  most  good.  If  I  can  with  my  earn- 
insH  make  a  better  contract  with  a  Mexican,  or  a  Frenchman,  or  a  Cana- 
dian, or  an  Englishman,  than  with  an  American,  I  ought  to  have  the 
privilege  of  doing  it ;  and  the  Government  has  no  right  to  interpose  ex- 
cept in  so  far  as  the  necessities  of  its  revenues  may  require. 

4.  Every  dollar  of  increase  of  price  which  the  proteclive  tariff  occa- 
sions is  a  day  of  slavery,  and  every  hour  of  unneceesary  labor  that-  it 
requires  i?  stolen  from  the  invaluable  time  of  individual  responsibilities 
and  duties. 

5.  I  rest  my  whole  case  upon  this  proposition,  that,  subject  to  the  ne- 
cessities of  the  Government,  every  man  nas  a  right  to  sell  where  he  can 
get  the  best  price  for  what  he  has  produced,  and  to  buy  where  he  can 
buy  the  most  cheaply.  This  is  an  approved  doctrine  of  f>olitical  economy. 

G.  The  present  tariff  of  America  is  a  high  protective  one.  It  increases 
the  price  of  articles  imported  into  this  country  43  per  cent,  on  the  average, 
eothat  those  who  consume  the  imported  articles  must  pay  that  increase. 
And  it  enables  the  American  manufacturer  to  increase  largely  the  price 
of  the  articles  which  he  produces. 

—Frank  IlrRij,  April  29,  1884. 

Free  traders  iu  theory  but  protectionists  in  practice. 

A9.  ii7li. — It  is  pretty  hard  to  find  a  free-trader  who  is  not  to  some 
extent  a  protectionist  for  the  matters  in  his  own  State.  The  Senator 
from  Alabama  (.Mr.  Pugh),  who  lauds  the  President  and  says  he  stands 
with  bo'h  feet  on  the  message  an  a  platform,  does  not  want  any  free  ore 
for  Alabama ;  and  I  venture  to  say  that  the  Senator  from  West  Virginia 
does  not  want  any  free  coal  for  West  \'irginia  or  free  iron  ore. 

"They  will    f tand  as  other  industries  of  the  country  stand,  subject  to 
their  fair  share  in  the  benefits  of  whatever  the  system   iray  be  as  re- 
vised, and  beuring,  as  they  ought  to  bear,  their  fair  share  of  the  burdene- 
of  the  common  lot." 
108 


FRE 

Is  the  Picsident  to  be  deserted  by  bis  party  leaders  iu  this  Cougref-8? 
Are  not  biii  recommendations  to  be  followed?  I'd  not  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  Chief  Executive  eiiuivalent  to  a  command  ? 

W(j  know  what  the  President  means.  He  means  free  trade.  I>et  us 
Bee  what  free  trade  means.  It  means,  first,  fmancial  disaster.  But  that 
is  the  least  of  the  burdens  which  it  bears.  It  means  the  degradation  of 
American  labor. 

— Senator  Pi  att.  Record,  1055. 

Free  traders— ThoNe  who  snpport  the  .MillN  bill. 

]Vo.  374.— I  have  been  an  attentive  listener  to  this  debate,  and  I 
make  the  assertion  now  that  if  the  gentlemen  favoring  the  passage  of 
this  bill  are  honest  in  their  assertions  they  are  absolute  free-traders.  I 
make  this  assertion  because  each  and  every  man  who  has  attacked  pro- 
tection asserts  that  a  tariff  levied  upon  an  article  that  is  manufactured 
in  this  country  puts  an  amount  equal  to  the  tariff  into  the  pocket  of  the 
manufacturer,  and  increases  the  price  of  the  manufactured  article  to  tliat 
amount,  and  does  not  increase  the  wages  of  the  laboring  man  1  cent. 

Now,  if  this  be  true,  there  is  but  one  true  way  to  support  the  Govern- 
ment, and  that  is  by  levying  a  revenue  tariff  upon  articles  that  we  do  not 
manufacture,  or  by  collecting  our  revenues  by  direct  taxation  on  the 
people,  and  that  is  free-trade,  pure  and  simple. 

— Johnston,  Indiana,  Record,  G960. 

Free  trade's  work. 

'So.  375. — Free  trade  repeals  all  customs  laws,  closes  all  custom- 
bouses,  and  opens  our  ports  to  the  same  freedom  of  commercial  inter- 
course as  now  exists  among  the  several  States.  This  means  direct  taxa- 
tion to  raise  the  revenues  now  derived  from  customs  duties.  This  revenue 
musf  then  come  from  taxes  levied  similar  to  the  method  of  S:ato  taxation 
for  State,  municipal,  school,  and  other  purposes.  About  one-fourth 
would  be  borne  by  personal  property,  and  the  other  three-fourths  by 
real  property.  The  farms  and  farmers  would  carry  the  load.  Added  to 
the  local  taxation  the  Federal  burden  would  be  crushing.  The  people 
would  not  submit  to  it.  The  farmers  could  not  endure  the  oppres 
sion. 

—Ryan,  Record,  4823, 

Free  whisky.    (See  No.  461.) 

Fruits  on   the   Pacific  coast. 

No.  370. — My  own  State  is  about  entering  upon  the  fruit  industry 
with  renewed  energy  and  hope.  The  Oregon  apple  is  already  worlJ- 
renowned.  Peach  and  prune  orchards  have  been  planted  in  all  eeclions, 
the  former  chiefly  in  Southern  Oregon,  and  already  very  remunerative 
returns  have  rewarded  these  energetic  people  for  their  toil  an<i  risk.  No 
climate  in  the  world  is  so  well  suited  for  this  purpose,  and  the  usual 
pesta  which  annov  the  fruit-growers  of  the  East  are  comparatively  un- 
snown.  The  soil  varies  according  to  the  location,  but  the  fertile  low- 
lands supply  every  requisite  for  the  tree-growth.  TJio  prune,  or  all  the 
fruit  varieties,  seems  to  find  in  that  climate  the  most  congenial  requisites 
and  attains  a  perfection  not  surpassed  in  France  or  (Jcrmany.  T''.e 
American  Horticultural  Society  says  of  the  Oregon  prune  that  it  must 
be  pronounced  unqualifiedly  the  best  that  ever  came  to  its  no  ice.  It 
will  possibly  not  prove  very  glad  tidings  to  these  hopeful  constituents  of 
mine  to  learn  that  Americans  are  not  wanted  to  produce  fruits  in  this 
country. 

— HKR.MANN,  Record,  4765. 
ir>9 


GAL— GER 

G. 

4iiallHtin,  Albert  — Report  oi',  as  president  of  tree-trade 
eouvention  at  l*uiladelphia,  January  23,  1832— Notes 
on.     (See  >o.  314.) 

Oauie.    (See  No.  718.) 

i)iarfleld*M  letter  of  acceptance— TariflT  opinion.  (See  No. 
993.) 

Cieoreia_Wealth  ofState,  1860-88. 

"So.  377. — The  junior  Senator  from  Georgia  the  other  day  complained 
of  the  destructive  influence  the  tariff  had  on  the  farmers,  and  he  cited 
the  fact  that  Georgia  had  less  property  in  value  to-day  Ihaa  it  had  in 
18G0.  That  may  be  correct  according  to  the  statements  made  here  taken 
from  the  census,  and  yet  I  do  not  suppose  that  anybody  believes  that  is 
true  that  the  wealth  of  Georgia  is  not  greater  to-day  than  it  was  in  1860. 
What  would  have  made  it  poorer?  It  is  true  there  was  a  destruction  of 
its  system  of  labor  twenty  five  years  ago,  but  the  labor  was  left,  the  land 
was  left;  everj'thing  that  was  necessary  to  make  a  State  was  there;  and 
if  the  people  of  Georgia  are  poorer  t6-day  than  they  were  in  ISfjO  it  is  not 
to  their  credit.  The  cotton  that  they  raise  brings  more  money  than  it 
brought  before  the  war,  year  in  and  year  out.  If  the  Senator  will  take 
ten  years  prior  to  the  war,  he  cannot  take  any  ten  years  since  that  whitlj. 
have  not  brought  more  money.  If  there  is  anything  else  that  Georgia 
produces  to  sell,  it  has  brought  more  money. 

It  is  a  misleading  and  deceiving  statement  to  say  that  Georgia  is  not 
worth  as  much  now  as  in  1860.  Of  course  if  you  count  her  able-bodied 
colored  people  at  a  thousand  dollars  a  head,  as  they  did  before  the  war, 
and  the  children  from  $200  up,  it  might  make  an  aggregation  of  a  good 
deal  of  wealth  ;  but  every  colored  man  to-day  is  worth  more  to  Georgia 
than  he  was  before  the  war.  There  are  greater  elements  of  strength  in 
Georgia  to  day  than  there  were  before  the  war.  She  can  make  an 
"  Empire  State"  of  herself,  as  she  has  chosen  to  call  herself  for  many 
years,  much  more  readily  with  free  labor  than  she  could  with  slave 
labor. 

I  repeat,  everything  is  there,  the  labor  is  there,  the  land  is  there,  the 
sunshine  and  the  rain  are  there;  and  if  the  people  of  Georgia  (if  I  may 
say  it  without  oflendintr  anybody)  wuuld  cease  to  whine  and  complain  of 
their  condition  and  address  themselves  like  men  to  solve  the  question 
whether  Georgia  is  to  be  a  fifth«rate  State  or  a  good  one,  we  should  not 
hear  these  complaints  here  or  elsewhere. 

— Senator  Teller,  Record,  2206. 

Ciermany.    (See  No.  306.) 

Cierinany  protection  betterinK  her  condition. 

Xo.  378. — But  he  forgets  to  say  that  while  Germany  has  a  protective 
system,  she  has  had  it  only  since  1879,  and  that  since  she  adopted  that 
system  the  rate  of  wages  has  steadily  increased. 

Mr.  George  Strachy,  her  Britannic  Majesty's  charge  d'affaires  at  Dres- 
den, says,  as  found  in  a  recent  report  made  by  him  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment : 

"  The  belief  is  widely  diffused  that  the  tariff  reform  of  1879  saved  Ger- 
many from  great  ruin,  and  that  the  empire  is  now  on  the  road  to  indus- 
trial greatness,  perhaps  to  the  succession  of  that  hegemony  which  Great 
Britain,  it  is  thought,  now  with  difficulty  holds  in  her  hands.  Protec- 
170 


GLA 


tioi  is  in  the  national  air  and  it  will  not  be  dissipated  by  foreign  argu- 
ments, however  accurately  deduced  from  the  axioms  of  scientific  doc- 
trine." 

Mr.  Strachy  is  not  a  protectionist,  but  a  free-trader,  and  hia  testimony 
is  not,  therefore,  that  of  a  willing  witness. 

The  fact  is,  that  the  wages  in  Germany  in  some  industries  have  al- 
ready in  nine  years  of  protection  advanced  from  a  point  considerably 
below  those  paid  in  England  to  a  point  of  equality  with  them. 

— WicKHAM,  Record,  4698. 

ijiormany— Tariiribr.    (See  No.  51.) 

<iScrmany— Wages  of  glass-workers.    (Seo  No.  382.) 

■lilass-^'alhetlral.    (See  No.  22a.) 

ijlass— Extent  of  window-glass  industry. 

Xo.  370. — To  pass  the  bill  as  it  now  stands  will  cause  the  ruin  of  a 
very  important  American  industry.  There  are  in  this  country  140 
window-glass  furnaces  in  fifteen  States  and  Territories,  with  1,246  pots, 
1.100  of  which  are  now  running.  These  factories  have  a  capacity  of  over 
three  and  three  quarter  millions  of  boxes  on  ten  months'  run,  which  is 
more  than  the  largest  consumption  of  both  American  and  foreign  glass  in 
any  year  in  the  United  States,  and  nearly  a  million  of  boxes  beyond  the 
average  consumption  of  the  past  ten  years.  There  are  about  8,500  work- 
men employed  directly  by  common  window-glass  manufacturers,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  large  number  indirectly  engaged  in  mining  and  preparing 
the  sand,  lime,  coal,  lumber,  clay,  and  soda  necessarily  consumed.  In 
fact,  80  per  cent,  of  the  entire  co9t  of  glass  is  for  labor. 

—Plumb,  Illinois,  Record,  6398. 

lalass— Factories,  wages,  etc. 

No.  380. — Massachusetts  has  11  furnaces.  New  York  has  17;  New 
Jersey  has  25  furnaces ;  Pennsylvania,  44  ;  Delaware,  2 ;  Maryland,  9  ; 
West  Virginia,  2;  Ohio,  20;  Indiana,  6;  Illinois,  8;  Michigan,  1;  Wis- 
■consin,  1 ;  Missouri,  2  ;  Kansas,  1 ;  Wyoming  Territory,  1. 

There  are  8,500  workmen  employed  in  these  establishments.  The 
wages  paid  the  workmen  in  this  country  are  from  two  to  three  times  as 
much  as  the  wages  paid  in  Belgium,  and  I  append  a  list  of  the  wages 
paid  in  each  country  to  the  laborers  in  this  industry : 

Wages  paid  per  month. 


Occupations. 

Belgium. 

United  Statee. 

Blowers 

$50.00  to  $100.00 
25.00  to      30.00 
25,00  to      20  60 
8.00  to     15.00 
25.00   to     30.00 
30.00   to     35.00 

$100.00  t3  $150.00 

Blower's  assistant 

67.00  to    lOO.OO 

100.00  to     150.00 

SO.IX)  to      40.00 

Cutters 

7500  to    100.00 

Shearers i 

80.00  to    100.00 

— Nutting,  Record,  5407. 

Cilass— (jiorman  bottles  for  tlie  II.  S. 

No.  3N1.— The  capacity  of  the  works  is  about  300,000  bottles  per  day, 
but  the  number  usually  made  is  200,000.  It  is  a  fact  significant  to  our 
domestic  manufacturers  that  a  good  siiare  of  th6  work  under  present  con- 
tract is  for  the  American  market.     For  a  year  or  two  past  the  orders 

171 


GLA 

from  America  were  Bmall,  but  since  tlie  1st  of  January  the  shipments 
have  inoreused  until  they  amount  at  the  present  time  to  3()<>,000  to  ')0<i.()()i» 
bottles  weekly,  whicli  are  invoiced  at  the  Duseeldorf  consulate  consigned 
to  dealers  in  New  York.  S-.  Louis,  Milwaukee,  Chicago,  and  Cincinnati 
in  bills  of  about  l/HJO  gross  each. 

— HiRKs,  Record,  G403. 
(lilnMN— (jioriiiau  wagon. 

Xo.  3H2.— The  blcjwers  are  paid  by  the  piece,  or  according;  to  the 
Dumber  of  bottles  blown.  Each  workman  has  one  apprentice  allotted 
him  to  learn  the  trade  and  act  as  his  assistant,  and  the  bottles  are  all 
fcpecially  marked  to  ehow  by  which  set  of  workmen  made.  If  the 
houses  of  the  employes  belong  to  Mr.  Ileye  the  rent  is  small,  about  4  per 
cent,  on  the  cost  of  the  building,  not  including  the  ground,  which  is 
charged  against  their  weekly  pay.  Their  food  consists  of  beer,  bread, 
coflVe,  tea,  cheese,  vegetables,  with  meat  about  once  a  week.  The  high- 
est daily  pay  of  the  blowers  averages  from  87  cents  to  $1.20.  The  fur- 
nace.=»  that  are  kept  going  night  and  day  are  run  by  three  sets  of  hands, 
who  keep  the  work  steady  for  the  twenty-four  hours  of  the  day.  The 
wages  of  apprentices  are  about  12J  cents  per  day  for  the  first  year,  with 
a  slight  increase  each  year ;  tlie  women  not  generally  over  48  cen<e  : 
other  employes  from  3.^;|  cents  to  71J  cents  per  day,  according  to  the 
special  class  of  work  emplo)'ed  upon,  50  cent?  being  about  the  average 
pay  of  general  employes.  — Hires,  Record,  6403. 

(jilaMN— I*lato. 

\o.  liHli. — Before  18(10  we  made  no  plate-glass  worth  speaking  of  in 
America,  and  we  paid  the  Englishmen  and  the  Frenchmen  and  the 
<ierman  ^.'..")0  a  square  foot  for  it.  Then  the  plate-glass  industry  sprang 
up  in  America,  and  now  we  buy  American  plate-gla.sj,  10  square  feet,  at 
7-3  ceats  per  H<iuare  foot,  and  the  price  is  regulated  down  for  smaller 
glafp  until  it  reaches  f?l  cents  per  square  foot;  $;2.-50  under  ])emocratic 
free  trade  ;  7o  cents  under  American  protection!  And,  Mr.  Chairman,  I 
vri^h  to  pau.'^e  long  enough  on  this  point  to  say  that  almost  every  particle  of 
thecostof  apieceof  plate-glas.o  consists  in  labor,  thelabor  of  the  mines,  the 
labor  that  loads,  transports,  unload",  and  uses  the  coal,  and  the  lime,  and 
the  lime-stone,  and  tlip  fire-clay  that  are  used  in  the  manufacture.  Nearly 
every  penny  that  goes  into  that  product  is  labor,  the  labor  of  American 
workingmen. 

— Kennedy,  Record,  435G. 
<.ilass— IVo  profit  at  prosoiit  prices. 

Xo.  ;t!^-l. — Now,  the  reduction  provided  for  in  this  bill  is  three-eighths 
cents  per  pound,  or  about  35  per  cent,  on  the  value  of  the  glass,  and  to 
meet  this  reduction  would  recpiire  a  cut  of  not  les.s  than  50  per  cent,  in 
the  wages  of  skilled  labor.  The  profits  of  this  industry  to  the  capiltalist 
have  been  fitful,  imcortain  and  entirelv  unsittisfactory  since  1883.  In  my 
own  city  a  window-gla&s  factory  has  heen  established  with  a  valuable 
T>lant  which  would  cost  from  $7.'),000  to  $100,000  to  reproduce.  It  has 
been  in  operation  about  five  years,  and  although  the  plant  has  been 
sowewhat  improved,  it  has  never  paid  a  dividend.  Glass  is  made  there 
under  favorable  conditions.  The  best  sand  is  delivered  in  the  faclorv  at 
$1.50  per  ton  ;  the  melting  is  largely  done  with  coal  screenings  at  50  cent.s 
per  ton  ;  the  facilities  for  transportation  are  excellent,  and  the  quality  of 
goods  made  is  6rbt  class.  There  is  a  market  at  the  current  price,  but 
this  price  cannot  be  advanced  for  the  reason  that  foreign  glass,  even  at 
the  i>reaent  rate  of  duties,  will  come  in  and  take  the  market  if  an  ad- 
vance is  attempted. 

— Pldmb,  Illinoie,  Record,  6399. 
172 


GLA 


<;iaM<i— Frotcotion  rodiiceN  v«Ht. 

Xo.  ;tS5. — Prottction  to  the  window-j^lass  industry  haa  cheapened 
the  manufaclure  of  that  article  in  the  L'niled  States  toBuch  an  extent  as  to 
reduce  by  competition  the  price  of  both  the  American  and  foreign  prod- 
uct, 80  that  the  selling  price  of  American  glass  has  been  reduced,  as  the 
following  tables  will  show. 

American  glass. 


SIMGLX  THICK. 

DOUBLK  TmCX. 

SIzee. 

Prlc©, 
1860. 

Price, 
1888. 

Blsse. 

Price, 
1860. 

Prlc#>, 
1888. 

8  by  10  third 

8  by  10  tourih -« „.. 

10  by  14  Hocond 

$1  96 

1  80 

2  40 
a  10 

3  00 

a  40 

3  60 
3  60 

$1  78 
1  60  , 
1  90  1 
1  78  I 

8  by  10  first. »... 

16  by  20  second „ _ 

18  by  30  first „ 

18  by  22  second 

$4  SO 

600 
9  00 
7  20 
7  20 
10  20 
12  00 

$a  93 

3  15 

4  38 

10  by  14  third 

4  UO 

12  by  18  flrot 

2  38 

2  08  < 
a  73  1 
2  73  j 

20  by  ;iO  second 

4  00 

12  by  18  third 

30  by  40  second 

4  78 

18  by  21  second 

32  by  44  soojnd 

K  IR 

20  85 

17  01  1 

Fifteen  per  cent,  less  price  In  1888=$3.81.       Fifty  per  cent,  less  price  In  1888=*27  08. 

Imported  glass  has  also  been  reduced  in  cost  by  American  competition. 

Tlie  foreign  (invoice)  cost,  per  statement  of  Bureau  of  Statist  ice,  aver- 
age for  year  to  July,  1877,  4.10  cents  per  pound,  averaged  (or  year  to  July, 
18S7,  2.27  cents  per  pound. 

The  duty  being  specilic,  this  large  reduction  in  foreign  cost  (45  per 
cent,  in  ten  years),  increases  the  equivalent  ad  valorem  rate,  but  is  no 
real  a<lvance,  and  foreign  manufacturers  have  practically  paid  all  the  duty. 

— Plumb,  Illinois,  Record,  ti399. 

<j!IaNH— Ketlucin);  tariil' will  increase  revenue. 

Xo.  ;W0.— From  this  official  statement  it  appears  that  the  reduction 
of  one-eighth  cent  per  pound  in  18S3  has  resulted  in  an  increase  of  for- 
eign importation  of  window-glafs  amounting  to  $()4,L'n(),7(l(5  pounds  in 
four  y*'an>,  and  a  net  increase  of  revenue  amounting  in  thepamu  period  to 
$l,247,3i34.  Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  honest  purpose  of  this  bill  is  \>^  reduce 
the  surplus,  my  amendment  must  be  adopted,  or  it  will  assuredly  lad  of 
accomplishing  that  result  ;  for,  if  the  slight  reduction  of  one-eighth  cent 
per  pound  has  added  to  the  f-urplus  a  million  and  a  (juarter  of  dollars  in 
four  years,  how  much  will  a  reduction  of  three  times  as  great  add  to  the 
surplus?  I  contend  that  it  will  give  the  American  market  over  to  the 
foreigner,  and  that  the  revenue  from  window-glass  alone  will  be  more 
than  four  times  what  it  now  is. 

— Pldmd.  Illinois,  Record,  6399. 

GlaMN — The  worknien*N  petition. 

No.  aST. — We,  the  undersigned  citizens,  most  respectfully  ptetition 
you  to  enter  this  our  protest  against  the  proposed  re«lu(;tion  of  the  tariff 
on  window-glass,  and  nqiiest  that  you  vote  against  any  reduction  of  the 
tarill'on  the  same,  but  use  everv  eifort  to  have  the  rates  of  1882 restored, 
for  the  following  reasons,  namely  : 

First.  The  tariff  was  reduced  m  IS'^3. 

Second.  Since  said  redtiction  the  importation  of  window-glass  has  in- 
creased to  such  an  extent  that  over  one- fourth  of  the  window- glass  con- 

173 


GLA 


sutned  in  this  country  is  imported  and  the  revenue   has  increased   over 
$1,000,000,  in  consequence  of  which  the  earnings  of  the  workingmei. 
have  been  materially  reduced. 
[Large  number?  presented.] 

— Dalzell  and  others,  Record,  6404. 

iiilasH— Value  of  iuiportations. 

Xo.  388. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  only  reason  ^iven  for  a  reduction  of 
the  duties  on  gluFS  and  glassware  has  been  the  simple  assertion  that  those 
duties  are  too  high.  It  does  not  seem  to  me  that  a  duty  is  too  high 
which  permits  a  vast  and  increasing  importation  of  the  foreign  articles. 
By  turning  to  the  last  report  on  commerce  and  navigation  I  find  that  in 
the  year  1882  there  was  imported  into  this  country  of  glass  and  glass- 
ware $G,G34,371  worth  ;  in  1887  the  importation  had  increased  to  $7,319,- 
895 :  and  for  the  ten  months  ending  April  30,  1888,  the  importation  was 
$6,484,190.  If  we  estimate  the  importation  for  the  two  remaining  months 
of  the  year  at  the  eame  rate,  we  shall  lind  that  for  the  year  just  closing 
this  importation  has  increased  to  the  amount  of  $7,564,887. 

— Farquhar,  Record,  6405. 

Ciilass— Wages  not  capital  requires  protection. 

Xo.  380. — Sir,  coal  and  natural  gas  for  feul  abound  in  this  country  ; 
we  have  eand,  limestone,  and  clay  of  the  best  quality,  and  these  mate- 
rials are  generally  found  wherever  there  are  coal  deposits.  We  now 
produce  our  own  soda,  and  with  these  raw  materials  we  can  make  glass 
in  competition  with  any  other  people  on  the  globe,  upon  one  condition 
only ;  and  that  is  with  as  cheap  labor  as  other  glass-making  countries 
have  ;  and  just  here  lies  the  diflference — we  have  not  the  cheap  labor, 
and  for  one  I  do  not  want  it.  Now,  the  wages  to  the  diflerent  classes  of 
workmen  are  from  two  to  three  times  higher  in  this  country  than  are 
paid  in  Belgium,  from  whence  comes  the  most  of  the  glass  imported. 
According  to  the  report  of  "  Glass  manufacture  in  Europe"  (Department 
of  State  No.  29,  page  32f)),  the  rates  paid  there  as  compared  with  the 
same  class  here  are  as  follows : 


Employes. 

Bel«lum. 

United  States. 

Per  month. 

$50  00  to  $100.00 
25.00  to     30.(K) 
25.00  to     26.50 

Per  month. 
$100.00  to  $150.00 

C7.00  to    100  00 

im.no  tn   i.'-jt.no 

8.00  to     15.00     1             aO.OO  to      40.00 

Cutters 

25. (X)  to      30.00                  75.00  to    1(10.00 

90.00  to      36  00                    80-00  to    lOO.QO 

—Plumb,  Illinois,  Record,  6399. 

iilass— Wages  shonI<l  not  be  reduced. 

>'o  390. — Sir,  let  this  bill  pass  without  this  amendment,  and  either 
window-glass  makine  must  cease  or  wages  must  be  reduced,  and  this  I 
protest  should  not  be  done.  The  work  of  the  glass-blower  is  of  the 
iiardest.  He  is  exposed  to  excessive  heat,  from  which  there  is  no  escape 
during  the  blow,  which  often  continups  for  ten  hours,  and  the  skill  re- 
quired for  good  work  is  almost  scientific.  The  wage  paid  for  this  service 
is  good,  and  I  am  glad  it  is  so,  for  it  is  honestly  earned.  No  consumer 
of  window-glass  who  knows  the  character  of  the  labor  require^d  to  make 
it  will  begrudge  to  these  workmen  the  wages  now  paid  them,  nor  will  he 
thank  the  tariff  reformer  for  transferring  this  buoiness  to  a  foreign  land. 
174 


GLU— GOV 

He  will  say,  let  our  raw  materials  whicli  we  possess  in  such  abundance 
be  ueed  ;  let  the  labor  required  be  well  paid  ;  let  us  do  the  work  among 
ourselves  and  for  ourselves,  and  if  the  price  is  somewhat  enhanced  by 

!  such  a  policy,  we  shall  reap  more  than  equal  advantage  from  making 
what  we  consume,  and  consuming  what  we  make. 

i  —Plumb,  Illinois,  Record,  6399. 

CjJliie— Protected  to  "stick"  a  vote. 

No.  391. — I  know  personally  the  gentleman  from  Tennesee,  and 
have  always  believed'that  he  acted  from  pure  and  conscientious  motives  ; 
and  when,  in  response  to  the  question  why  he  desired  to  take  from  the 
free-list  of  tlfk  Mills  bill  the  words  "  glue,  gelatine,  aud  all  similar  prepa- 
rations," he  said  "  Because  it  was  right,"  the  thought  which  suggested 
itself  to  my  mind,  and  which  became  a  matter  of  remark  on  this  side  of 
the  Chamber,  was  that  for  four  months  this  INIills  bill  has  been  under 
consideration,  yet  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  did  not  find  out  "  it  was 
right "  to  strike  out  these  words  until  they  found  it  necessary  to  manu- 
facture American  glue  for  its  adhesive  qualities  in  causing  votes"  to  "stick  " 
to  the  i\Iills  bill.  I  hope  the  gentleman  from  Tennessee  will  yet  explain 
why  "  it  is  right "  to  protect  "  glue,  gelatine,  and  all  similar  preparations  " 
and  not  right  to  protect  wool,  not  right  to  protect  flaxseed,  not  right  to 
protect  lumber. 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  5726. 

Ciliie— Wliy  from  free  to  dutiable  list. 

jVo.  ifiOS. — The  gentleman  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Springer]  says  that  the 
propositions  in  this  bill  have  been  "  tempered  to  the  shorn  lamb."  Is 
there  a  "  shorn  lamb  "  in  Chicago,  where  this  industry  exists,  or  rather  a 
lamb  to  be  shorn,  and  must  it  be  cared  for?  Is  it  true,  as  has  been  inti- 
mated by  the  newspapers,  that  glue  has  been  taken  from  the  free-list 
and  restored  to  the  dutiable  list  because  the  Representative  from  that 
district  has  said  that  if  glue  should  remain  upon  tiie  free-list  a  Democrat 
would  probably  not  be  returned  to  the  House,  but  a  Republican  ins  ead? 
And  is  it  true  that  in  a  tariff  bill  duties  are  being  adjusted  to  briba  con- 
stituencies to  elect  members  of  a  particular  political  complexion,  in  order 
that  thus  the  control  of  the  Government  may  be  secured  ? 

— DiN'GLEY,  Record,  5726. 

Goodman,  Father.    (See  No.  263.) 

GoTerniueRt— Cost,  annual  expense.    (See  No.  144.) 

fjiovernnient  power  to  tax. 

Xo.  39«t. — That  first  government,  known  as  the  Government  of  the 
Confederation,  existed  from  17S1  to  1789.  They  found  that  thirteen 
different  legislatures  passing  upon  qucptions  of  taxation  could  not  make 
them  uniform,  and  they  found  that  thirteen  diflorent  legislatures  could 
not  pass  laws  which  would  operate  equally  to  regulate  commerce  between 
themselves.  And  the  result  was  the  moetincj  first  at  Annapolis  of  Alex- 
ander Hamilton,  the  reprepontative  from  the  great  State  of  New  York, 
and  others.  Finding  that  no  quorum  had  assembled  and  that  the  rej-olu- 
tion  under  which  they  met  of  the  ('onfederate  Congress  did  not  clothe 
them  with  the  power  to  make  a  new  Constitution,  but  simply  clothed 
them  with  the  power  to  amend  theold,  an«l  finding  that  they  would  have 
to  go  back  to  Congress  for  a  new  grant  of  power,  they  did  so,  and  the 
resolution  passed  the  Confederate  C'^n<rre88  which  called  the  convention 
which  assembled  in  1787  in  Philadelphia,  and  which  led  to  the  formation 
of  the  existing  Constitution. 

175 


GRE 

After  prolonged  deliberation  in  the  convention  of  1787,  and  still  more 
proionged  and  anxious  discussion  in  the  conventions  of  the  several  States 
on  the  question  of  lonsideiing  and  adopting  or  rejecting  that  Constitu- 
tion, our  fathers  reluctantly  parted  with  the  power  to  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment to  tax,  and  also  parted  with  the  power  to  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment to  regulate  commerce,  coupling  it  with  such  restrictions  as  they 
thought  would  forever  prevent  the  abuse  of  that  power  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  to  whom  it  was  granted. 

— Hooker,  Record,  4095. 

Oreat  Britain  th.  United  States. 

Xo.  394. — I  feel  that  I  have  disproved  the  allegation  of  the  Indiana 
Senator  that  the  Democratic  party  is  not  for  free  trade.  I  have  shown 
from  the  record  that  the  executive,  judicial,  and  the  legislative  branches 
of  the  Government  are  represented  in  force  in  a  foreign  organization 
hostile  to  every  American  interest,  that  flaunts  in  the  faces  of  our  work- 
ingmen  the  truthful  declaration  that  the  passage  of  a  measure  reflecting 
the  views  of  the  President's  message  means  cheap  labor  in  America  and 
increased  production  in  Great  Britain. 

If  I  have  read  this  country's  history  aright,  the  attempt  to  force  free 
trade  upon  the  colonies  and  nip  their  budding  industries  was  the  in- 
spiring cause  of  the  American  revolution. 

To  enforce  it  Great  Britain  did  not  hesitate  to  hire  foreign  mercena- 
ries at  six  pence  a  day,  and  arm  and  officer  the  merciless  Indian.  To 
maintain  her  commercial  supremacy  her  soldiers  burnt  the  nation's  li- 
brary at  Washington  and  the  interior  of  the  two  wings  of  the  Capitol 
that  shelters  Representatives  who  are  dignified  with  membership  in  a 
foreign  club  that  boMly  avows  its  purpose  to  obtain  for  England,  by 
peaceful  methods,  through  the  agency  of  the  Democratic  party,  what  she 
failed  to  conquer  by  the  sword. 

From  the  dawn  of  American  independence  she  has  continually  strug- 
gled to  make  this  country  the  outlet  for  the  manufactured  products  of 
her  pauper  labor.  After  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  national  pro- 
tective enactments  were  passed  to  encourage  home  manufacture,  give 
employment  to  labor,  and  make  a  home  market  for  the  farmer. 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4003. 

Great  Britain^s  policy  of  protection,  a  Tree  trailer's  view 
of. 

Xo.  395. — David  A.  Wells,  a  pronounced  free-trader  and  formerly 
Special  Commissioner  of  Interhal  Revenue,  and  now  a  member  of  the 
Cobden  Club,  in  his  report  for  the  year  1868,  uses  this  significant  lan- 
guage: 

"  Again,  a  careful  study  of  the  financial  systems  of  the  various  com- 
mercial nations  of  Europe  has  led  the  Commissioner  unhesitatingly  to 
the  conclusion  that  whatever  may  be  the  state  of  European  public  opin- 
ion in  respect  to  free  trade,  and  whatever  may  be  the  claims  preferred 
for  it  on  the  broad  grounds  of  liberality  and  humanitarianism,  the  fiscal 
legislation  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Germany.  Belgium,  Holland,  Aus- 
tria, and  Russia  is  now,  and  always  has  been,  framed  solely  and  exclu- 
sively with  reference  to  one  object,  namely,  the  promotion  of  supposed 
national  self-interest,  and  has  never  had  the  slightest  regard  to  the  in- 
terest of  any  other  nation,  or  to  any  arguments,  other  than  those  based 
upon  specific  national  wants  and  specific  national  experiences. 

Thus,  the  policy  of  Great  Britain,  which  exempts  capital  employed  in 
manufacturing  and  banking  from  all  direct  taxation  under  the  excise, 
and  all  raw  materials  imported  from  foreign  countries  from  all  taxation 
176 


GRE— GUM 

ander  the  customs,  although  not  so  termed,  is  undoubtedly  protection 
in  its  most  subtile  and  etfective  form,  and  as  such  has  been  recognized 
and  commented  on  by  the  French  economists." 

— WicKHAM,  Record,  4696. 

Greatest  people  in  the  world— Tl'uat  luade  us  so? 

'So,  396. — Sir,  the  main  object  in  this  bill,  the  great  central  feature, 
is  that  it  is  a  bill  to  better  the  condition  and  increase  the  wages  of  our 
laboring  people.  [Applause.]  We  are  the  greatest  manufacturing  peo- 
ple in  the  world.  We  are  the  greatest  agricultural  people  in  the  world. 
We  are  the  most  skilled  people  in  the  world.  We  are  the  most  intelli- 
gent people  in  the  world.  We  have  the  handsomest  men  and  the  pret- 
tiest women  in  the  world.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  All  we  want  is 
for  our  Government  to  take  its  meddling  hand  out  of  our  business. 
[Applause  on  the  Democratic  side  and  cries  of  "That's  it."  "That's  to 
the  point." 

— Mills,  Record,  7344. 

Cjireeuback  free-traders,  do  you  want  contraction  ? 

No.  397. — And  here  I  want  to  say  a  word  to  my  Greenback  friends 
who  are  free-traderp,  as  long  as  we  have  this  commodiiy  money,  and  we 
cannot  get  the  Government  to  increase  the  issue  of  the  Treasury  note. 
Shall  we  stand  by  and  let  them  still  further  contract  the  existing  medium 
of  exchange  by  sending  our  gold  and  bilver  out  of  the  country  to  foreign 
nations  to  settle  the  balances  in  their  favor  ?  Why  not  stand  by  the  sys- 
tem that  keeps  the  balance  of  trade  in  our  favor,  and  if  you  will  not  give  us 
the  Treasury  note,  let  us  utilize  the  silver  and  gold  that  we  mine  by  keep- 
ing it  in  the  country  as  a  circula'ing  medium  to  keep  up  the  prices  of 
farm  products  and  labor,  and  make  it  the  harder  for  the  gold-bugs  to 
sustain  their  free- trade  monopolies? 

— Beumm,  Record,  5220. 

<]irind-stones — Free  list. 

No.  398. — The  present  ad  valorem  duty  on  grindstones  is  14.73  per 
cent,  or  nearly  15  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  and  yet,  with  this  duty,  there 
were  imported  last  year  o.l-jOJ.")  tons  of  grindRton«-:«,  valued  at  $:5/',54S.75, 
and  the  duty  paid  to  the  Government  was  !ti4,529.54.  It  is  now  proposed 
to  remove  the  duty  entirely  by  placing  grindstones  on  the  free-list. 

—J.  D.  Taylor,  Record,  (3212. 

C>um  substitute— Higher  the  product  the  lower  the  tariff*. 
No.  399. — Now,  one  bushel  of  potatoes,  producing  eight  pounds  of 
starch,  would,  under  the  proposed  tariff,admit  the  manufactured  product 
of  a  bushel  of  potatoes  at  eight  cents  duty,  while  the  raw  potatoes  them- 
selves have  to  pay  15  cents  per  bushel.  That  is  manifesily  contrary  to 
any  just  principle  of  tariff  duties.  But  this  gum  substitute  and  dextrine 
is  a  still  more  advanced  product  of  the  potato  starcli.  It  re(]uires  about 
1-3^  pounds  of  starch  to  make  a  pound  of  gum  substitute  or  dextrine,  and 
yet,  at  the  rate  of  one  cent  per  pound,  while  thf*  bushel  cf  potatoes  in 
the  rawstate  would  have  to  pay  15  cents  duty,  this  hi«hly-manufac!ured 
product  of  the  bushel  of  i>otatoes  would  come  in  at  5^  cents;  5,^  pounds 
of  gum  substitute,  or  British  gum,  coniinir  in  at  one  cent  per  pound, 
would  pay  only  5§  cents.  In  other  words,  the  product  of  the  potato  ad- 
vanced two  stages— first,  to  the  stage  of  potato  starch,  and  then  to  the 
still  further  manufactured  stage  of  dextrine  or  gum  substitute — would 
come  in  for  5J  cents,  while  the  bushel  of  potatoes  would  pay  15  centp. 

— BouTELLE,  Record,  t;G27. 
xii  177 


IIAN— IIIG 

H. 

Hand  liibor  <-oMtM  In  Europe. 

Ao.  lOIK — Wlirtt  reason  is  there  to  suppose  that  the  English  operu- 
live  can  produce  more  in  our  country  than  M'hen  he  is  in  his  native 
land?  Boots  and  yhoes  ready  made  by  machinery  are  as  cheap  here  as 
in  London,  France,  or  Berlin  ;  but  you  go  to  a  nhop  and  have  the  same 
articles  made  to  order  by  baud,  and  they  will  cost  you  50  per  cent,  nioro 
here  than  there  on  account  of  the  less  rate  of  wages  there.  A  goo<l  t-uit 
of  clothes  or  a  drens  can  be  made  in  Europe  at  much  less  cost  than  here 
for  the  same  reason.  A  large  manufacturer  in  Berlin  some  three  years 
ago  told  me  that  where  we  could  produce  an  article  almost  or  entirely 
by  machinery  that  they  in  Germany  could  not  pay  our  duty  and  com- 
pete with  us,  but  where  there  was  much  hand  labor  used  in  ite  produc- 
tion they  could  pay  our  duty  and  undersell  us  in  our  own  markets  on 
account  of  their  lower  rate  of  wages.  The  lees  hand  labor  used  an<l  the 
more  macliinery  in  the  production  of  an  article  the  nearer  we  can  come 
to  competing  with  the  English  manufacturer,  and  the  less  machinery 
and  more  hand  labor  used  in  the  production  of  an  article  the  lees  nearer 
we  can  come  to  competing  with  the  foreign  producer;  and  if  one  will 
study  our  importations  and  compare  the  same  with  our  rates  of  duly  this 
statement  will  be  confirmed. 

— Brewek,  Record,  3607. 

lltiy— »w  Knglainfl  vm.  Sonth. 

>o.  40I.— Of  the  thirty- five  million  tons  of  hay  grown  in  the  United 
States  icy  New  ?]ngland  produces  over  four  million  tons,  or  more  than 
one-ninth  of  the  entire  product,  while  the  twelve  States  of  the  South, 
who  propose  to  give  us  a  tariff  for  agricultural  purposes,  yield  slightly 
over  nine  hundred  thousand  tons,  or  less  than  one  thirty- fifth  of  the 
whole. 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3G91. 

ISoniloeU  bark— Tanning;   extracts  fVee  to    eouipetc   frith 
bark. 

\o.  -102. — Hemlock  bark  is  a  commodity  handled  by  small  farmers 
in  the  poorer  j)ortion  of  the  country  where  the  men  have  hard  work  to 
get  money  to  pay  the  necessary  cash  expenses  that  come  upon  them. 
They  are  the  owners  of  the  small  farms.  They  can  have  their  bark 
peeled  at  the  proper  season,  itnd  at  times  of  the  year  when  they  are  not 
employed  in  putting  in  or  harvesting  their  crops  they  CAn  go  into  the 
woods,  haul  It  out,  take  it  to  the  tanneries,  and  by  its  sale  obtain  money 
to  pay  their  taxes  and  to  pay  for  the  commodities  that  require  payment 
in  cash. 

If  the  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  of  the  House  see  fit  to  rob  these 
poor  men  of  th6  email  protection  which  they  have  now  in  the  interest 
of  the  great  tannery  and  lumber  owners  who  liave  invested  their  mil- 
lions in  Canada,  thev  will  be  proving,  what  has  been  often  alleged  against 
them,  that  while  clamoring  against  capitalists,  monopolies,  and  trusts 
they  show  themselves  to  be  the  very  base  servants  of  the  people  and  the 
organizations  they  condemn.     [Applause.] 

— Parker,  Record,  5734. 

Ili^h  tHrifl*— The  windom  of  Repnblioan  party. 

\o.  lo:t.— The  trouble  with  the  early  tariff  acts  was  that  they  did 
not  protect  enough,  and  they  but  little  affected  England's  control  of  the 
American  markets. 
178 


HIS 

Tt  wft?  rpflerved  fur  the  Tiepublican  paity,  born  to  make  labor  free,  to 
check  Kouhiml's  career  of  commercial  conquest  in  this  country.  It  waa 
itH  raiBsion  to  devise  a  protei-tivc  nystem  that  dwarfed  into  insignificance 
all  its  predecessors,  an<i,  ju(li;ing  from  its  results,  mu^t  be  classed  among 
the  many  imperishable  monuments  of  its  genius.     [Appiause.] 

— WooDBUR.v,  Record,  4003. 

lliMlorieal  f'aelM  on  tarifF.    (So  Xos.  130.  171.) 

JliNtorical  iiioidontM  of  tarifl'. 

\«».  10  I.— I  'ifbire  to  call  attention  very  briefly,  as  the  gentleman 
from  Mississippi  [.Mr.  Hooker]  has  done,  to  some  of  the  historical  inci- 
dents connected  with  the  tarill  legislation  of  this  country  ;  but  going  back 
"ueyond  that,  I  am  for  a  protective  tariflTon  the  fame  principle  on  which 
the  English  Government  enacted  laws  previous  to  the  Revolution  to  in- 
hibit manufacturing  in  this  country.  All  of  us  who  have  read  the  his- 
tory of  our  country  know  that  while  the  colonies  were  dependencies  of 
Great  Britain,  Rirliament,  by  enactment  and  by  resolution,  adopted 
measures  forbidding  the  colonies  to  manufacture  the  simplest  article  of 
commerce.  As  Mr.  Jeiferson  said  (and  I  suppose  his  statement  will  be 
good  authority  on  the  other  side  of  the  House),  our  fathers  were  forbid- 
•den  even  to  manuikcture  into  a  hat  the  fur  of  animals  captured  on  their 
own  soil. 

—HouK,  Record,  4102. 
]Ii!iitory  of  tarifl*. 

'So.  405. — From  1824,  moving  on  down  under  the  protective  tarifl^s 
of  1824  and  182S,  this  country  was  prosperous  until  1832,  when  John  C 
€alhoun,  an  original  proteclionist — talk  aboat  Daniel  Webster  being  a 
free  trader  ! — John  C.  Calhoun,  an  original  protectionist,  only  changed 
front  on  the  subject  in  the  interest  of  slavery  and  the  production  of  cot- 
ton. And  right  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  let  me  say  that  ne  was  right  from 
his  standpoint.  I  say  here  that  if  slavery  was  in  existence  and  I  could 
believe  it  to  be  right  I  would  be  in  favor  of  free  trade  myself.  Why  do 
I  say  this?  Simply  because  it  was  a  beautiful  system — the  English  and 
foreign  aristocracy  maintained  by  pauper  and  "cheap  labor  of  the  Old 
"World,  manufacturing  their  articles  for  consumption  in  this  country, 
shipping  them  here,  and  exchanging  them  for  cotton  produced  by  the 
blave  labor  of  the  South.  A  beautiful  system;  the  negro  aristocracy  of 
the  South  and  the  p  mper  aristocracy  of  the  Old  World,  the  two  <love- 
tailing  precisely  together.  And  Mr.  Calhoun  nnder.sfoo(i  this  condition 
of  things.  He  foresaw  that  if  lie  could  destroy  the  protective  svstem  and 
produce  cotton  by  the  cheap  labor  of  the  South — the  labor  extorted  from 
the  slave — and  exchange  it  for  the  products  of  the  cheap  labor  of  Eu- 
rope, he  would  have  two  aristocracies,  one  abroad  and  one  here.  Hut 
in  that  controversy  in  1S32  ]\Ir.  Clay,  the  great  champion  of  American 
interests,  simply  and  purely  to  avert  war,  consented  to  a  reduction,  not 
of  20  per  cent.,  but  to  a  reduction  of  JO  per  cent.;  and  what  was  the 
Tesult? 

— Hoik,  Record.  4102. 

lilNtory—EfrcctN  or  protection  and  rr«»c  trade. 

Xo.  too. —  Henry  Clay,  speaking  in  the  United  Sfatefl  Senate  of  onr 
industrial  condition  immediately  preceding  thetarilFof  1824,  (ledared  : 

"  If  I  were  to  select  any  term  of  seven  years  since  the  a<loption  of  the 
present  Constitution  which  exhibited  a  scene  of  the  most  wi<lesprea<l 
<lismay  and  desolation,  it  would  l>e  exactly  that  term  of  seven  vears 
TPhich  imme<liately  preceded  the  establishment  of  the  tariff  of  ls2i." 

179 


HIS 

But  this  era  of  protection  was  followed  by  the  taritlof  1S24  and  1828, 
which  enthused  new  life  into  our  languishing  industries  and  brought  to 
the  country  a  period  of  marvelous  prosperity.  The  leading  metropolitaii 
journal  epitomizes  the  history  of  this  period  as  follows: 

"  So  soon  aa  the  tariff  of  1824  went  into  operation  the  whole  aspect  and 
course  of  allairs  weri'  changed.  Activity  took  the  place  of  sluggishness. 
Capital  was  invested  ;  labor  came  into  demand  ;  wages  advanced  ;  mines 
were  opened  ;  furnaces  built  ;  mills  started  ;  shops  multiplied  ;  business 
revived  in  all  its  departments.  Revenue  tiowed  copiously  into  the  coders 
of  the  Government.  The  debts  (treated  by  two  expensive  wars  were 
entirely  paid  oil".  Such  a  pcene  of  general  prosperity  had  never  before 
been  seen  by  our  people." 

I'resident  Jackson  said  in  his  annual  message  December  4,  1832: 

"  Our  country  presents  on  every  side  marks  of  prosperity  and  happiness 
unequaled  in  any  other  portion  of  the  world." 

Mr.  Clay,  in  speaking  of  this  era  of  protection,  said  : 

"If  the  term  of  seven  years  were  to  be  selected  of  the  greatest  pros- 
perity which  this  people  have  enjoyed  since  the  establishment  of  their 
present  Constitutiim  it  would  be  exactly  that  period  of  beven  years  which 
immediately  followed  the  passage  of  the  tariff  of  1824." 

But  unfortunately  this  era  of  protection  and  prosperity  was  followed 
by  the  compromise  tariffof  1833,  which  provided  for  a  gradual  reduction 
of  duties  until  they  should  reach  an  average  of  not  to  exceed  20  percent. 
And  what  was  the  eflect  of  this  change  of  policy  ?  Long  before  that  limit 
had  been  reached  the  evidences  of  its  pernicious  influence  were  every- 
where visible.  Capital  invested  in  industrial  enterprises,  to  save  itself 
from  absolute  destruction,  was  withdrawn.  Contemplated  expansion  of 
business  was  abandoned,  our  manufacturers,  one  after  another,  went 
down  under  a  torrent  of  foreign  importations,  while  American  labor  stood 
idle  and  empty-handed  in  presence  of  the  appalling  and  widespread  deso- 
lation which  culminated  in  the  frightful  panic  of  1837.  And  not  only  the 
people  but  the  Government  itself  became  so  impoverished  that  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  was  forced  into  a  broker's  shop  to  raise  his 
overdue  and  unpaid  salary. 

In  1842  the  protective  system  was  again  invoked,  and  under  its  salu- 
tary influence  our  drooping  industries  revived  and  prosperity  took  the 
place  of  disaster.  The  general  eflect  upon  the  country  of  the  tariff 
of  1842  is  best  described  by  President  Polk  in  his  annual  message  in 
1846: 

"  Labor  in  all  its  branches  is  receiving  an  ample  reward,  while  educa- 
tion, science,  and  the  arts  are  rapidly  enlarging  the  means  of  social  hap- 
piness. The  progress  of  our  country  in  her  career  of  greatness,  not  only 
in  the  vast  extension  of  our  territorial  limits  or  in  the  rapid  increase  of 
our  population,  but  in  resources  and  wealth  and  in  the  happy  condition 
of  our  people,  is  without  an  example  in  the  history  of  nations." 

Hut  this  brief  period  of  prosperity  wasquickly  followed  by  the  revenue 
tariff  of  184(3  and  1857,  which  brought  to  the  country  another  era  of  in- 
dustrial depression,  culminating  in  the  panic  of  1857,  the  disastrous  con- 
seiiuences  of  which  are  still  within  the  memory  of  living  men.  Universal 
bankruptcy  overtook  the  people,  and  the  Government  with  an  empty 
Treasury  was  forced  in  times  of  peace  to  borrow  money  at  a  discount  of 
from  12  to  30  per  cent.  Then  came  the  era  of  protection  in  18(51,  which 
has  now  been  extended  over  a  period  of  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century, 
and  who  does  not  know  that  during  these  eventful  years  our  industrial 
advancement  has  been  steady  and  without  a  parallel  in  the  history  ol 
the  Republic  ? 

— BtJRKOws,  Record,  3449. 
180 


I 


HIS— iiOM 

History  repeating  itself— 1S42. 

\o.  107. — Mr.  Chairman,  history  is  ever  repeating  itself.  The  lead- 
ers of  the  nection  of  the  Union  who  are  now  demandinfr  the  repeal  of  the 
protective  tarilT  of  ISOl  then  demanded  the  repeal  of  the  tariff  of  1824 
and  1828,  and  they  succeeded,  and  the  revenue  tariff  of  Ls32  wa.s  enacted 
and  went  into  operation  in  is:;;;  and  continued  in  force  until  1842.  Did 
it  jjive  the  fiirinens,  mechanics,  and  laborers  relief?  Did  it  bring:  pros- 
perity to  the  country  and  plenty  to  the  homes  of  those  who  toil?  The 
history  of  that  decade  is  one  of  widespread  disaster.  Loss  to  the  capital- 
ist. Loss  to  the  business  man.  Loss  to  the  farmers.  Loss  to  the  me- 
chanic and  artisan.  The  blight  of  industrial  prostration  rested  like  a 
cloud  overall  the  country,  until  all  the  varied  business  and  commercial 
interests  were  covered  with  it  aa  the  waters  cover  the  deep.  It;  ia  not 
strange  that  it  was  so. 

— Chhadle,  Record,  4601. 

History  or  tarill'  of  1846.    (See  No.  557.) 

Home  industries.    (See  "So,  431.) 

Home  for  laboring  people.     (See  Nos.   497,   49$.   499,   500, 
501.) 

Home  market. 

iTo.  40S. — Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  course  of  an  address  delivered  at 
Corsicana,  Tex.,  on  the  21st  of  May  last,  the  distinfruished  gentleman 
who  now  presides  over  the  deliberations  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  [Mr.  Mills]  said  : 

''  We  produce  and  exchange  among  ourselves  and  consume  in  the  sat- 
isfaction of  our  wants  more  of  the  products  of  our  own  labor  than  the 
two  hundred  millions  on  the  continent  of  Europe.  "We  have  invented 
and  have  now  in  successful  operation  more  labor-saving  machinery  than 
all  other  people.  We  are  turning  out  over  six  thousand  millions  of  dol- 
lars' worth  of  products  of  manufactures  every  year,  and  producing  them 
at  lower  cost  of  production,  and  at  the  same  time  paying  higher  wages  to 
our  workmen  than  any  other  people." 

— Kellky,  Record,  3191. 

Home  market— A  home  or  a  foreign  partner. 

5fo.  401). — Let  me  give  this  great  truth  of  Bastiat's  another  applica- 
tion. Nature  produces  all.  That  is  the  origin  of  the  much-abused  phrase, 
"  The  farmer  pays  all."  Whenever  the  farmer  goes  beyond  his  farm  for 
the  gratification  of  his  desires,  Eastiat,  the  free-trader,  shows  that  he 
must  then  share  his  riches.  Now  whom  sball  we  share  with,  the  me- 
chanic at  home  or  the  mechanic  abroad  ;  his  fellow-citizens  or  an  alien  ? 
Which  is  for  his  interest? 

I^t  me  put  it  in  another  phrase.  Which  is  it  better  for  a  farmer  to  do, 
send  his  feurplu.s  wheat  a  thousand  miles  to  the  seacoast,  three  thousand 
miles  across  the  water,  pay  the  freight,  sell  it  to  the  mechanic  who  gets 
less  wages,  or  sell  it  right  here  at  home  to  the  mechanic  who  gets  more 
^ages  ?    The  answer  seems  obvious. 

— Reed,  Record,  4G70. 

Home  market— Farmer  and  tariff. 

'So,  41<). — Much  has  been  said  about  the  farmer  and  whether  lie  is 
benefited  by  protecHon.  The  fanner  in  my  part  of  the  country  is  de- 
cidedly a  laborer.  He  is  almost  uni  vernally  a  small  lantl-owner,  small  as 
compared  witk  the  farmer  of  the  prairie  States  west  of  the  Mississippi. 
The  number  of  farms  in  Wisconsin  in  Ibi^o,  was  130,108,  or  about  one 

181 


HOM-IIOS 

farm  topach  llA  inhabitant?,  the  population  being  1,5G?,413.  The  i^tW- 
patfc  value  of  fiinns  was  $5(kS,lS7,2SS^,  averaging  .*4,174  ea<-h.  The  value 
of  farms  is  governed  largely  by  their  distaace  from  cities  aud  manufact- 
uring towns,  showing  that  their  productive  value  itcreaees  accordingly 
as  the  market  is  accessible. 

The  home  market  saves  transportation,  charges  of  middlemen,  and 
conhumes  articles  which  would  otherwise  swell  the  volume  In  be  ex- 
ported, and  which  would,  if  exported,  help  to  reduce  prices  by  flooding 
the  forugn  market.  Besides  all  that,  the  home  market  is  somewhat 
within  the  control  of  the  seller.  If  he  does  not  receive  fair  treatment 
and  fair  prices  the  causes  are  within  reach  of  his  own  investigation. 
Everv  farming  community  gives  welcome  greeting  to  any  kind  of  man- 
ufacturing whose  establishment  it  can  secure,  from  a  saw-mill  down  to  a 
cheese  factory, and  willinply  taxes  itself  to  get  it,  wisely  considering  such 
contribution  money  well  invested. 

— Haugkn,  Record,  4233. 

Homos  of  llie  working  people  of  the  I'liited  States. 

\<>.  111. — I  invite  the  gentlemen  to  go  with  me  among  the  workmen 
in  the  industrial  centers  of  the  North,  ascertain  thenumber  of  the  homes 
they  own — millions  of  homes  earned  and  paid  for  out  of  the  savings  of 
their  daily  toil.  Let  us  examine  their  savings  of  money  on  deposit  in  the 
laborers'  banks,  the  savings-banks  of  that  section— in  round  numbers 
three  millions  of  depositors,  with  more  than  a  thousand  millions  of  dol- 
lars to  their  credit.  Let  us  visit  their  homes,  their  schools,  their  reading 
rooms,  their  societies,  where  weshall  lind  many  evidences  of  plenty,  con- 
tentment, and  even  the  luxuries  of  life ;  and  then  when  we  have  done 
this  I  ask  my  colleagues  of  the  South  to  contrast  the  condition  of  these 
wagemen,  their  homes,  schools,  savings,  and  general  surroundings  and 
intelligence,  with  those  of  the  South,  of  England,  or  anywhere  else  on 
earth,  and  then  they  will  see  and  know  why  the  Republican  party,  rep- 
resentative of  the  great  loyal,  liberty-loving,  aud  American-imbued  JSurth, 
accepted  the  wager  of  battle  tendered  them  in  ISfjl  and  fought  to  a  suc- 
cessful conclusion  the  war  to  preserve  the  naiionality  of  the  Union. 
Tne  great  loyal  heart  of  the  North  believed  that  labor  should  be  maCe  a 
king,  not  a  slave. 

— Cheadle,  Record,  4604. 

Hosiery  and  knit  Koods. 

\o.  112.— The  manufacture  of  hosiery  and  knit  goods  in  the  (-ountry 
gives  employment  to  sixteen  millions  of  capital,  uses  material  to  the  value 
of  fifteen  millions,  a  lariie  paft  of  which  is  imported,  and  the  finished 
T)ro<1uct  is  worth  at  wholesale  about  twenty-nine  millions.  In  thia  in- 
dustry New  England  furnishes  about  one-third  of  the  capital  (five  and  a 
(juarter  millions),  uses  over  one-fourth  of  the  material  (four  and  a  quarter 
millions),  and  produces  one  thirl  of  the  finished  material  (about  eight 
millions). 

— Gallinger,  Record,  30'J0. 

Hosiery— Seamless  nianiiraetiire  of*  in   I'nited  State««. 

>■<>.  li;5.— I  beg  at  this  point  to  read  a  letter  which  I  have  received, 
and  it  is  introduce<l  to  be  followed  by  an  object-lesson  to  my  friend  and 
to  those  who  have  been  misled  by  his  false  teachings.  Here  is  the  letter, 
and  here  is  the  object-lesson  : 

"  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  May  14,  1888. 

"Dkar  Sir:  We  take  the  liberty  of  writing  you,  as  the  member  of  Con- 

eress  from  our  district  to  direct  your  attention  to  tiieell'ect  the  Mills  tariff 
il),  if  passed  in  its  present  form,  would  have  upon  the  industry  in  which. 
lvS2 


HOU— ILL 

■vro  are  engaged.  We  employ  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  personfl  in  the 
manuf/icture  of  seamless  hceiery,  and  Hhould  this  bill  become  a  law  vrouid 
bo  obliged  either  to  force  our  operatives  to  accept  much  less  wages,  or 
close  our  factory.  At  present  prices  our  operatives  make  ordy  a  fair  liv- 
ing, but  should  we  be  compelled  to  compete  with  the  factories  of  Europe 
manufacturing  similar  goods,  w  ith  their  poorly  paid  labor,  we  cannot  eee 
how  they  could  earn  enough  to  keep  body  and  soul  together. 

"  We  nuder.otand  Mr.  Mills  at  a  meeting  held  on  the  19th  of  February 
last,  at  Providence,  R.  L,  stated  that  sf^amless  hosiery  was  not  made  in 
t'ns  country,  but  manufactured  entirely  in  Europe  by  a  secret  process. 
To  disabuse  your  miud  of  this  erroneous  statement,  should  it  have  come 
to  your  ear?,  we  herewith  send  you  :i  few  pairs  of  the  hose  made  in  our 
factory.  Th'jre  are  about  five  hundred  factories  in  this  country  engaged 
iu  making  these  goods.  All  of  these  factories,  we  believe,  would  be  seri- 
outly  crippled,  if  not  compelled  to  close  their  doors  by  the  passage  of 
thisbill.  Trusting  you  will  use  your  utmost  efforts  to  eflfect  the  defeat 
of  this  pernicious  measure,  we  remain, 
"  Yours,  very  respectfully, 

"  Rochester  Hosiery  Company, 
"  By  E.  W.  OSBURN,  President. 
"Hon.  Charles  S.  Baker,  Washinglon,  D.  C." 

These  goods  now  exhibited  are  of  wool,  protected  wool,  loyal  wool,  and 
ara  manufactured  in  my  city.  They  display  the  colors  of  the  American 
liag — red,  white,  and  blue. 

— Baker,  New  York,  Record,  4478. 

Ilonsc  of  Ri^prcscntatives,  majority.    (Seo  Xo.  180.) 

lliiiuanity  in  the  questoii.    (See  Xo.  593.) 

Hypocrisy  or  Democratic  leaders.    (See  'So.  73.) 

I. 

Illinois  and  ^tlassaclinsetts. 

Xo.  111. — Mr.  CANNON.  I  will  make  the  comparison  of  manu- 
facturing in  lUiuoia  with  manufacturing  in  Massachusetts,  too,  within 
mv  five  minutes. 

The  aggregate  wealth  per  capita  in  Illinois,  as  shown  by  the  census  of 
1880,  is  ^1,005,  not  $206,  as  stated  and  quoted  with  approval  by  the  gentle- 
man, as  against  $1,008  per  capita  in  Massachusetts;  Illinois  having  « 
population  far  exceeding  tliat  of  Massachusetts.  The  jopulation  of  Illi- 
nois has  nearly  doubled  within  the  last  twenty  years.  More  than  that, 
Mr.  Chairman,  we  will  talk  about  the  manufacturing  interests  of  the 
twu  States  for  a  moment.  I  speak  now  from  the  census  of  iSMi.  Massa- 
chusetts thtru  ha<l  l.'5:>"2  nuicufacturing  establinhments ;  at  the  same 
time  Illinois  had  14,r)4'.>.  The  value  of  the  manufactureil  products  of 
Massachusetts  in  1880  was  ?r>:]l  fiOOOOO  ;  the  value  of  the  uianu fact uretl 
products  of  lUiuuis  was  i^-H.j.UUO.ODO.  Thii  same  census  which  shows 
Illinois  to  be  first  in  agriculture  also  shows  her  to  be  fourtli  in  manu- 
factures, the  States  coming  in  this  order:  New  York  first,  IVnnsylvania 
second,  Massachupetts  thiid,  and  Illinois  fourth.  That  is  the  census. 
[Appiau V-  on  the  Rei>ublican  aide.] 

Mr.  WILSON,  i.f  Minnct^ota.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  my  able  friend 
frora  Illinois  knows  that  that  is  not  the  comparison  to  which  I  was 
-calling  attention,  and  that  his  comparison  only  distracts  attention  from 
■ihe  issue  that  I  presented. 

183 


IMM 


Mr.  CANNON.  What  1  complain  of  i^,  tliat  the  Btatement  which  the 
if-L  L  )uisi  lit'publiraii  nuuh",  hikI  which  tlie  frentleman  and  other  Rentle- 
inen  on  that  Ride  of  the  I  louse  hnve  ailopted,  is  deceptive;  that  tiKurefl, 
wlien  von  tt-ll  only  part  of  the  truth  and  conceal  a  part,  do.  in  ellVct,  toll 
a  falsehood.  That  i<  wliat  I  romi)lain  of.  I  do  not  claim,  of  course,  that 
the  trentleman  from  Minnesota  prevaric.itea ;  but  I  fay  each  is  always 
the  etlect  wlu-n  any  one  states  only  a  part  of  the  truth. 

Mr.  Hopkins,  of  Illinois.  I  want  to  say— and  the  statistics  fiustain 
the  aseertion — tha^  the  percentags  of  wealth  per  capita  has  increaeeil  u& 
rapidly  in  Illinois  as  in  Massachusetts. 

— Cannun,  Record,  3»37. 

Imports.     (See  ^'o.  222.^ 

liii|>or(<4  — l*ercoiitaK<'  on  <'ac'li  artirle   Troin  187S  to  18H7» 

(^Sfo  \o.  sao. ) 

In<liiNtrio«i.  co-oporaf  ivo.     (See  Xo.  1:10.) 

Iiiiiiiiv:raiits  <l<»  not  u;<»  to  1  rc'o-t ratio  MtateN,  bat   settle   tit 
protcetion  State**. 

Xo.  415. — Dhtritnition  of  foreign  immigrant*  in  1880. 

(Oompendlum  of  Census,  pages  483,  481.) 


In  Uie  United  OtAtes C,C76,943 


Al(i*)ama 

Arizona 

Arkansas 

(Jaliforula 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Dak'^ia 

Delaware 

District  of  Columbia. 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana. 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Miiluc 

Maryland 

MBMsarhusettB 

Michigan 

Minnesota 


Mlaalsslppl 

Missouri 

Miiniaua 

Nobrnska 

Nevada  

New  Uampsblre 

New   .Jersey 

New  Mesla> 

New  York 

No  ih  Carolina. 

Ohio 

Orcgm 

Pennsylvania 

Khodo  l.-land 

S-iiitli  Carolina... 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Utah 

Vermoni 

Virginia 

Waahlngiou 

West  Virginia. . 

WlHcinsIn 

Wyoming 


0  209 

211  TiTF 

U,5'Jl 

97.) 14 

25.f,.'i3 

4C  JH 

221, 7(K) 

K  (l.'il 

1.211  .:t-'j 

3,712 

394.ii43 

3\o.j,J 

687.8^9 

7:t,'.iy3 

7,08i 

10,702 

114,016 

43.M?4 

4(i.'  6>J 

It  C>jG 

ir>,8li3 

IP, ■.'«.■) 

4ur>.r2rj 

6,850 


— Senator  Tki.i.kr,  Record,  220G. 

Iniiuit^rantN  Hettle  in  ntaunfactnrinii;  eities. 
3i'o.  416. — Fore'Kjners  in  cities. 


Boston 

Ball  I  more. 

Detroit. 

St.  Louis... 
New  York 
Bro'iklyn .. 

Buffalo 

ClnclunaU 


114,796 

(>6,i;i6 

45,646 

1115.013 

478,n94 

177,694 

61.264 

71,659 


Cleveland 

Philadelphia.. 

Pliu-buigh 

Milwaukee 

Cli'cago 

New  Orleans .. 
San  Frandsoo 
Key  West 


r.9,409 

204.315 

4l,t>'l5 

71,t4i> 

2r4,8r>'j 

41, 1.")? 

101. 'J4t 
6,342 


— Senator  Tellkk,  Record,  2206. 


1.S4 


IMM— IMP 
Iiiiiiii^ruf ion  follows  liiuli  wusoh— IliKli  \va(;<'^«  i'oIlowH  IiIkIk 

til  Tier. 

'So.  I  ST. — In  IS'if)  the  rate  of  duty  on  the  afi^re^ale  of  our  imports 
was  L'U.;!,  ai)(l  the  iiiimher  of  imini^ranls  were  l,'(iu,-lll<j  ;  in  IS")',*  the  rate, 
of  duties  hail  heen  recuced  to  14  (.,  and  theminil)(r  of  Jinmiprants  fcllto 
1i;1,'JSl'.  In  isdl,  hy  tlu^  act^  of  March  2.  AulmhI  .").  and  I>ecemhir  2}.  the 
rate  of  dulierf  was  lurthiT  reihued  to  1 1.2.  Thia  ])roke  tlie  cainerK  ha<k. 
S  )  many  men  were  thrown  out  of  employment  antl  wa;:eH  Hunk  bo  luw 
that  none  l)nt  a^:riculturists  could  coiuy  to  U5  with  any  prospect  of  im- 
provint;  tiieir  eondiiiou  and  iniminration  hank  to  a  fioint  lower  than  it 
had  been  since  thrt  over-lo-be-reniembered  free-trade  crisis  of  ls;57-4(».  In 
that  year  hut  01, !t2n  immi;_'rants  arrived,  and  the  depression  continued 
throu<;h  the  nixt  year,  and  tlie  number  of  itumiKrants  was  but  '.»l.!tS7. 
Ily  the  act  of  July  14,  lSi;2,  the  duties  were  raised,  so  that  in  l.s');;  they 
were  up  to  2.">  7,  and  the  immi>jration  nearly  ei|ualc<l  that  of  the  two  pre- 
cediiiji  years,  having  poiie  up  to  17(1  2S2.  liy  the  several  acts  of  \^C>4, 
ISCk"),  and  lS(i(i  1  lie  duties  were  increased,  so  that  the  duties  on  importa- 
tions of  lJS(iij  averaged  40  2  per  cent., and  immigration  went  up  to31S,r).")4. 
Last  year,  when  the  West  was  further  oppressed  hy  the  increase  of  du- 
ties on  wool  and  copper  they  averaged  41  2,  and  tlie  numl)er  of  immi- 
grants went  up  to  .'152,r)(;o  ;anl  the  Commissioners  of  Immigration  aasure 
us  that  this  year  the  number  will  exceed  400,000. 

— Kelly,  Record,  5501. 

IniporvioiiN  to  reason. 

Xo.  -IIS.— It  was  in  vain  that  the  friends  of  protection  appealed  to 
the  fact  that  the  duties  levied  on  foreign  goods  did  not  necessarily  en- 
hance their  cost  to  the  consumer;  that  the  competition  among  home 
manufacturers  and  lietween  them  and  foreigners  had  greatly  re«laced  the 
j)rice  of  nearly  every  article  properly  protected  ;  that  foreign  manufact- 
urers always  had  and  always  would  advance  their  prices  according  to 
our  dependence  ujion  them;  that  domestic  competition  was  the  only 
safety  the  country  had  against  foreign  imposition;  that  it  was  necessary 
we  siiould  become  our  own  manufacturers,  in  a  fair  degree,  to  render 
ourselves  independent  of  other  nations  in  times  of  war.  as  well  as  to 
guard  against  the  va<:illations  in  foreign  legi6>lation  ;  that  the  South  would 
be  vastly  the  gainer  by  liaving  tlie  market  for  its  productH  at  its  own 
doors,  to  avoid  the  cost  of  their  transit  across  the  Atlantic:  that,  in  the 
event  of  the  repression  or  want  <if  proper  exten'^ion  of  our  manufactures 
by  the  adoption  of  the  free-trade  system,  the  imports  of  foreii;n  goods  to 
meet  the  public  wants  would  sjon  exceed  the  ability  of  the  people  to 
pay  and  inevitably  involve  tlie  country  in  bankruptcy.  l?ut  S  (Ulliern 
politiriians  remained  inllexible  and  refu-ied  to  accept  any  i>olicy  except 
free  trade,  to  the  u'ter  abandonment  of  the  principles  of  nrofeclion. 
Whether  they  were  jealous  of  the  greater  prosperity  of  the  North  and 
desirous  to  cripple  its  energies,  or  whether  thev  were  truly  fe,irful  oj 
bankrupting  the  South,  wo  shall  not  wait  to  inquire. 

— Kki.lv,  KecorJ,  H105. 

Iiiiporfs  aiKl  exportM. 

.\«».  Ill>. — rrotcctjoii  enables  us  to  maintain  the  balance  of  trade  in 
favor  of  our  own  country.  A  nation,  like  an  individual,  which  sjwnde 
more  than  its  income  for  that  which  it  can  dis[»ense  with  x:',  like  an  in- 
dividual, on  the  road  to  adviTsity.  It  is  said  that  liiicland  iui|>ort-i  more 
each  year  than  she  exports,  and  that  she  \>*  .-till  a  wealthy  nation.  Thip 
istrue;  but  England  is  a  creditor  nation.  She  holds  the  oblijjations  ol 
many  other  governiuenlH  as  well  as  of  tho^l^aIldrl  of  foreign  corporations, 
and  has  to  a  large  extent  the  c^irrying  trade  of  the  world.     Her  income 

185 


IMP 

from  these  sources  far  more  than  exceeds  the  balance  of  trade  against 
her.  We,  on  the  contrary,  are  a  debtor  nation,  and  to  meet  the  inter- 
est and  principal  of  our  obligations,  national  and  corporate,  held  abroad, 
we  must  export  more  than  we  import  and  sell  more  than  we  buy.  The 
financial  history  of  our  country  shows  the  effect  of  having  the  balance 
of  trade  run  against  us  for  a  number  of  years  in  succession.  In  lb37 
we  had  a  preat  tinancial  panic,  reaching  all  over  the  land  and  well  re- 
membered by  our  older  people.  At  this  time  the  balance  of  trade  had 
been  against  us  for  teveral  years.  From  1848  to  1857  the  balance  of 
trade  against  this  country  amounted  to  ^3;)G,000,000 ;  and  many  more 
of  our  people  remember  the  great  financial  crash  of  1857.  From  1859 
to  1873  the  balance  of  trade  against  our  country  amounted  to  the  im- 
mense sum  of  $^l,CSt),0('0,000,  and  during  the  same  time  we  exported 
of  our  gold  to  meet  this  balance,  as  far  as  possible,  to  the  amount  of 
$01)0,000,000,  eo  that  in  1873  we  had  but  little  or  no  gold  left  in  the 
country. •  — Brewer,  Record,  3G05. 

IniportM  and  home  inauuraoture**  ooiupared. 

No.  4120. — Imports  and  home  production  of  manvfaciures. 

Total  Imports,  1887 $66.V29,180 

T  tal  free 219,887,787 

Total  dutiable _ 44;i,5U.4(i2 

Total  manufactured,  dutiable » 190,088,033 

Percent 4i.86 

Total  home  manufactured  productp,  1880 $5,:!C9,.".79,1"J1 

1887— Imported  dutiable  maaufacturea 190,088,03:J 

Excess  borne  manufactures 6,179,490,558 

Katlo  Imports  to  home  manufactures 1  to  28 

Yearly  average  Increase  home  manufactures,  1860  to  1880 « $173,247,J7'j 

Home  manufactures  In  1887  by  same  Increase $6,554,')69,1C6 

Imported  manufactures,  1887 190  088,633 

Excess  home  manufactures 6,364,481, .'33 

1887— Batio  Imports  to  home  manufactures 1  to  33 

— Senator  Bbown  (Dem.),  Record,  2147. 
IiuportatiouM. 

Xo.  431. — The  fact  that  duty  upon  many  imports  of  manufactures 
brings  in  a  large  income  is  an  evidence  either  that  they  have  not  yet 
reached  that  stage  of  development  when  the  duty  ought,  in  justice  to  our 
home  interests,  to  be  lowered,  or  that,  the  American  manufacturer  of 
those  articles  is  not  overprot^cted.  I  fail  to  see  where  his  profits  come 
in  when  the  Englishman  furnishes  the  goods,  for  there  can  be  no  profits 
without  sales.  The  tenacity  with  which  American  salesmen  hang  to  a 
customer  or  a  market  once  secured  does  not  suggest  the  abandonment  of 
either  to  foreign  corapetitorg  until  the  smallest  margin  of  profit  is  elimi- 
nated. A  market  once  lost  is  too  difficult  to  recover.  Our  manufacturers 
are  not  guilty  of  the  folly  of  keeping  prices  at  such  a  fi'.'ure  as  to  drive 
their  customers  into  the  English  market.  Admittingtbidrcupiditj',  they 
have  never  been  thought  guilty  of  such  stupidity  as  that.  There  is  plenty 
of  capital  .seeking  investment  in  this  country,  even  at  a  low  rateof  inter- 
est, if  assured  against  loss.  If  manufacturing  is  as  profitable  as  Demo- 
crats say  it  is,  why  does  not  capital  seek  investment  there? 

— Haugkn,  Record,  4235. 

IniportatioiiM  increased  to  afFect  competition, 

.\o.  It23. — The  chairman  of  the  committee,  in  opening  thia  debate, 
boldly  iinnounced  that  we  must  increase  foreign  importations  to  secure 

I8'j 


I.MP~IND 

national  prosperity.  How  much  does  the  gentleman  and  the  party  with 
which  he  is  associated  desire  to  increase  importations?  Are  they  not 
large  enough  already  ?  Are  they  not  crowding  our  producers  and  dicuin- 
ishing  their  annual  productions?  Are  they  not  already  making  labor 
roatlf S3,  filling  it  with  appreLieapion  and  uncertainty  ay  to  the  future? 
Is  tuis  country  to  be  the  dumping  ground  of  foreign  products?  During 
he  last  fiscal  year  over  ^L'33,CO0,00O  in  value  of  foreign  merchandise  was 
mported  into  the  United  States  free'of  duty,  and  over  $450,000,000  addi- 
tional was  imported  which  paid  a  duty.    Is  this  not  enough? 

Summing  up  these  figures,  9,580  men,  working  for  300  dayp,  would  have 

been  required  to  produce  the  ifoO, 000,000  worth  of  iron  and  steel  which 

■we  imported  last  year.    Do  you  want  tiiat  volume  increa.«ed  ?    Two  mil- 

I'on  eight  hundred  and  seventy-four  thousand  is  the  aggregate  number 

I  days'  work  that  were  taken  from  American  workingmen,  every  day's 

>  ork  of  which  they  could  have  performed,  and  were  waiting  ready  to 

"rform. 

This  Government  is  made  for  Americans,  native-born  and  nataralized ; 
id  every  pound,  every  bushel,  every  ton,  every  yard  of  foreign  product 
i.at  comes  into  this  country  to  compete  with  ours  deprives  American 
wibor  of  what  justly  belongs  to  it. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4752. 
!i:n|>ortorH  want  free  trade. 

\o.  li:j.— My  friend  from  New  York  City  [Mr.  Fitch]  who  talked  about 
tiie  farmers,  represents  a  great  and  rich  district  in  the  heart  of  the  city 
of  New  York.  He  represents  for  one  class  the  great  importers  of  that 
■city.  They  are  the  men  who  want  a  commission  out  of  the  farmers  of 
this  country,  and  not  only  do  they  want  that,  but  they  want  lo  say  how 
Tuuch  that  commission  shall  be.  Every  dollar  these  importers  pay  is  eo 
much  taken  from  their  profits.  They  cannot  add  it  to  the  cost  to  the 
consumer,  because  of  the  competition  of  the  domestic  article,  which  is 
free  of  a  duty  charge.  Hence  the  great  body  of  importers,  naturally  and 
honestly,  because  their  interests  lie  in  that  direction,  are  free-traders. 

— Allk.v,  Record,  4!KSo. 
Importing  food  supplies. 

Xo.  -421.— We  now  import  annuaUy  over  $60,000,000  worth  of  food 
fiui)phes,  and  this  bill  proposes  to  add  more  of  these  agricultural  products 
to  the  free-list.  If  the  object  is,  as  avowed,  to  protect  tlie  American 
farmer,  why  does  not  this  bill  provide  for  protecting  the  fiirmers"  prod- 
'iicts  against  foreign  competition?  It  is  building  up  a  home  market  by 
aiianufacturing  and  diversified  interests  that  will  advance  the  farmers' 
produce  and  add  to  the  value  of  his  real  ebtate.  In  1771  Dr.  Franklin 
wrote  from  England,  v.-here  he  had  been  watching  with  his  masterly 
mind  the  growth  of  her  intlubtries,  and  said  : 

"  Every  manufactory  encouraged  in  our  country  makes  part  of  a 
market,  for  provisions  M'ithin  ourselves  and  saves  so  much  money  to  the 
country  as  must  otherwise  be  exported  to  pay  for  the  manuf.ictun  s  ho 
supplies.  Here  in  England,  it  is  well  known  and  understood  tluit  when- 
•ever  a  manufactory  is  established  which  enipioys  a  number  of  lianda  it 
raises  the  value  of  land  in  the  neiijhboring  count  ry  all  around.  It  heems, 
therefore,  the  interest  of  our  farmers  and  owners  of  land  to  encourage 
our  young  manufacturers  in  preference  to  foreign  ones. 

— SvMKS,  Record,  4:51 1. 
Iiidiikiiu  niannraetnreH. 

\o.  125.— Mr.  ("hiiiruian.I  have  noticed  the  fieo-trade  taimt  that  our 
manufac*orio=<  are  alonu  the  seaboard  and  awav  off  from  the  farmers  of 
the  West,  and  therefore  tley  might  a«  well  Oe  across  the  ocean.  Out 
upon  such  miserable  nonsciJbe  as  this  I 

187 


i.:d 

To  ilhiPtmte  this  fact  I  Lave  chosen  In  liana,  the  smallest  of  Western 
Statfs  in  area,  having  only  ;'.(J,;>")0  square  miles  uross  area,  And  not  the 
largest  in  i)oint  of  inanufaetuting  interests,  Illinois  being  among  the 
most  inijiorf  ant  of  the  wiiole  c  mntry. 

In  18.")0  the  ineehaniciil  ami  man ii fact uriug  eetablishmcnts  numberrJ 
4,;;9l2;  capital  invested  in  tbem,  §!7,7oO,4(i2 ;  hands  emolnyed,  14,14("; 
amount  paid  in  wages.  .*!?.,7l\*>,844  ;  ,value  of  materials,  J10,.3t>'J,700  ;  value 
of  products,  $18,72.j,42;5. 

And  in  isso  the  following  magnificent  increase  was  shown  to  exis* : 
Nnmher  of  establishments,  11,198;  capital,  JG5.742.002 ;  hands  employeil, 
GU.'.u4:  amount  paid  in  wa>-'e!<,$21,%D,8S8;  valueof  materiak,  $I00,2G2,i)17: 
value  of  products,  J14S,(,0G,41l. 

There  are  now  fiCty-lwo  woo'en  mills  in  the  State,  proJucing  over  >'■',.- 
OdO.OOu  of  goo  Is  annually  and  paying  over  $G0O,O0U  in  wages  for  the  same 
period,  — SrauBLE,  Record,  4327. 

IndnHtriot*  to  be  dvslro.yod. 

\o.  120. — It  is  the  avowed  policj'  of  the  Democratic  party  to  reduee 
tarill'  duties  to  the  revenue  basis,  and  the  bill  under  consideration  i? 
brought  in  with  that  view.  Indeed,  I  go  further  and  charge  that  it  is  not 
only  their  purpose  to  bring  tariff  duties  to  the  revenue  basis,  but  to 
eliminate  entirely  from  our  revenue  policy  the  idea  of  protection  to 
American  industries  and  American  labor.  The  I>emocratic  party  is  ab.io- 
lutely  hostile  to  the  protection  idea,  and  is  manifest  by  the  last  message 
of  the  Pref^ident  of  the  Uniteil  .States  to  Congress,  and  from  the  utter- 
ances of  the  leaders  of  the  party  on  the  floor  of  this  Ilotise.  The  gentle- 
man from  Texas  [Mr.  Mills]  said  the  other  day: 

"  We  should  levy  taxes  to  obtain  revenue,  but  not  to  restrict  importa- 
tions"— 

And  that— 
"  we  will  increase  wealth  if  we  lower  the  duties  and  let  importations  come 
in  of  these  things  which  can  be  produced  cheaper  in  other  countries  than 
our  own." 

This  is  the  true  Democratic  faith  as  taught  and  practiced  by  the  South- 
ern Democracy,  and  was  inspired  not  only  by  their  selflsh  interests  as 
slave- owners  and  cotton-growers,  but  by  their  peculiar  construction  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

— Thompson,  Ohio,  Record,  4317. 

]ndii<i«fr.T  in    Ainorica    more   tliau  policy— liOyalty,  hosiio. 
iaiiiil.v.    arc   I'actors. 

'So.  127. — The  protection  of  American  industries  is  not  a  mere  ])olicy, 
a  mere  businens  question  ;  it  is  a  question  of  patriotism,  a  question  of 
loyalty  to  the  American  flag,  to  the  American  laborer,  and  to  the  Ameri- 
can home.  It  is  a  choice  between  self-defense  and  self-development  on 
the  one  hand,  and  self-annihilation  and  self-destruction  on  the  other, 
i'pon  its  success  or  defeat  will  depend  whether  our  people  shall  he  tJie 
pkilled  laborers,  artisans,  and  mechanicH  of  the  world,  or  whether  they 
shall  be  "hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water."  The  protection  uf 
American  labor,  the  buiUling  up  of  American  industries,  the  protection 
of  the  American  workshop,  and  the  elevation  of  the  American  home  is  a 
national  achievement,  worthy  the  support  of  every  American  patriot. 
The  protective  system  stands  as  a  wall  of  lire  between  American  laborers. 
and  the  degraded,  hall-paid  laborers  of  Europe. 

—J.  D.  Taylor.  Record,  4043. 

Indnstrial  advanta^rcM    efjiialixod  by  a  tarifi*. 

\o.  42S. — But  Fuppose  we  abolish  tariff  duties,  and  give  Europe  the 
unrestricted  use  of  our  markets,  will  we  get  cheaper  goods  ?    The  very 

ISS 


IM) 

contrary  will  happen.  Free  trade  is  only  safe  between  nations  liavinj? 
equal  industrial  conditicns.  The  nation  possepfiinj?  industrial  advcnla^eri 
always  destroys  or  seriously  cripi)le8  Ihf  trade  of  its  weaker  and  less 
fortunate  rival.  The  purpose  of  a  tarilf  is  to  ecjualize  these  comlilious. 
Labor  is  the  chief  factor  in  the  rest  of  production.  A  very  larjre  per 
cent,  of  the  cost  of  every  nianufaftnre  is  the  sum  paid  for  labor.  In  the 
United  States  wages  are  higher — on  an  averace  ijnite  >^0  per  cent,  higher — 
than  in  Italy,  (Terruany,  Belgium,  I-'rance,  and  Kagland. 

Labor  is  better  rewarded  here  than  in  any  country  of  the  world. 
Low  wages  i>rodu(e  cheap  goods.  Between  countries  paying  low  and 
those  paying  high  wages  there  can  be  no  equal  competition.  If  we  with- 
draw our  protective  duties  we  surrender  our  markets  to  the  products  of 
the  cheaj)er  labor  of  Europe,  for  unless  there  i.s  a  reduction  in  the  wages 
of  labor  the  An.ericau  manufacturer  will  be  for  the  time  undersold. 
"When  our  home  industries  are  paralyzed  and  domestic  competition  de- 
stroyed prices  will  go  up.  All  experience  teaches  this  lesson.  What 
supreme  folly  it  would  be  to  try  this  experiment.  That  our  laborers  and 
our  domestic  industries  needed  tariff  protection  was  plainly  conceded  by 
the  Democratic  national  platform  of  1881  for  the  rea.son  tliat  our  higher 
■wage-rate  made  the  cost  of  production  here  greater  than  in  those  coun- 
tries where  labor  is  cheaper.     I  read  from  that  platform  : 

"The  necessary  reduction  can  and  ninst  be  effected  without  depriving 
American  labor  of  the  ability  to  compete  successfully  w  ith  foreign  labor, 
and  without  imposing  lower  rates  of  duty  than  will  be  ample  to  cover 
any  increased  cost  of  production  which  may  exist  in  consequence  of  the 
higher  rate  of  wages  prevailing  in  this  country." 

— Browi^e,  Indiana,  Record,  SolU. 

Industrial  afTairs  adjusted  to  tarifl'. 

^To.  129. — When  that  time  comes,  as  come  it  must,  the  illimitable 
possibilities  of  the  Republic  will  be  shown,  and  a  government  strong  in 
all  the  elements  of  greatness  and  wealth  will  proudly  take  her  place  at 
the  head  of  the  nations  of  the  earth.  New  England  lias  adjusted  her 
indu'^trial  affairs  to  lit  the  conditions  created  by  the  tarilf,  while  the 
South,  with  her  eyes  still  fixed  on  the  free-trade  notions  of  ante-bellum 
days,  is  plodding  in  the  ruts  of  long  ago.  But  her  Birminghams  and 
her  Ailantas  are  a  suggestii;  n  of  what  her  future  will  be  when  she  de- 
velops her  resources  and  adopts  the  American  policy  of  protection  to 
American  industries  and  American  labor. 

— Gallisgkr,  Record,  3(393. 

liKliistrirs  paralyzing. 

\<».  8JK>. — The  bufrineas  of  the  country  fo-daj' stands  paralyzed  with 
fear  at  this  proposition  to  give  foreign  merchandise  brought  into  our 
markets  an  advantage  of  -fol.OOO.oOO  annually  in  round  numbers  over 
what  it  now  enjoys;  and  every  mail  from  every  (juarter  of  the  country 
l)rings  to  the  members  of  this  House  remonstrances  and  protests  from 
almost  every  industry  in  the  count rv,  from  manufacturers  and  artisans 
and  agriculturista  and  laborers,  against  this  surrender  of  our  markets, 
the  best  in  the  world,  to  the  half-paid,  half-sLarveil  labor  of  Kurope. 
And  whether  this  shall  be  dune  is  really  the  (juestion  presented  by  this 
bill ;  not  that  it  proposes  a  complete  surrender  at  this  time,  but  it  is  the 
initial  step  in  the  work  of  overthrowing  the  principle  of  industrial  pro- 
tection which  came  in  as  the  national  policy  with  Linoln'a  administra- 
tion, and  under  which  the  country  hajs  Increased  in  wealth  and  papula- 
tion as  never  before,  and  the  substitution  therefor  of  free  trade. 

— Gbout,  Record,  440o. 
1  s'.< 


IXD 

IndnNtrioN— lluuio  Protection— Is  it  robbory. 

'So.  -l;H. — 1  cannot  syiupathizi  wnh  those  who  denounce  protection 
of  home  industries  as  a  species  of  robbery.  The  arj^ument  iu  favor  of 
protection  rests  upon  the  gieat  principle  of  the  advantage  of  diversilied 
production.  Every  industry  is  slimulated  and  beneOted  under  a  well- 
regulated  taritr  law.  It  keeps  the  currency  in  circulation  among  our 
people  instead  of  draining  our  country  of  it  and  sending  it  abroad  to  pur- 
chase ]>roducts  manufactured  in  foreign  countries  and  thus  avoids  finan- 
cial distress.  It  brings  the  consumer  and  producer  together  and  saves 
the  cost  of  transportation.  Fifty  men  composing  a  community  all  en- 
gaged inagriculture  would  each  only  have  one  consumer  for  his  products. 
Diversify  their  interests  by  placing  them  in  groups  of  ten,  and  eacli 
group  of  producers  would  have  his  home  market  increased  livefold.  If 
each  engaged  in  a  separate  industry,  each  would  have  fifty  consumt  iv 
for  his  product,  and  they  together  would  become  a  self  sustaining  and 
independent  community.  Sound  economic  principles  require  that  so 
far  as  may  be  practicable,  every  section  and  locality  in  our  country  shall 
have  diversified  interests,  numerous  enough  to  be  self-sustaining.  Eco- 
nomically considered,  it  is  the  development  of  that  political  idea  which 
has  made  the  New  England  township  the  model  political  organization  of 
the  world,  a  little  republic  in  itself.  And  as  the  great  Frenchman,  De 
Tocqueville  eaid,  while  it  exists  the  Republic  will  flourish. 

So  while  this  protective  theory  is  maintained  our  country  will  go  on  in 
its  marvelous  accumulation  of  wealth  and  prosperity. 

— Hopkins,  Illinois,  Record,  4036. 

IiKliiMtrioN.  i>i*ogre«4N  of,  in  llnitod  States. 

\«.  ilt'-i. — Mr.  Chairman,  men  have  almost  recklessly  invested  t.heir 
money  in  manufacturing  enterprises  during  the  last  twenty-five  years. 
They  have  done  so  because  of  their  belief  that  they  would  have  not  so 
much  a  high  market  to  sell  in  as  a  fair  and  steady  market,  and  that  their 
Governjiient  would  stand  ovfrr  them  with  the  Bhield  of  protection  by 
which  at  no  time  could  designing  capital  of  Europe  crush  them  by  a 
combined  movement.  Under  this  benign  influence  millions  of  dollars 
have  been  invested  and  million?  of  men  employed  directly  and  indirectly. 
One  invention  has  been  added  to  another,  wa>^te  and  loss  have  been  re- 
duced to  a  minimum,  and  by  the  progress  of  invention  every  particle  and 
fragment  have  been  uiilizpd  for  some  beneficent  purpose.  Competition 
has  sprung  up  on  all  sidee.  Wages  have  gone  up  and  prices  of  goods 
have  gone  down.  As  a  manufacturing  i>eople  we  are  to-day  making  such 
rapid  strides  that  unless  nome  untoward  misfortune,  such  as  is  implied 
in  the  Mills  bill,  overtake  us  we  shall  within  a  decade  lead  all  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth. 

— Symes,  Record,  4317. 

IndnstricH  protected— How  many  benefited  from  them? 

Xo.  433.— Gentlemen  talk  of  the  protected  industries,  and  the  Presi- 
dent says  but  2^  per  cent,  of  our  seventeen  millions  of  laborer?  enjoy 
the  fruits  of  protection ;  that  is,  they  are  not  engaged  in  protected  in- 
dustries. What  a  narrow  and  absurd  view  on  the  subject.  The  protec- 
tion and  maintenance  of  one  industry  helps  all  other  industries.  It  not 
only  increases  the  market  for  their  products,  but  every  avocation  discon- 
tinued must  send  out  its  employes  to  compete  with  workingmen  in  other 
avocations,  or  into  idleness  and  poverty.  Hence  every  industry  is  in- 
terested that  ever}-^  other  industry  should  live  and  flourish. 

Why,  suppof?e  our  manufacturing  should  cease  to  exist,  as  the  Mills 
bill  provides,  where  would  the  millions  of  men  employed  in  it  go  ?  Some 
190 


I 


INT 

other  avocaMone  woulil  liave  to  be  crowded  with  them  or  support  them 
in  the  poor-houses  of  t})e  ronntry.  And  yet  this  debate  has  developed 
the  fact  ihat  our  manufactories  are  the  chief  objects  of  attack  in  this  bill, 

— MiLLiKEN,  Record,  4253. 

Interiiul  Rerenuc.    (Seo  No.  103.) 

Iiitorual  Kcvcnuo— Aiuoiiiit  <*olleoto(l. 

Xo.  1:51.— The  80un:e8  from  which  was  derived  this  $118,837,:^01.0& 
of  "  internal  revenue  ''  can  be  classilied  as  follows  : 

Spirits $05,829,32 1.71 

Fermented  liquors 21,1(22  187.4!) 

Tobacco,  in  different  forme 30.1UH,(i(J7.i:> 

Oleomargarine 723,048.04 

Penalties 220,204.83 

Collections 29,283  49 

From  banks 4,28837 

Total ^118,837,301.03 

— Macdonald  (Dem.),  Record,  ?/M2. 

Internal  Revenue. 

'No.  4li!i. — I  am  free  to  confess  that  the  bill  presented  does  not  meet 
my  unqualitied  approval.  I  believe  that  duties  upon  imports  should  be 
levied  and  collected  at  all  times  to  meet  the  current  ordinary  expennes 
of  the  Government,  and  that  extraordinary  expenses  should  be  met  by 
the  collection  of  internal  revenues  so  far  as  can  be  reasonably  done. 
Holding  these  views,  if  left  untrammeled,  I  would  retain  onr  presmt  in- 
ternal si/stem  of  taxation,  or  so  much  thereof  as  might  be  necessary,  until 
the  last  obligation  growing  out  of  the  late  war  wafl  paid. 

— BvNUM,  Record,  3518. 

Internal  revenue  and  Ueniocratic  party.    (See  No.  185.) 

Internal  revenue  an  odious  Mysteiu. 

iVo.  4:fi0. — Personally,  Mr.  Chalrmfin,  I  would  be  glad,  if  we  are  to 
reduce  the  revenues  to  current  expenses,  to  see  the  whole  internal-reve- 
nue system  abolished.  It  i-^  a  system  of  taxation,  pure  and  simple,  and 
direct  in  its  character,  and  one  that  has  never  been  resorted  to  in  this 
country  except  in  emergencies.  It  is  o<lious  in  its  burdens  and  odious  in 
the  methods  of  its  collection.  I'nder  it  the  tax-gatherer  can  enter  and 
invade  the  privacies  of  homes  and  have  adniission  to  l)usinese  men's  most 
valued  secrets.  It  accomplishes  its  end,  and  in  many  c}u--e8  can  only  do 
so,  by  a  system  of  espionaj^e  culling  to  its  aiil  spies  and  emissaries. 

The  repeal  of  this  system  would  dispose  at  once  of  the  whole  <)nestioa 
of  a  supposed  surplus.  That  surplus  is  estimated  at  $113,0ii(),00(i.  The 
income  derived  from  the  internal  revenue  last  year  was  $11S,(XI0,0(X), 
■which,  less  the  expense  of  its  collection,  .*l,(i(K»,()(k>,  would  leave  the  re- 
duction almost  preciselv  equal  to  the  surplus. 

— \\'  u  K  H  A  M ,  Record ,  4C99. 

Internal  revenue  arbitrary  and  ri^orouN. 

No.  1:17.— Just  after  the  meeting  of  this  Congress  I  addressed  areplv 
to  a  very  kind  letter  from  friends  in  Tennessee,  which  was  publisheci, 
and  from  wliich  I  beg  to  quote.     I  said  : 

"  With  Albert  Gallatin  I  have  regarded  the  excise  of  internal-revenue 
taxes  as  oflensive  to  the  genius  of  our   people,  and   tolerateil   by   the 

101 


INT 

framere  of  the  Constitution  only  as  a  measure  of  neceesity  in  the  emer- 
>rency  of  war,  and  that  just  as  soon  as  tlje  occasion  for  them  had  passed 
away  they  should  cease  to  exist.  He  and  ThomaaJellerson,  as  the  very 
first  act  of  Jeflerpon'- administration,  secured  a  repeal  of  internal  taxes- 
and  relieved  the  people  from  their  inequality,  incjuisitorial  annoyances 
an. 1  hordes  of  olliViais  clothed  with  dangerous  powers.  Only  in  these 
latter  days  have  I  heard  men  calmly  claim  these  war  taxes  are  still  nec- 
essary—a jj;eneration  after  the  war  which  ^rave  rise  to  them  had  cloped. 
Ami  it  i-  a  verv  sujrges'ive  and  suspicious  l^-aMire  of  the  atlair  that  thoee 
upon  whom  the  tax  is  laid  clamor  loudly  a;_'ain6t  its  t)eing  taken  off,  re- 
gardinir  if  no  doubt  aa  a  protection  against  competition  U>  the  large  mo- 
nopolies.'' 

To  substantiate  the  ground  taken  by  me  in  that  letter,  I  will  refer  to 
two  authorities.  I  will  read  first  from  Blacksf one's  Commentaries  (book 
1,  paues  317-318)  to  show  excise  as  a  war  tax: 

'•  But  at  the  tame  time  the  rigor  and  arbitrary  proceedings  of  excise 
laws  seem  hardly  compatible  with  the  temper  of  a  free  nation.  For  the 
Jraud.sthat  might  be  committed  in  this  branch  of  the  revenue,  unless  a 
strict  watch  is  kept,  mak^  it  neceytary,  wherever  it  is  established,  to  give 
the  ollicers  the  power  of  entering  and  searching  the  housfs  of  such  as 
deal  in  excisable  commodities  at  any  hour  of  the  day,  and,  in  many  cases, 
of  the  niirht  likewise.  And  the  proceedings  in  case  of  transgression  are 
sumiiiiiry  an«l  sudden." 

If  this  internal-revenue  system  were  abolished  to  day  we  would  have 
no  Burphis  revenue  to  siare  us,  while  the  administration  of  public  afl'airs 
would  be  rendered  purer  and  belter. 

— Randai.i.,  May  C>,  1881). 

Intorniil  revenue— Burdening  viee  with  olIiee-lioIUerM. 

Xo.  i:iS.— lUit  it  is  said  by  the  supporters  of  this  bill  that  this  would 
be  leaving  the  burdens  upon  the  necessariesof  life  and  taking  it  oO'from 
the  vices.  It  is  interesting  to  note,  in  this  conntclion,  that  this  is  the 
tirst  time  in  the  history  of  the  Democratic  party  that  they  have  been  so- 
licitous to  keep  burdens  upon  vice  and  relieve  the  necessaries.  They  are 
so  anxious  to  place  burdens  upon  vice  that  they  are  willing  to  burden 
the  people  with  four  millions  of  expense  to  do  it.  As  is  eomtimes  the 
case  with  other  new  converts,  their  zeal  has  g:ot  thebetterof  their  sense. 
If  the  Democratic  party  in  its  new-l)orn  zeal  to  reduce  the  cost  of  the 
necessaries,  withes  to  remove  the  burdens  therefrom,  why  does  it  not  ad- 
mit sugar,  that  article  of  prigae  necessity  that  enters  into  the  consump- 
tion every  day  of  the  poorest  in  the  laud,  to  the  free-list?  It  pretends  to 
be  anxicu"  to  warm  tne  poor  man's  bcdy;  why  not  also  be  anxious  to 
sweeten  his  cup?  The  answer  is  too  plain.  It  is  for  political  reasons 
that  this  unjust  diecrimination  is  made.  No  Democrat  can,  or  has  at- 
tempted to,  explain  it.  It  is  not  the  only  respect  in  which  this  bill  is 
truckling,  dishonest,  cowardly,  and  sectional. 

— WtcKiiAM,  Record,  4699-4700. 

Internal  revenue— <'nn  \ortli  C'urolinit  trust  them  ? 

.\«>.  i;i!K— It  is  well  umlersti ml  that  the  people  of  North  Carolina, 
whom  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to  repiesent  on  thif  floor,  are  intensely 
oppo«fd  to  the  present  internal-revenue  system,  and  that  their  plan  of 
revenue  reduction  is  to  begin  with  the  repeal  of  that  .system. 

Time  and  again  the  Legislature  of  that  State  has  passed  reeolulions  de- 
nonncing  this  system,  and  instructing  the  members  of  Congress  from  that 
.•^•ate  to  advocate  its  repeal. 

.Similar  resolutions  have  been  pa.ased  by  at  least  two  Democratic  State 
convention.".    There  ia  there'"ore  no  dciibt  that  tie  Democratic  part  of 


ixr 

the  people  of  that  State  are  heartily  tired  of  thia  system,  and  anxi«juH  to 
be  rid  of  it.  With  this  feeling  I  confess  myself  to  be  in  entire  and  cor- 
dial sympathy. 

— Simmons,  (Dem.),  Record,  A'M'K 

Intoriiul  revenue— Crocodile  tearM  over  the  n«riiier*(. 

\o.  1  iO. —  Cut  the  advuciitfs  and  di  fenders  of  the  whisky  rinjir,  with 
its  euoriuoiiB  protection  and  c<j1os8u1  monoi>oly,  whenever  anythini;  is 
said  in  favor  of  abolishing  the  internal  revenue  or  curtailing  the  protita 
of  the  whisky  rini.', shed  many  crocodile  tears  over  the  poor  unfortunate 
farmers  of  this  country,  who  are  so  heavily  taxed  by  the  heartless  manu- 
facturer'*. In  other  word?;,  it  will  not  do  to  repeal  the  internal  revenue 
laws  and  interfere  wiih  the  profits  of  the  whibky  ring,  as  they  say  that 
would  leave  no  room  for  a  rejjeal  or  reduction  of  the  tardl",  which  they 
say  is  necessary  for  the  relief  of  the  farmers  of  this  country,  a«  they  are 
at  present  unprotected.  Now, the  truth  is  that  nine-tenths  of  the  farmers 
of  this  country  would  never  know  they  paid  a  dollar  of  revenue  into  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States  (and  they  pay  very  little)  if  they  were  not 
very  kindly  reminded  of  it  by  the  low-taritf  orators  who  seek  otlice. 

— Senator  Brown,  (Dem.),  Keconl,  L'14'.). 

Internal    revenue— Deiuoeratic    converMion    under    Presi- 
deiitiail  iiillueiiee. 

>o.  111. — It  Is  surprising  to  me  that  the  Democratic  party  has  so 
solidly  arrayed  itself  under  the  leadership  of  its  amateur  statesman, 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  defense  of  the  internal-revenue 
system.  It  seems  strange  to  me  that  suddenly  the  Democratic  party  has 
become  the  special  champion  of  such  a  system.  For  twenty  years  the 
jcentlemen  representing  the  Southern  States  of  the  Union  in  Comrrese. 
and  speaking  for  those  outpide,  have  not  only  denounce<l  the  gt  neral 
system  of  internal-revenue  taxation,  but  have  denounced  all  the  etlbrtw 
of  the  Government  to  enforce  the  law,  and  so  thoroughly  had  they  edu- 
cated the  masses  of  the  people  ia  many  sections  of  the  South  into  the 
idea  that  the  internal-revenue  system  was  oppressive  and  tvrannous,  that 
they  had  brought  the  people  of  the  South  to  endeavor  to  destroy  the  in- 
ternal-revenue system  by  fraud,  violence,  murder,  and  bloodsheil.  They 
had  brought  them  to  assert  the  right  of  revolution  against  the  so-called 
tyrannous  enactments  that  were  being  forced  by  the(iovernment  against 
the  people  of  the  South.  It  was  a  conspicuous  argument  all  over  the 
South  why  Mr.  Cleveland  should  be  elected,  to  ilie  end  that  the  internal- 
revenue  laws  should  be  repealed,  or  if  not,  then  not  enforced. 

— Gkosvknor,  Record,  4(>47. 

Internal  revenue— Demoeratie  oppoNitiou  to  it. 

3io.  1 1!3. — When  Mr.  Jeflerson  came  to  the  admini.stralion  of  public 
allairs  quite  a  surplus  for  the  time  had  gathered  iu  the  Treosuiy  and 
continued  to  increase. 

We  find  in  his  first  annual  message  to  Congress  the60  words : 
"  Other  ciicuiusiances  combined  with  the  increase  of  numbers  have 
produced  an  augmenta»ion  of  revenue  arising  from  consuuiption  in  a 
ratio  far  beyond  that  (f  population  alone,  ami,  though  the  chances  of 
foreign  relations  now  taking  place  so  desirably  for  the  world  may  for  a 
season  atTect  this  branch  of  revenue, yet,  weighing  all  |»robabililie«  t)f  ex- 
panse as  well  as  of  incotin'.  there  is  rea.sonattli?  groimd  of  conlid»'nce  that 
we  may  safely  dispen.'-o  with  all  internal  taxts,  coniprehending  excises, 
stamjH,  auctions,  licenses,  carrinu'es,  and  refineil  sugars,  to  which  the 
postage  on  newspajHirs  may  Im*  added  to  facilitate  the  progress  of  infor- 
mation, and  that  the  remaining  sources  of  revenue  will  be  aullicieut  to 
xiii  193 


INT 

provide  for  the  support  of  Ooverument,  to  pay  the  intereet  of  the  pub!fc 
debt,  and  to  discharge  the  principals  in  shorter  periods  than  the  laws  or 
the  general  expectation  has  contempjaled." 

The  Democratic  platform  adopted  at  Chicago  arranged  the  Republican 
party  for  not  relievmg  the  people  of '"crushing  war  taxes." 

And  further  on  it  pronounces  that — 

'•The  system  of  direct  taxation  known  as  the  'internal  revenue'  is  a 
water  tax,  and  so  long  as  the  war  continues,"  etc. 

— CowLEs,  Record,  4332. 

Internal  revenue— .4bolitiou  or. 

'So.  I  l!t. — In  another  Democratic  platform  of  the  same  year,  that  of 
my  own  .S.ate,  there  is  no  such  uncertain  eound.    It  says : 

''  Jifsolifd,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  the  unconditional  and  immediate 
absolution  of  tho  whole  internal-revenue  system,  as  an  intolerable 
burden,  a  standing  menace  to  freedom  of  elections,  and  a  source  of  great 
annovanceand  corrup'ion  in  its  practical  operation." 

Only  last  session  we  were  called  upon  to  add  to  this  system  of  taxation 
the  "  butter  bill,"  which  wa.s  done,  and  this  sesfion  we  are  called  upon  to 
pass  the  "  lard  bill,"  which  I  am  afraia  will  be  done,  and  when  we  set  a 
bad  thing  or  principle  in  motion,  with  a  downward  grade  and  as  greasy 
a  track  as  these  two  articles  make,  who  can  say  where  it  will  stop  ?  The 
principle  of  these  taxes  is  all  wrong,  and  if  I  know  what  constitutes 
I)emocracy,  it  is  undemocratic. 

— CowLKS,  Record,  4o32-3. 

Internal  revenue— How  Democrats  regard  it. 

No.  111. — \  convention  held  at  Chica^'o  nearly  four  years  ago,  com- 
ing from  the  people  direct,  and  whose  explicit  declarations  are  and  must 
continue  to  be,  until  the  next  convention,  the  supreme  law  and  the  in- 
fallible political  creed  of  this  side  of  the  House  as  members  of  a- political 
party — that  convention  singled  out  the  system  of  internal  taxation  for 
the  opprobrious  designation  of  "  war  tax,"  and  intimated  that  the  pres- 
ent law  might  not  continue  by  pledging  the  proceeds  of  that  tax  for  a 
certain  purpose  "  so  long  as  the  law  continues."  Xo  one  speaks  of  a  law 
in  that  way  that  is  considered  to  be  permanent.  In  marked  contrast  to 
this,  the  members  of  that  convention  forcibly  and  explicitly  declared 
their  adherence  to  the  other  systems  of  taxation,  asserting  that — 

"From  the  foundations  of  the  Government  taxes  collecte<l  at  the 
custom-house  have  been  tl;ie  chief  source  of  federal  revenue — such  they 
must  continue  to  be." 

The  member.^  of  that  convention  recollected  doubtless  how  obnoxious 
the  internal  system  had  been.  They  recalled  how  it  had  only  existed 
twice  before,  and  then  for  brief  periods  only.  They  remembered  the 
fact  that  the  wisest  statesmen,  of  whom  Thomas  Jefferson,  the  founder 
of  the  Democratic  party,  was  a  conspicuous  exemplar,  demanded  and 
accomplished  its  repeal  in  the  past. 

— Wilkinson,  (Dem.),  Record,  4280. 

Internal  revenue— l*a.<4t  and  proposed  reductions. 

]\o.  '14«"i. — Republicans  and  a  few  high-tariff  Democrats  propose  to 
reduce  taxation  by  the  repeal  of  the  internal  taxes  on  tobacco  and  dis- 
tilled and  malt  liquors.  For  a  quarter  of  a  century  fhe  Republican  party 
was  in  power,  and  during  that  time  called  into  existence  the  income, 
the  railroad,  and  banktaxps;  also  the  internal  tax,  all  of  which  were 
claimed  to  be  war  taxes.  The  first-mentioned  taxes  were  repealed 
while  a  war  debt  of  over  ?2,000,000,0(jO  was  hanging  over  the  country, 
and  now  it  is  proposed  to  repeal  the  internal  taxes  while  a  war  debt  o- 
ly4 


I 


one  billion  and  forty  niilllonB  yi:  rcmain->  unpaid.  A  pension-roll  re- 
quiriDfj;  about  eigbty-six  uiillions  annually  to  pay,  a  result  of  tbe  war,  ia 
upon  us,  and  tnout^b  it  lias  been  f'.ven'y-three  yoars  since  tbe  war  clofed, 
tbe  roll  is  daily  increasintr.  NotwitbHtandinp  tbese  enormous  war  debte 
aro  ban{.'injj;  over  the  rountry,  and  by  their  (londerous  weight  crushing 
the  cncigics  of  tbo  people,  the  Kejpublic^in  party  is  enrleavorini'  to  wipe 
from  the  statute-books  every  vestige  of  the  war  taxes.  As  lou^r  ud  war 
debts  exi.st  war  taxes  should  be  continued. 

— Aijuurr.  (Dem.),  Record,  4420. 

luterual  revonno  and  Kei>iibli<>Hu  party. 

Xo.  1 10. — Now  the  jrentleman  from  Maine,  Mr.  Blaine,  in  making 
this  speech  to  wliicb  reference  was  made,  addrcs.-ied  himself  to  a  motion 
made  by  Mr.  Ferry,  then  a  member  of  the  House,  an  I  Bubeecjuently  a 
Senator  from  Michijj:an,  to  exempt  from  tbe  operations  of  this  law  any 
unmanufactured  lumber  and  breadstull's.  It  wne  simply  an  effort  to  wipe 
out  as  speeddy  as  possible  internal  taxation.  In  tbe  line  of  the  su^rges- 
tion  of  Mr.  Blaine,  the  Ilepublican  party  has  from  I S(;s  on  down  through 
its  control  of  the  Government  wi[)ed  out  every  one  of  these  taxes  upon 
♦lomestic  production  save  and  excep'.  alone  the  tax  upon  whisky  and 
tobacco  [applause  on  the  Republican  side]  making  an  annual  reduction 
of  over  $300,000,000  imposed  upon  domestic  production  in  the  United 
States. 

— McKiNLEv,  Record,  5113. 

Interual  rorounc— Tax  not  all  in  Treasury. 

Xo.  117. — But  the  proposition  that  '.»()  cents  a  gallon  on  all  the 
whisky  made  goes  into  the  Treasury  is  not  true.  There  iea  large  amount 
which  runs  the  blockade,  from  the  licensed  distilleries  that  pays  no  tax 
to  the  Government,  and  still  the  consumer  pays  full  price  for  it.  There 
is  a  large  amount  that  is  lost  by  lire  and  other  casualties  that  pays  no 
tax  to  the  Government.  There  is  a  large  amount  allowed  tbe  diKiillers 
for  evaporation  which  pays  no  tax.  to-wit:  7^  gallons  on  every  forty- 
gallon  barrel  which  has  been  stored  three  years,  while  the  whisky  is 
stored  and  guarded  by  the  Government  and  at  tbe  expense  of  the  Ciov- 
ernment  for  the  benefit  of  tbf!  owners.  It  is  not  true,  therefore,  as  as- 
6ume<I  by  tbe  Senator  from  Kentucky,  that  the  Government  gets  Its  tax 
on  all  the  whisky  made,  and  that  there  is  no  protection  resulting  in  an 
increase  of  the  price  to  the  consumer. 

— Senator  Brown,  (Dem.),  Record,  2146. 

Internal  revenue— The  true  iNNue. 

!Vo.  4  IN. — Tbe  is^ue  that  some  j>erHonfl  have  attempted  to  raise, 
whether  it  would  be  better  to  repeal  the  internal-revenu'^  law  an<l  give 
the  people  free  whiskey  and  tobacco,  or  wbetlur  it  would  be  better  to 
reduce  the  tax  on  the  iircessiiries  of  life,  is  a  false  issue.  Neither  tbe 
fathers  of  tbe  Hemocr.ilic  party  nor  the  practice  of  I)^■nlocra^ic  admin- 
istrations for  nearly  half  a  century,  nor  tlie  last  platform  laid  down  by 
the  I'emocratic  party  in  convention,  submits  or  juptilieil  any  such  issue. 
The  obvious  plain  du^y  of  the  l)cmocratic  party  under  the  authority  and 
precep's  above  mentioned  is  to  abolish  the  internal-revenue  system  as 
early  as  possible,  and  leave  tbe  States  to  tax  whisky  and  tobacco. 

The  only  issue  is,  will  the  parly  in  good  faith  redeem  its  pledges,  and 
sweep  from  the  statute-book  tbe  system  of  direct  fax-itiou  known  ai?  in- 
ternal revenue,  and  '"  revise  the  tariff  in  a  spirit  of  fairness  to  all  inter- 
eats."  Both  must  be  done.  This  is  tbe  plain  meaning  of  the  pledge  of 
tbe  party,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  every  Democrat  to  aid  in  redeeming  that 

iy5 


INT 

pledge.  Ilis  Demof-racy  may  be  justly  questioned,  who  refuses  to  aid 
in  redeeming  the  uolemn  pledges  of  the  National  Democratic  Conven- 
tion. 

— Senator  Brown,  (Dem.),  Record,  2145. 

liitoriial  rovoiiuc  to  be  inatle  itoriuanent. 

\o.  1 19. — But  I  have  alhnled  to  tiii.s  only  for  the  purpose  of  ehow- 
ine  that  Jieretofore  it  has  been  the  pettled  policy  of  the  Government, 
under  ail  parties  and  at  all  tiuien^,  to  rely  entirely  upon  the  revenues  de- 
rived from  atarifl"on  imports,  to  meet  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  Gov- 
ernment ;  and  that  direct  taxation  has  never  been  resorted  to  except  to 
meet  some  unforeseen  national  emergency,  and  heretofore  promptly 
abandoned  when  the  emergency  liad  passed. 

Now  for  the  lirst  time  it  is  propo.'^ed  to  ingraft  the  system  of  direct 
taxation  onto  the  body  of  our  revenue  laws,  to  be  permanently  main- 
tained with  its  army  of  four  thousand  oflicials,  at  an  annual  cost  to  the 
people  of  more  thaii  $4,000,(100. 

Let  me  say  to  the  gentleman  that  the  Republican  party  is  not  pre- 
pared to  substitute  direct  taxation,  with  all  its  incinisitorial  methods,  for 
that  beneficial  policy  which,  while  yielding  sutlicient  revenue,  fosters 
American  industries  and  protecta  American  labor. 

— BuRBows,  Record,  3448. 

Internal  revenue— Virjjiuia  Denioerats  lor  repeal. 

\o.  150. — In  August  last  one  of  the  largest  representative  conven- 
tions of  the  Democratic  party  ever  held  in  Virginia  met  at  Roanoke. 
There  were  no  candidates  to  be  nominal  ed  ;  no  Stateofficerstobe  elected. 
The  convention  was  held  simply  and  solely  for  the  Durpose  of  announc- 
ing Democratic  faith  and  letting  the  world  know  where  the  Democracy 
of  Virginia  stood,  there  having  arisen  in  the  mind  of  the  public  grave 
doubt  as  to  that  position.  The  convention  was  composed  of  gentlemen 
selected  for  no  otner  purpose  than  to  promulgate  the  party  creed.  That 
was  their  sole  mission ;  there  the  boundary  of  their  duty.  After  due  de- 
liberation a  series  of  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted,  the  most 
important  revenue  feature  of  which  was — 

"We  demand  the  immediate  repeal  of  the  internal- revenue  system,  a 
relic  of  the  war  and  no  longer  npceseary  to  meet  the  demands  of  the 
Government,  because  it  is  oppressive,  fosters  monopolies,  and  is  obnox- 
ious to  the  interests  of  our  people." 

— Yost,  Record,  5744. 

Internal  revenue— War  taxes  must  ko  lirst. 

'Si*.  151. — lirst,  then,  we  now  have  two  distinct  systems  of  taxation, 
two  sets  of  officials,  and  two  distinct  sources  of  revenue.  One  system  is 
by  duties  on  imports,  from  which  we  receive  about $228  000,000  annually. 
The  other  is  by  an  excise  tax  on  alcoholic  and  fermented  liquors  and  to- 
bacco, from  which  we  collect  about  $1 18  fXIO.OOO  annually.  To  collect  the 
internal  revenue  it  takes  nearly  four  thousand  persons  at  a  cost  of  $4,065,- 
148.87  in  1887.  About  the  same  number  are  employed  in  collecting  cus- 
toms dutie"  and  at  about  the  sauie  expense. 

The  creation  of  the  present  internal- revenue  system  was  a  war  meafcure 
to  meet  the  extraordinary  demands  of  the  Government  for  money,  and 
was  understood  at  the  time  to  be  temporary  in  character,  precisely  as  was 
the  internal  revenue  act  paseed  to  meet  the  emergencies  of  the  war  of 
1812,  and  that  also  of  1792,  to  meet  the  unpaid  expenses  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary war.  Neither  of  these  old  acts  were  retained  a  moment  longer 
than  the  necessity  lasted.  So  should  we  now  hold  to  the  same  policy  of 
treating  the  present  internal-revenue  system  as  temporary,  and  as  rapidly 
196 


INT 

aa  poeeible  diapense  with  it,  and  return  to  productive  employment  the 
four  thoupand  men  who  now  feed  at  the  "  publii-  orib,"  ^nd  thus  save  in 
the  expenses  of  the  G  >veruiaent  $4,00o,0<»0  annually. 
This  would  be  conducting  the  Government  on  business  principles. 

— CiRorr.  Record,  •140!». 

Iiitorual  rovoniio— What  f'rco  trade  and  direct  ta.vcN  iiieau. 

So,  -152.  What  does  ilirect  taxation  mean  '.'  An  answe'r  is  found  in 
an  extract  from  u  speech  delivered  in  this  Hon.se  April  12,  1882,  by  Hon. 
("olnmbus  Ujjson,  a  Democratic  Representative  from  the  State  of  T^xas. 

"  A**  an  illustnition  of  some  of  the  practical  workings  of  free  trade  and 
direct  taxation  thep'jopleof  each  State  wouM  have  to  pay  annually  their 
•hare  of  the  national  tax,  according  to  the  number  of  population  in  their 
respective  States." 

AInbaina's  share  would  be  about , SC.'iOO.OOO 

Arkansas' share  ■would  be  over 4,00n,(KiO 

(■'i' I  ri  Tula's  .Hharo  would  be  about 4.3(»0,000 

Oeijri,'la'3  share  Would  be  ovor 8,0U(),IKH> 

lUliuil.-*"  .share  would  be  about 1G,00(»,000 

Iru'.'ana's  share  would  bo  ovo- 10  noo.COO 

K'^ntucky's  xh'\re  would  bo  over 8,.j(»o,(XiO 

MlA'sl.'iHiiipi'tj  fchare  would  be  about G.inki.uOO 

^^lt»ourl  s:-h!iro  would  bo  about ll,:MMi,n(>n 

N"W  York'.s  share  w  luld  be  about 2t5,5iVi.OOO 

s  luth  Carolina's  share  would  be  over 5  IHIO.OOO 

Tounc-isee's  share  would  bo  about 8,000,000 

T.'sas'  .«ha>-o  would  be  between $8,000,000  and  li»,0(X),000 

Virginia's  share  would  be  about 8,000,000 

'■  Let  the  R-*presentative3  of  the  respective  States  of  th's  Union  cirry 
the  legacy  of  free  trade  and  direct  taxation  home  to  their  people  as  the 
fruit'*  of  their  labors,  and  political  obituaries  would  be  the  order  of  the 
day  all  over  the  land." 

— Randai.i,,  May  G,  188G. 

lutorual  revenue— Why  it  should  be  aboliNlied. 

Xo.  453. — The  internal-revenue  system  should  be  abolished  at  the 
earliest  day  that  the  financial  needs  of  the  (ioveiument  v.ill  allow,  be- 
cause customs  duties  are  an  ample  source  of  revenue  for  all  ordinary 
needs  of  the  Government ;  because  it  is  the  uniform  and  estalilisned 
policy  of  the  Government  to  derive  its  ordinary  revenues  from  that 
source ;  because  internal  taxes  have  never  been  resorted  to  except  to 
meet  the  expenditures  of  war  ;  because  all  former  internal  revenue  laws 
have  been  abolished  as  soon  as  the  necessity  for  them  had  passed  ;  be- 
cause two  systems  of  revenue,  with  two  sets  of  public  olh  ere  to  admin- 
ir^ter  them,  are  unwise  and  expensive;  because  the  system  is  otlious  to 
the  people,  and  its  administration  attended  with  dissatisfaction  and  vio- 
lence; becau.se  its  rep)eal  has  been  taken  for  granted  from  the  begin- 
ning, and  hence  reductions  have  been  (ronstantly  made;  because  to  con- 
tinue it  would  be  for  the  (iov^-rnment  to  give  protection  ami  power  to 
the  wlii.'^ky  ring,  and  set  itself  against  the  moral  sentiment  of  the  peo- 
ple; and  becau.se  both  parties  have  heretofore  ))ronii.';ed  its  repeal.  A 
confessedly  temporary  and  war  tax  should  not  be  made  permanent,  and 
cannot  be  without  a  groHS  breach  of  faith.  To  perpetuate  it  is  to  change 
indirect  into  direct  taxes,  to  tax  home  instead  of  foreign  products,  and 
to  adopt  a  Confe<lerat«  instead  of  National  system  of  revenue. — Ens. 

luteraatl  revenne— Wipe  ont  war  tax. 

No.  15 1. — The  war  taxes  are  the  taxes  collected  through  the  inter- 
nal-revenue system,  except  the  little  tax  on  oleomar»(;\rine.  Let  the  war 
taxes  be  wiped  out  and  the  protective  system  stanl. 

197 


INT 

If  we  desire  to  reduce  the  Burpliia  in  the  Treaeurj',  let  us  repeal  tb^> 
internal-revenue  syfltt- m,  repeal  the  tax  on  tobacco  at  any  rate.  Every 
Demjfrat  who  made  a  speech  in  Tennessee  for  ten  years  up  to  ihe  elec- 
tion of  Cleveland,  so  far  as  my  knowledge  goes,  made  war  on  tl  e  en- 
tire internal-revenue  system  from  A  to  izzard.  And  I  have  heaid  and 
answered  many  of  them  by  apologizing  for  the  law  and  condemning' 
the  methods  ofits  execution. 

I  would  like  \o  hear  from  our  Democratic  friends  from  my  Stati\  I 
wuuld  like  to  know  how  they  stand  on  thisquebtion.  I  would  like  to  have 
them  tell  me  and  tell  this  I'louse,  and  through  thio  House  tell  their  con- 
Btituenta,  whether  they  are  for  the  repeal  of  the  tobacco  tax,  or  thn  niod- 
ihi:iir ion  or  repeal  of  the  internal-revenue  system,  or  whether  they  are 
aitainstit;  because  I  tell  the  gentlemen  their  constituonta  will  talk  to 
them  about  it  this  fall. 

— Hoik,  Record,  0502. 

Intcrnal-reTenae  tax   on  wliisky^ChriNtiaii    Union    i'oi*  a 
repeal. 
Xo.  4."55.— ^Ir.  Quay   presented  a  petition  of  tUje  Young   Woman's 
Christian  Temperance  Union  of  Newburgh,  N.  Y.,  which  was  read,  and 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Finance,  as  followfl: 

"The  Young  Woman's  Chris' ian  Temp9rance  Union  of  Newburgh, 
X.  Y.,  having  pledged  itself  to  use  all  lawful  means  for  the  suppression 
of  the  liquor  traffic,  and  believing  that  the  internal-revenue  tax  is  a  pro- 
tection to  the  manufacture  of  intoxicating  beverages,  and  not  a  restraint 
upon  i%  do  earnestly  beg  you  to  vote  for  the  entire  repeal  of  the  internal- 
revenue  tax  on  liquor. 

"  Signed  for  the  Union, 

"  ANNA  M.  RAMSAY, 
"  Corresponding  Secretary. 
"June,  1888." 

—Record,  G425. 

Internal  revenue— How  it  enables  whisky  rin;;M  to  control. 

\o.  li>(l. — Do  those  who  manufacture  and  deal  in  intoxicating  liquors 
object  to  this  tax  ?  They  do  not.  They  are  in  favor  of  the  preservation 
of  the  tax.  Whifky  can  be  produced  at  15  to  20  cents  per  gallon.  A 
large  caoital  cannot  be  invested  in  whisky  at  15  to  20  cents  per  gallon. 

The  Government  puta  on  a  tax  of  90  cents  per  gallon — about  hIx  times 
the  original  cost.  To  pay  this  tax  and  take  the  whisky  out  of  bond  re- 
quires an  immense  capital,  Now,  the  business  becomes  respectable  by 
reason  of  the  capital  that  must  be  raised  to  carry  it  on.  The  whisky 
can  be  boueht  at  15  to  20  cents  per  gallon,  but  the  tax  of  90  cents  a  gallon 
must  be  paid  and  the  product  put  upon  the  market. 

If  the  whisky  lax  is  repealed  the  monopoly  in  the  production  would 
be  destroyed.  The  whisky  trust  is  the  strongest  political  power  in  Urn 
country.  The  rich  distillers  of  the  States  forms  the  combination.  It 
controls  more  men  in  political  life  than  any  other  interest  represented  in 
State  or  Federal  legislation.  Tliere  is  no  organization  in  this  countiy 
Ahich  can  raise  as  large  a  fund  for  political  u.«e. 

— Thomas,  Kentucky,  Record,  4500. 

Internal  revenue— How  wliiwky  rules  in  Kentucky. 

♦  *  *  *  *  *  * 

Xo.  157.— In  the  recent  defalcation  of  our  State  treasurer— $200,000 
to  ?40(),000— many  things  go  to  show  that  this  fund  of  the  State  of  Ken- 
tucky hua  for  vears  been  at  the  st- rvice  of  the  whisky  ring.     It  was  in- 
evitable.   Without  the  whisky  ring  the  Democratic  party  would  lose  its 
198 


INT 

Kjld  on  the  State  ollicerf',  and  so  the  whisky  rin^  and  the  Democratic 
ingare  nearly  identical.     Now  that  the  explosion  at  our  State  capital 
las  occurred,  no  more  money  can  be  had  from   Kfntutky'H  treasury. 
Away  with  the  revenue  system,  and  scatter  the  funds  tliat  are  now  m 
tnni<se~,  held  ready  to  use  against  the  Rejiublicans  in  Kt  ntucky,  by  a  law 
•of  the  United  States.     Disperse 'em.    It  kills  manufacturers  other  than 
whisky  in  Kentucky.     For  instance,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  a  yreat  bank  in 
_l.ouisville,  not  national.    To  it  goes  the  owner  of  100  or  10,000  barrels  of 
Bourbon  whisky — known  brand  of  Kentucky.     He  does  not  have  to  go 
to  the  president  nor  cashier ;  only  to  the  discount  clerk  in  charge.  There 
is  his  trtble,  76,  77,  78,  7'J,  80,  81 ,  8l',  8;;,  84,  S3, 80,  87,  date.   On  each  or  any 
of  these  you  can  have  ho  much  and  renewal/  Ub'dum  practically.  Make  out 
your  note,  attach  your  bonded  warehouse  receipt— liat.     Hut  a  manufac- 
turer of  general  merchandise  would  not  have  the  slightest  show  far  a 
loan,  becau'^e  the  liank  could  not  sell  his  chairs,  his  plant,  or  any  imple- 
iient.    No  bonded-warehouse  receipt  can  cover  them;   but  with   the 
'nited  States  holding  up   things,  the  whisky  ring  is  omnipotent,  and 
the  general  manufacturer  has  to  go  elsewhere. 

— Kellev,  Record,  3200 

liitoriinl  rcrcniie— Its  demoralizing  iiiflnonco. 

\o.  ItTS. — Now,  sir,  as  to  the  whisky  tax.  It  is  not  becau.se  we  want 
more  whisky,  or  cheaper  whisky,  in  the  country,  or  more  distilleries, 
that  we  demand  a  repeal  of  the  law.  There  are  in  my  State  now  at  leaet 
five  times  as  many  whisky  distilleries  as  there  was  before  the  law.  and 
each  of  these  distilleries  makes  five  or  ten  times  as  much  liquor  as  they 
did  before  the  enactment  of  the  law. 

Sir,  it  is  not  the  whibky-making  or  the  whisky-drinlcing  element  of 
society  that  I  represent  in  this  argument ;  but  I  feel  thai  I  voice  the  sen- 
timent of  the  law-abidin>z,  (iod-fearing,  (."hristian  people  of  my  country 
when  I  say,  Down  with  the  demoralizing  system  of  internal  revenue! 
The  moral  element  of  the  land  have  got  the  true  idea  of  this  institution 
at  lafrt,  which  for  so  long  a  time — God  save  the  mark  has  run  as  an  ad- 
junct to  morality  and  temperance,  and  their  opposition  will  grow  more 
and  more  intense  as  they  learn  more  about  it. 

Talk  about  the  moral  influence  of  tliis  law  I  Tell  it  to  those  who  know 
nothing  about  it,  but  tell  it  not  to  me.  It  sows  a  bountiful  crop  of  oaths, 
and  makes  smooth  the  way  to  a  bountiful  liarvest  of  perjuries.  The 
whole  system  is  rotten  to  the  core,  apd  is  only  held  together  by  the  co- 
hesive attraction  of  public  plunder.  It  is  a  menace  and  a  threat  to  free 
institutions,  and  is  abnoxious  to  all  liberty-loving  people. 

— Cowi.hs,  Record,  43.'?3-4. 

iiiloriinl    rovoiiiio— More    (>oal  uikI    ir4»ii  mid    Icnm  whisky 
will  iK'lp  Kciitiii-ky. 

>«.  liSO.— Now,  the  gentlman  from  Pennsylvania  did  no*,  make  an 
ittack  upon  the  State  [KL-ntU(  ky].  He  was  giving  n.>j  some  goo<l  advice 
as  to  the  best  course  to  ])ur8ue  in  order  to  develop  the  vast  mineral  re- 
sources of  our  State.  I  heartily  agree  with  that  gentleman  when  he 
says  if  the  vast  sums  now  invested  in  that  SUite  in  whinky  were  in- 
vested in  great  industrial  enterprises  it  would  be  much  better  for  the 
State,  and  when  the  tax  of  00  cents  per  gallon  is  taken  otf  wliisky 
(which  the  whisky  men  do  not  demand)  the  amount  of  money  invc-^te*! 
in  that  buHine.ss  will  go  into  other  industrial  enterprises  which  will  be  of 
more  benefit  to  the  people  than  the  whi.^ky  bubine-".«.  I  want  U>  l)reak 
up  the  whisky  trusts  and  the  whisky  combinatimi,  aucl  tiiis  can  only  be 
done  by  repealing  the  whiskj-  tax.  Uhi.sky  can  be  pro<luced  for  \o  to 
20  cents  per  gallon.    The  tax  ie  IK)  cents  per  gallon.     A  large  sum  cannot 

199 


INT 

be  invested  in  whisky  at  15  or  20  cents  per  gallon,  but  add  90  cents  tax 
and  then  it  takes  tive  or  six  times  the  amount  of  the  original  cost  to 
handle  that  product  and  put  il  upon  the  market. 

— Thomas,  Kentucky,  Tlecord,  46G3. 

Iiiteruul  I'ovonue— >'ot  for  free  whiNkj-  uud  tubacco. 

Xo  460. — But  the  great  cry  of  the  advocates  of  the  whisky  ring  is 
that  the  repeal  of  the  internal-revenue  laws  will  give  free  whisky  and 
tobacco  to  the  people  of  this  country,  which  will  be  a  great  cur^e  to  them, 
and  therefore  the  benevolent  distillers,  who  have  the  great  interests  of 
the  people  supremely  at  heart,  insist  that  Congress  continue  to  collect  by 
law  from  them  *JU  cents  a  gallon  on  whisky,  which  tax  does  not  cost 
them  a  cent,  and  which  they  charge  to  the  conaumer.  Now,  if  we  were 
to  repeal  the  internal-revenue  laws  and  make  whisky  as  free  as  these 
reformers  insist  it  should  be,  that  would  only  put  us  back  where  we  were 
at  the  beginning  o!  the  war.  There  would  be  no  more  whisky  drank 
than  there  is  now,  there  would  not  be  half  as  much  kept  in  bonded 
warehouses  or  in  stores,  tempting  people  to  use  it,  as  there  is  now  by  the 
whisky  ring,  and  there  would  be  no  greater  temptation  to  get  drunk  on 
whisky  that  might  cost  but  50  cents  a  gallon  than  there  now  is  to  get 
drunk  on  whisky  that  costs  ^3  a  gallon. 

But  I  do  not  advocate  free  whisky,  and  there  is  no  sort  of  reason  why 
we  should  have  free  whisky  as  a  result  of  the  repeal  of  the  internal- 
revenue  laws,  unless  we  want  it  free. 

When  the  charge  is  made,  the  tax,  whatever  it  might  be,  imposed  by 
the  State  upon  whisky  and  tobacco,  would  not  go  into  the  Federal  treas- 
ury, but  into  the  State  treasury,  and  to  that  extent  reduce  the  tax  now 
collected  from  the  people  for  tfie  support  of  the  State  government.  As 
it  now  stands  we  virtually  pay  a  double  tax. 

'  — Senator  Bkown  (Dem.),  Record,  2152. 

Internal   rovoiiuo ->ot   '•  Irco  whisky,"  bnt  State  control, 
the  Kepublican  purpose. 

'So.  401. — The  gentleman,  when  he  undertakes  to  put  the  Republi- 
cans on  this  side  who  favor  the  repeal  of  the  internal  revenue  laws  and 
the  wiping  out  of  all  those  specifically  war  tax&s  into  the  category  of 
favoring  free  whisky,  makes  an  e;;rcgiou8  mistake. 

The  proposition,  as  I  understand  it,  involved  in  the  repeal  of  the  in- 
ternal-revenue tax  upon  whisky  and  tobacco  is  to  remit  to  the  States 
the  rifjht  to  tax  not  only  the  liquor  trallic  (as  many  of  them  are  doing 
now),  but,  ultimately,  the  manufacture  and  wholesale  dealing  in  liquor, 
and  to  permit  the  States  of  the  Union,  in  that  respect,  to  take  the  place 
of  the  General  Government,  and  to  deal  exclusively  and  exhaustively 
with  the  whole  subject,  either  by  taxation,  restriction  or  prohibition,  as 
the  people  of  the  several  States  may  decide. 

— Grosvenor,  Record,  4647. 

Internal  revenue— PartnerNliips  with  wliiNky  ring. 

>o.  102 — On  each  gallon  of  whisky  the  distiller  pays  to  the  Gov- 
ernment a  tax  of  90  cents,  but  not  when  it  is  made  nor  on  the  amount 
then  made.  It  is  first  put  into  a  bonded  warehouse  owned  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  kept  three  years  at  the  expense  of  the  Government, 
^'uanled  by  Government  officers ;  and  on  every  barrel  of  40  eallons  7J 
gallons  are  dedm-ted  for  leakage,  whether  there  is  any  in  fact  or  not, 
and  on  the  balance,  then  rip2  and  mellow  for  the  market,  the  tax  is 
paid,  but  not  if  in  the  mean  time  the  whisky  i.*  destroyed  by  fire  or 
other  casualty.  In  that  case  the  tax  is  wholly  remitted.  All  these 
privileges  have  been  granted  at  the  dictation  of  the  "  whisky  ring,'' 
200 


INT 

which  has  ita  sentinels  on  constant  duty  here  at  the  Capitol  to  see  that 
no  harm  comes  to  its  intereste.  I  would  have  this  tax  repeaU-d  at  the 
lirst  practicable  moment,  btcause  I  do  not  believe  the  American  people 
can  afford  to  remain  in  copartnership  with  these  "%;)  whisky  barona" 
in  this  nefarious  business  and  divide  the  prolita  by  taking  !t6  cents  as 
often  as  the  "  barons"  take  $1.  The  terms  is  not  the  point  of  my  ob- 
jection; it  is  the  character  of  the  business.  I  am  fur  its  repeal  also,  be- 
i-ause  of  its  neutralizing  effect  upon  prohibitory  laws  in  prohibition 
-ates. 

The  effect  of  this  can  not  be  otherwise  than  demoralizing  upon  local 
prohibitory  legislation.  For  these  reasons  and  others  that  might  be 
given  I  can  not  look  with  favor  upon  the  whisky  tax  or  any  part  of  it, 
and  can  tolerate  it  only  so  long  as  absolutely  necessarv. 

—Gnorx,' Record,  4409-10. 

Internal  rcvonuo— Protection  to  wliiNky  rin;;. 

\o.  KJJl. — Senators  say  they  prefer  to  collect  over  ^100,000,000  a  year 
on  internal  revenue,  because  it  all  goes  into  the  Treasury  and  protects 
nobody.  But  this  is  not  trul.^  The  whisky  ring  is  protected  against  all 
foreign  whisky  by  a  tariff  of  1,000  per  cent,  on  wliat  it  costs  the  rejiistered 
distiller  to  make  it,  and  pays  00  cents  a  gallon  internal  revenue,  leaving 
a  net  protection  of  over  oUO  per  cent,  on  its  cost  at  the  distillery.  The 
tariff  is  prohibitory,  and  therefore  gives  the  registered  distillers  the  con- 
trol of  the  market. 

They  are  protected  on  one  side  by  a  high  tariff,  and  on  the  other  side 
by  alaw  malving  it  criminal  for  people  to  compete  with  them. 

It  is  guarded  for  them  at  the  expense  of  the  Government  for  three 
years  without  paying  either  tax  or  interest,  and  they  then  sell  it  at  from 
two  to  three  dollars  a  gallon.  All  over  $1.10  h  net  profit,  a  net  profit 
levied  on  all  consumers,  obtained  how?  By  reason  of  the  enormous 
protection  which  the  law  gives  them,  which  amounts  to  a  monopoly. 

— Senator  Bkow.n  (Dem.),  Record,  2145. 

Internal  revenue— Reduce  the  whisky  tax— Why  ? 

]Vo.  40 1. — But  to  the  question  of  reduction,  we  must  cut  off  from  pres- 
ent rt^vonues  $t>0,000,000.  I  have  already  given  some  reasons  for  tlie  re- 
peal of  the  tobacco  tax,  and  otiiers  might  be  given,  the  principle  of  which 
IS  that  it  is  a  home  product  and  consequently  a  direct  tax  njxjn  one  of 
our  industries  This  is  .iiiJO.OiKt.OnO  and  would  reduce  the  internal  reve- 
nue force  about  one-third,  and  the  expense  of  it  probably  over  $1,000,0(K) 
annually. 

But  what  of  that  other  $30,000  000?  The  tax  on  distilled  spirits  and 
fermented  licjuors  was  $.s7,50"J,L'0i)  in  1887.  If  this  tax  were  only  about 
$30,iM»0,liOO  I  would  make  the  r-duction  here. 

'"What,"  says  some  one,  "take  the  tax  off  from  whisky?"  "Yes." 
"  And  have  free  whisky?"  "  No  ;  1  would  have  prohibition."  But  win- 
take  the  tax  off  from  whisky?  Because  it  has  produced  a  powerful  com- 
bination, known  as  the  "  whisky  ring,"  which  has  done  and  i^  doing 
more  to  delmuth  public  sentiinent  and  corrupt  political  action  than  all 
other  CAUse-s  C'lmlnned.  This  ring  makes  en  trmous  proliis  f)Ut  of  the 
busine.«s,  which  are  prostituted  to  the  worst  of  purposes.  It  has  a  way 
of  strangling  temperance  and  other  wholwome  legislation,  not  only  here 
at  the  national  capital,  but  in  the  ."^ta'es  where  it  i^  most  powerful.  The 
report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Internal  I?"venue  shows  t»(>'.»  distilleries  in 
operation,  which  i)rodur'ed.  in  lss7,  7."),'.'7  1 'utl  ^.-Hllons  of  whi(?ky.  This 
would  be  an  average  of  7s,4ii4  gallons  to  each  distillery.  It  is  susceptible 
of  perfect  demonstration  that  at  least  $1  profit  i*  made  on  each  gallon  by 

L'Ol 


INT 

the  distiller.  This  would  give  each  one  $78,404  net  profit  on  an  average 
— some  more  and  some  lees.  The  amount  of  money  makes  the  "  whisky 
baron  '"  capable  of  much  good  or  evil. 

— Grout,  Record.  4400. 

Intornul  revenue— South nIiouHI  throw  otrthe  whi.sky  riiiK* 
Xo.  4G5. — Tuetead  of  lagging  behind  and  crying  out  against  a  policy 
which  has  gieaily  enriched  a  sister  section  of  the  Union,  let  us  go  forward 
as  a  determined  competitor,  and  with  our  greatly  superior  advantages 
finally  bear  off  the  palm  of  victory  in  progress,  dcvt-lo'>menl,aiid  wealth. 
Bui  we  can  never  do  this,  Mr.  i'reeident,  while  the  South  is  dominated 
and  dictated  to  by  the  whisky  ring,  and  while  the'JGOcapitalistsof  whom 
it  is  composed,  strongly  intrenched  behind  legislative  enactments,  levy 
tribute  upon  the  whole  60,000,(:00  of  the  population  of  these  United 
States. 

Let  us  rise  in  our  might  and  break  the  cords  of  this  giant  monopoly 
which  now  blind  us,  and  repeal  the  internal-revenue  laws,  and  thus  stop 
the  drain  of  surplus  into  the  Treasury.  This  would  restore  peace,  pros- 
perity, and  h^piness  to  the  whole  country. 

— Senator  Buown  (Dem.),  Record,  2154. 

Internal  revenue— Whisky  and  (free-trade  combine. 

Xo.  406. — If  the  naked  issue,  which  of  these  two  systems  should  be 
abolished,  were  submitte<l  to  the  people,  no  well-informed  man  can  doubt 
the  result  would  sweep  f.om  the  statute-book  every  ve&tige  of  the  hated 
internal  taxes.  But  unfortunately  an  opinion  has  taken  possession  of 
temperance  advocates  that  the  tax  on  whisky  (although  less  than  one 
cent  a  glass)  lessens  its  production,  and,  of  course,  consumption  ;  and  that 
opinion  lias  been  htudiou-sly  cultivated  l)y  the  free-trade  interest  to  aid 
ita  purpose  of  abolishing  the  duties  on  imports.  But  the  overproduction 
of  whisky  has  compelled  its  holders  to  ask  the  Government  to  relieve 
them  of  present  payment  of  taxation,  and  that  is  a  complete  answer  to 
that  the<jry.  This  alliance  between  taxed  whisky  and  lobacco  also  ex- 
poses the  insincerity  ol  the  assertion  that  free  trade  will  relieve  agri- 
culture of  its  so-called  burdens.  This  insincerity  as  to  agriculture  is 
made  still  plainer  when  we  remember  the  very  men  on  this  floor  who  speak 
in  behalf  of  agriculture  have  within  a  short  time  refused  to  give  any  re- 
lief to  wool-raisini.',  one  of  the  largest  agricultural  interests  which  the  so- 
called  protectionists  attempted  to  protect. 

—Randall,  May  0, 1886. 

Internal  revenue— Whisky  dominates  Democracy. 

Xo.  107.— The  politics  of  this  country  are  now  dominated  by  the 
wliisky  trustasabsolutcly  asthey  werebyslavery  beforethe  war,and  King 
Alcohol  ig  proving  that  he  is  as  hostile  to  national  development  as  King 
Cotton  ever  was. 

But  let  the  writers  speak  for  themselves.  I  submit  first  so  much  of  the 
letter  of  March  17  as  is  pertinent  to  tbe  question  under  consideration, 
and  will  follow  it  with  an  equally  pertinent  extract  from  the  other  letter 
to  which  I  have  specially  referred. 

******* 

"  Do  you  know  fully  (I  know  you  know  in  the  general  way)  why  the 
internal-revenue  tax  on  whisky  ou;,'bt  to  be  wiped  out? 

"  It  is  because  so  long  as  the  internal-revenue  law  exists  it  bands  to- 
gether the  whole.'^ale  deal' r  in  whisky,  the  distillors  and  hangert-on, 
such  as  bank  presidents  who  loan  on  wbi.~ky,  making  them  a  close  cor- 
poration upon  which  the  Democratic  wire-pullers  and  managers  can, 
202 


INT 

•whenever  the  Democratic  party  here  is  in  danger  of  bein^  beaten  (and 
it  has  been  bo  f-everal  times  lauly)  call  upon  it  lor  money  in  baj^s  and  in 
aurticiciit  amounts  to  tiun  the  ncaie  against  the  RepublicauH. 

'Wipe  cut  the  internal-revtnue  law,  and  thty  can't  liud  another 
souice  where  money  v-an  be  h»d  in  bulk,  at  the  moment  of  defeat,  in 
sullicient  amounts  to  turn  the  defeat  into  a  victory." 

— ivKLLKY,  Record,  3200. 

lulernal  revenue— IVIiiNky  vh.  wool. 

Xo.  lOS. — To  pive  protection  to  the  manufacture  of  woolens  equal 
to  that  given  ti  therepistered  distiller  it  would  be  necessary  for  the  Gov- 
ernment to  license  a  cVrtain  number— tuy  twenty  factories — who  are  en- 
gaped  in  makinp  woolen  blanketo,  put  a  prohitii*ory  lariH"  on  woolen 
blankets,  and  enact  a  penal  law  making  it  criminal  for  anybody  else  to 
cngaKu  in  the  business  ofmakinp  woolen  blanket?,  ami  then  impoFc  a 
licence  fee  or  tax  upon  those  who  make  woolen  blankets,  to  be  paid  into 
the  Treasury.  This  would  protect  them  by  a  tarilf  against  foreign  man- 
ufacturers ;  )t  would  protect  thera  by  penal  statute  against  heme  compe- 
tition, and  it  would  give  them  the  power  now  jjosseesed  by  the  whisky 
ring  to  add  the  amount  they  pay  as  internal  tax  to  the  (loverntuent  to 
the  price  of  the  commodity,  and  then,  as  they  control  the  market  en- 
tirely, to  Ox  their  own  profits  in  addition  to  that.  So  far  as  competitors 
not  belonging  their  organization  are  concerned  they  would  have  no 
chance  to  come  in  competition,  and  so  far  as  competition  among  them- 
selves is  concerned,  they  regulate  that  by  a  trust,  .'•^o  that  in  every  sense 
there  is  no  other  claes  of  niainifacturers  in  this  country  so  extravagantly 
and  so  thoroughly  protected  as  the  whisky  ring.  The  Senator  from 
Kentucky  says  that  no  Democrat  is  in  favor  of  protection,  and  still  the 
Senator  from  Kentucky  defends  the  whisky  ring,  which  liai  more  pro- 
tection than  any  other  protected  interest  or  monopoly  in  this  countrj', 
and  desires  the  continuance  of  the  present  state  of  thing?. 

—Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  2146. 

Internal  rerenuc  laws,  repeal  ol. 

Xo.  161). — I  could  load  down  the  liecord,  Mr.  Chairman,  with  tables 
to  show  the  injustice  of  this  tax  upon  the  farmers  of  the  country,  but  it  is 
annecessary;  enough  of  that  baa  been  done.  I  only  desire  to  say,  sir, 
that,  so  far  a^  my  State  is  concerned,  the  demand  for  the  repeal  <>f  the 
. internal-revenue  tax  is  universal.  It  comes  from  every  one,  of  all  poli- 
tics, without  regard  to  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 
There  is  not  a  voter  in  the  State  of  North  Carolina  that  does  not  <lemand 
this  repeal.  There  is  not  a  man,  be  he  Democrat  or  Republinin.  who 
dare  advocate  the  retention  of  this  tax  before  any  audience  in  North 
Carolina;  and  this,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  the  highest  proof  possible  of  the 
statement  I  heretofore  made  that  President  Cl-.weland  has  the  Demo- 
cratic party  by  the  throat.  He  wants  to  retain  the  intt-rnal-revenue  tax  ; 
North  (Carolina  Democrats  want  it  repealed  ;  and  yet  the»e  same  North 

•irolina  Democrats  propose  to  advocate  the  renoniination  of  President 
*-  leveland,  and  when  that  is  done  they  will  throw  up  their  l.als  and 
shout  for  him  as  though  they  wanted  him  elected. 

Some  of  them  will  even  go  so  far  as  to  vote  for  him,  bat  the  number 
'vill  be  ridiculously  small  in  comparison  with  the  number  of  Democrats 
n  the  State,  and  those  that  do  shout  and  vote  for  him  will  do  it  with  a 
mental  reservation.  Thev  will  bo  in  the  condition  of  a  Western  man 
who  made  a  bet  that  he  could  eat  crow.  When  the  dish  vrtu*  prepared 
he  sat  down  to  it  and  commenced  his  ta^k.  He  swallrjv.fd  a  few  mouth- 
•"uls,  and  said,  "  Yee,  I  kin  eat  crow, but  I'm  hlamed  if  1  Imnkpr  after  it." 

— Nkiiui.'*,  (Ind.),  Record, 4")79. 
203 


INT— IKE 

Iiiteriial  i'<>%  t'liiic  ui*  larjll'^  \Vlii«-li  ? 

>'«».  170. — The  revenues  of  the  (lovernment  are  derived  from  two 
Bources.tliai  is  internal  taxati<ni  ami  a  tax  on  imports.  From  this  it  will 
he  Been  that  we  have  a  donhle  Bystem  of  taxation — the  one  direct,  the 
other  indirect.  It  haH  not  been  the  settled  policy  of  the  Government  tc 
permanently  maintain  both  systems.  The  founders  of  the  Republic;  had 
a  choice  of  ihe  two  methods,  and  they  determined  to  raif?e  tho  revenue 
which  was  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  Ciovernment  by  imposing  a 
duty  on  in)por(s  from  foreign  countries.  While  that  method  has  under- 
gone modilications,  it  has  never  been  wholly  abandoned  at  any  time,  and 
I  think  I  can  ealely  say  that  it  Las  been  the  approved  method  of  raising 
revenue  to  provide  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  Government. 
While  direct  taxation  has  been  reborted  to  upon  two  occasions  before 
1<S(.)2,  to  meet  great  national  emergencies,  it  has  always  been  abandoned 
as  soon  as  the  neces.«ity  passed  away. 

In  17!)1  direct  taxation  was  resorted  to  in  order  to  replenish  an  empty 
Treasury  of  the  new^  Government,  and  in  1813,  in  our  second  contiict 
with  Great  Britain,  we  again  re-sorted  to  direct  taxation  to  raise  the  nec- 
essary means  to  carry  on  that  war.  The  act  of  17'J1  was  repealed  nine 
years  after  its  passage  ;  and  the  act  of  1S13  was  repealed  in  the  year  1K17 
(hiring  the  administration  of  Pret-ident  Monroe.  From  the  organization 
of  the  present  National  Government  in  1780,  to  1802,  a  period  of  seventv 
three  vears,  not  more  than  !:L'2,000,000  of  all  our  revenues  were  derived 
from  direct  taxation. 

— Thomas,  Kentucky,  Record,  4557. 

Internal  revenue  taix— To  be  made  peruianeut. 

>■«.  171. — I  am  of  opinion  that  the  internal-revenue  taxes  should  be 
reduced,  but  not  abolished  ;  and  this  is  no  new  opinion  with  me,  begol 
ten  of  recent  debate,  but  one  long  entertained  and  (I  may  add)  deliber- 
ately formed. 

We  need  a  more  stable,  uniform,  and  reliable  support  to  Government 
credit  than  is  afforded  by  customs  duties,  which  fall  off  and  partially  fail 
when  most  needed,  in  times  of  panic  and  public  distress.  Imporialions 
decrease  at  such  time.s,  for  the  people  are  unable  to  buy  and  merchants 
afraid  to  imj)ort,  and  as  the  customs  revenue  becomes  greatly  reduced 
Government  credit  suITers  and  new  devices  of  taxation  must  be  resorte<l 
to  for  its  support. 

Now  at  sucl)  times  the  consumption  of  whisky,  beer,  and  tobacco  will 
not  he  much  diminished,  and  coneetiuently  revenue  income  from  them 
will  br^  maintained  at  nearly  the  ordmary  amount,  furnishing  a  basis  for 
loans  on  fair  terms  or  for  a  temporary  issue  of  Treasury  notes. 

An  increase  of  fifty  or  sixty  millions  from  such  internal  taxes  is  there- 
fore a  proper  object  of  government  policy  and  may  be  properly  main- 
tained in  future. 

— Blckalew  (Dem.),  Record,  4988. 

Ireland— What  free  trade  liaN  «lone  for  her. 

Xo.  '17S. — Ireland  once  supported  in  reasonable  comfort  8,000,000  of 
people.  Her  manufacture  of  linen,  silk,  wool,  and  cotton,  protected  by 
tarifl.-',  and  encouraged  by  Hub.sidies,  abaorbed  her  capital,  employed  her 
laborers,  j)roniote(l  a  diversity  of  industries,  and  ineured  prosperity. 
Eugland,  was  her  next  friend,  advised,  cajoled,  and  flattered  her  into 
the  belief  that  she  could  raise  raw  materials  on  her  fertile  soil,  sell  then: 
to  her,  buy  of  her  the  manufactured  profluct"  more  cheaply  than  ph» 
could  make  them,  and  tliat  free  trade  would  be  a  national  bleseing.  Be- 
guiled by  her,  Ireland  consented,  her  tariff  was  gradually  repealed,  hor- 
izontally destroyed,  her  subsidies  withdrawn.  Since  then  she  has  beer 
204 


TKI 

raising  raw  material,  sellinj;  it  to  llnylaud,  buying  her  manufactured 
goods  of  her  at  prices  determined  by  Kn^dand  alone,  and  to-day.  with 
only  5,OUO,(JUO  ot  })eopli>,  in  the  poorest,  most  diHtracled  and  liaraw-ed 
country  on  earth.  Slie  drank  the  free-trade  cup  which  Enu'land  i)reK.sed 
to  ber  lips  to  the  very  drej;«.  ThonuiH  Francis  Meaeher,  the  Irith  pa- 
triot, in  a  speech  made  at  lUibliu  inlM7,  tiius  tuuimarized  the  results  to 
his  p.fllicled  country  of  of  England's  friendship  and  advice  : 

''The  cotton  manufacture  Dublin,  which  employed  14  000  opera- 
tives, has  been  destroyed  ;  the  ;i,(itX)  pilk  looms  of  tne  Liberty  have  been 
destroyed  ;  the  stufTand  gerpemanufaclurep,  which  employed  1,4'Jl  oper- 
atives, have  been  debtroyed  ;  the  calico  looms  of  Balbri^rgan  have  l^een 
destroyed;  the  flannel  manufacture  of  Rotterdam  has  been  destroyed; 
the  blanket  manufacture  of  Killkenny  has  been  destroyed;  the  aimlet 
trade  of  Bandon,  which  produced  XIOO.OOO  a  year,  has  been  destroyed; 
the  worsted  and  stulJ' manufactures  of  Waterford  nave  been  destroyed; 
the  rateen  and  frieze  manufactures  of  Carrick-on-Suir  have  been  de- 
stroyed ;  one  business  alone  survives,  thrives,  nourishes,  and  and  tireads 
no  bankruptcy.  *  *  ♦  That  favored  and  privileged  and  patronized 
business  is  the  Irish  coffin-makers." 

.\nd  yet,  England  hopes  and  the  Democratic  party  expects  that  every 
Irish- American  citizen  of  Lliis  Republic  shall,  in  the  coming  Presidential 
election,  vote  for  Mr.  Cleveland  and  free  trade ! 

— Senator  Frvk,  Record,  651. 
Irish  voter. 

Xo.  173. —  I  will  be  disappointed  if  the  honorable  member  from 
Massp.cliusetts  (Mr.  Collins),  the  acknowled<;ed  representative  of  his 
race,  flails  to  rise  in  his  seat  and  denounce  the  pending  mea.sure  that  the 
London  press  declares  means  cheap  labor  here  and  increased  British 
importations,  in  view  of  the  fact  thatonlv  six  years  ago  he  was  pre.siilent 
of  an  organization  that  issued  a  manifesto  to  his  countrymen  calling 
upon  tht  m  to  boycott  every  article  of  British  manufacture.  [Applause 
on  the  Republican  side.] 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4003. 
Irish  rotcrn. 

\o.  17  i.— Do  they,  the  Irish,  not  know  that  it  was  the  Republican 
and  not  the  Democratic  party  that  exploded  ttieold  British  commnn-law 
doctrine  of  once  a  subject  always  a  subject,  and  established  the  right  of 
expatriation?  Have  they  forgotten  that  it  was  a  Republican  Congress 
that,  in  1SG8,  sent  forth  its  mandate  to  the  nations  of  the  earth  that 
thereafter  every  American  citizen  of  foreign  birth  might  ror.m  over 
every  portion  of  God's  footstool  free  from  hindrance  and  molestation; 
that  every  step  ho  tak»8  he  is  shadowed  by  the  banner  of  the  Stars,  and 
that  tlie  only  aigis  of  proteclion  lie  needs  during  the  life  of  the  Republi- 
can [larty  is  his  certificate  of  American  naturalization?     [.\pplau8e.J 

Are  they  blind  to  the  fact  that  every  art  of  CGnHe(pienoe  that  is  of 
universal  application  in  the  interest  of  labor  that  siill  lives  on  the  stat- 
ute-books of  the  nation  is  the  emanation  of  Republican  windom? 

— WoonniTRN,  Iwecord,  4003. 

Irishnicii  flKhtint;  iCiiKlHiitrs  battle  of  fVee  trade. 

!Si<>.  17."».— '  Mily  a  few  days  airo  in  the  heat  of  di  b.it'-  the  gentleman 
from  uliio,  Jndye  Taylor,  was  catecliizeil  by  the  gentlt man  from 
Michigan  (Mr.  Tarsney)  for  asserting  that  there  were  too  inj'.ny  Iriph- 
men  in  and  out  of  Congress  tiu'hting  lC:ii;land's  battle  for  frtn*  tnule.  If 
the  statetiient  bo  true  it  is  to  l>e  retrretted,  and  it  ought  not  to  l)e  so.  It 
was  refreshing  to  hear  the  genial  gentleman  from  Michigan  sneeringly 
mention  the  words  "  Too  much  tarilf." 

205 


IRI— IRO 

The  warning  voice  of  the  history  of  the  country  that  gave  birth  ic- 
mine  ar.il  his  ancestors  constrains  me  to  say  that  the  destruction  of  its 
protecLive  svetetn  means  the  destruction  of  prosperity  here  and  the  de- 
struction o{  future  hopes,  and  the  inauguration  of'a  condition  which 
drove  his  ancestors  from  Ireland,  made  Michigan  liis  birthplace  frora 
necessity,  and  a  seat  in  the  American  parliament  a  possibility.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

I  am  glad  my  distinguished  friend  can  not  be  admitted  to  member- 
ship in  the  Cob<len  Club,  however  much  he  may  desire  it.  II«  is  barred 
out  because  he  is  neither  a  nobleman  nor  a  manuiacturer.      [Laughier.] 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4003. 

Irishmen  Tor  Tree  trade. 

Xo.  470. — I  am  agreeably  disappointed  at  not  finding  ai/iong  the 
name?  of  the  American  noblemen  the  distinguished  gentleman  frora  New 
York  ,  lion.  Timothy  (.'amphell,  a  representative  in  part  from  the  greatest 
manufacturing  city  of  the  United  States.  He  was  once  a  zealous  protec- 
tionist, and  in  that  trying  and  exciting  moment  when  the  Morrison  bill 
came  up  for  consideration  in  the  last  Congress  voted  twice  with  the  Re- 
jmblican  column.  But  his  political  conversion  was  almost  as  miraculous 
and  sudden  as  that  of  Saul  of  Tarsus. 

A  bright  light  from  the  White  House  fell  upon  him  and  a  new  faith 
was  born  within  him.  He  recanted  his  errors,  supplicated  fDr  pardon, 
was  baptized  by  Morrison  in  the  waters  of  fr':?e  trade,  and  at  the  end  of 
the  ceremony,  with  all  the  fervor  of  a  new  convert,  he  voted  in  a  stento- 
rian tone  the  third  time  the  other  way.     [Laughter.] 

— WooDBUBN,  Record,  4002. 

Iri.shauen— How  can  they  !«upport  free  trade. 

Xo.  477. — What  I  say  here  to-day  may  be  as  sounding  brass  and 
tinkling  cymbals;  but  as  an  humble  member  of  this  illustrious  body  I 
am  prompted  by  a  stout  sense  of  duty  to  submit  this  solemn  question  tu 
the  American  iieople  for  their  solemn  answer.  Is  the  Speakership  of 
the  American  House  of  Representatives,  chairmanship  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Ways  and  Means,  membership  of  the  House  of  R  epresentatives, 
and  the  Cobden  Club,  that,  in  the  language  of  the  London  Times,  can 
never  rest  while  the  United  S.'ates  are  unsubdued,  consistent  and  com- 
patible positions.     [Applause  on  Republican  side.] 

I  am  anxious  to  know  if  the  adopted  citizens  of  Irish  birth  and  their 
descendants  will  continue  to  perpetuate  the  political  power  of  a  party, 
the  leading  members  of  which  adorn  the  roll  of  an  organization  that 
bodes  death  not  only  to  American  but  to  Irish  industries.  Cobden  free 
trade  means  that  parliamentary  independence  in  Ireland  is  utterly  val- 
ueless. It  has  scattered  them  like  the  Israelites  over  every  portion  of 
God's  footstool,  robed  them  in  rags,  and  made  them  "  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water."  Can  thev  knowingly  support  at  the  ballot-box  for  the 
high  office  of  President  of  the  United  States  a  leader  of  that  party,  when 
they  are  informed  by  the  London  cable  dispatches  of  the  ISth  day  of 
January  la«t  that  the  surplus  funis  of  the  Cobden  Club  are  intended  as 
re-enforcements  for  ('leveland  in  his  efforts  to  hand  over  the  control  of 
American  markets  to  British  traders? 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4002, 

Iron— Ciieap  !>>teel  rails. 

Xo.  478. — Were  I  to  give  an  example  of  an  article  cheapened  under 

pn/.t-ction  and  increased  manufacture,  I  should  cite  steel  rails,  the  ^earl^ 

average  of  the  price  of  which  was  $158.50  in  1868  per  srross  ton  in  this 

country,  and  in  1884  was  $30  75,  and  daring  the  month  of  April,  1885, 

200 


IRO 

■was  ?26,  and  T.-ere  selling  in  Enclan'l  in  Decemlx?r  last  at  i!22  to  $23  per 
ton.  The  price  here  is  $31  to  ^'.V^,  while  the  duty  is  $17  per  ton,  ehowing 
that  the  difference  of  price  in  the  two  countries  is  not  the  difference  of 
duty.  It  results  from  the  hitz;her  price  of  labor,  which  begins  in  the 
miiMng  of  the  ore  and  continues  until  it  ceases  with  the  production  of 
eteel  rails. 

— Seymoch,  Record,  44rj. 

Irou— Increase  of  product. 

]\o.  479. — We  are  now  dealing  with  a  very  important  schedule, 
nainoly,  the  metal  schedule,  and  wnen  we  consider  how  rapidiv  the  in- 
dustries embrace<i  in  it  have  grown  it  seems  to  me  that  we  ouglit  not  to 
take  any  step  that  will  cripple  or  destroy  those  industries.  lu  1S50  we 
had  only  1,434  establishments  in  this  counOry  engaged  in  these  indus- 
tries, wliile  in  ISSO  there  were  3,532.  In  1S5U  there  were  but  22.000 hands 
emploved  ;  in  1880  there  were  2U8,802.  In  1850  the  capital  invested  iu 
these  industries  was,  in  round  numbers,  $10,00i>,OU0;  in  1S80  the  capital 
invested  was  over  $41(3,000,000.  They  paid  in  wages  in  thepo  industries 
in  1850  only  $7,000,000;  in  1880  they  paid  more  than  $122,000,0(10.  The 
value  of  the  material  used  in  1851)  was  $43,797,854  ;  in  1880  it  was  over 
$380,000,000.  The  value  of  the  product  of  1850  was,  in  round  numbers, 
but  $83,000,000  ;  in  1880  it  was  more  than  $004,000,(X)0. 

— Burrows,  Record,  0410. 

Iron— luoqiiality  of*  inillN  bill. 

'So-  480. — The  rate  of  duty  proposed  in  this  bill  on  bar-iron  is,  ae  I 
have  said,  from  seven-tenths  of  a  cent  to  1  cent  per  pound  ;  the  rate  pro- 
posed on  these  iron  or  steel  beams,  girders,  joists,  angles  and  channels', 
which  are  far  more  difficult  to  roll,  becaute  of  the  varying  sizes  and 
shapes  and  lengths  is  six- tenths  of  1  cent  per  pound.  That  cannot  be  fair. 
If  this  bill  is  to  "correct  inequalities"  let  it  correct  them,  nut  make  ci 
perpetuate  them.  Either  the  proposed  duty  on  bar-iron  is  too  high,  or 
that  proposed  on  these  shapes  is  too  low. 

— Buchanan,  Record,  0401. 

Irou  ror{;ing8— New  EukIuikI. 

Xo.  481. — In  iron  forgings  about  four  million  dollars  capital  is  em- 
ploved in  the  country  ;  the  value  of  the  material  used  is  four  million 
dollars,  and  the  product  reaches  about  six  and  one  half  millions.  In  this 
branch  of  industry  New  England  has  a  capital  of  over  one  million  dol- 
lars, or  over  one-fourlh  of  all ;  she  pays  for  material  six  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars  annually,  and  her  manufactured  product  is  one  and  a  quarter 
millions,  nearly  25  per  cent,  of  the  whole. 

— Galungkb,  Record,  3689. 

Iron  and  stocl. 

.\o.  iH'i. — In  1865  the  first  Bessemer  steel  rail  was  made  in  this 
counlry.  There  was  a  duty  of  45  per  cent,  on  the  foreign  product  at  that 
time.  This  continued  until  Janu.iry  1,  1871,  when  the  act  of  Congress 
which  imposed  a  specilic  duty  of  $28  a  ton  went  into  etfect.  Steel  rail.*^ 
in  1807  were  selling  in  our  market  for  $1()G  a  ton  in  currency,  or  $138  in 
gold.  The  price  had  fallen  to  $10().75  in  1870.  when  the  duty  was  im- 
pose<l.  Now,  if  the  President  is  correct  in  his  theory,  the  imposition  of 
the  duty  of  $38  j>er  ton  would  liave  had  the  effect  of  advancing  the  price 
from  $100.75  a  ton  to  $134.75  a  ton. 

But  what  has  been  the  result?  In  1807  our  sleel-rail  mills  produced 
2,278  tons.  In  1887  they  produced  2,101,IK»4  tons.  How  about  tne  price? 
A  ton,  in  1867,  was  sold' in  our  market  at  $166;  a  ton  in  March,  188S,8'?11.'-: 

207 


IRO 

for  $31.50.  What  becomes  of  the  President's  theory  that  the  duty  en- 
hances the  coBt  of  the  article  and  becomes  a  tax  to  the  loneumer  ?  But 
in  this  connection  we  must  not  lope  eight  of  tiie  fact  that  millions  of  cap- 
ital have  been  invested  in  this  industry  by  reascn  of  the  encouragement 
extended  by  the  act  of  1870,  and  that  thousands  of  laborers  have  been 
employed  in  this  great  industry. 

— Thomas,  Kentucky,  Recon),  4659. 

Irou  an«l  Mteel— How  the  tarill'haM  benefited  by  home  com- 
petitiou. 

\o.  Js:j.— Take  as  an  illustration  the  artiele  of  Bessemer  steel.  Twelve 
or  lourceen  years  a^o  I  purchased  the  first  KiO  tons  of  Bessemer  steel 
which  was  laid  down  on  the  Western  and  Atlantic  Railroad,  and  paid 
ilo'J  a  ton  for  it.  At  that  time  the  tarillon  Bessemer  steel  was  $28  per 
ton.  This  high  rate  of  tariflf  induced  millions  of  capital  to  be  put  into 
plant's  or  mills  to  produce  Bessemer  steel.  Enormous  factories  were 
established.  In  1883,  just  before  the  tarilT  act  was  passed,  I  purchased 
l',000  tons  of  Bessemer  steel  at  $38.50  a  ton  in  the  market.  The  tariflf  was 
still  $28  a  ton,  and  before  the  tariflf  act  of  1883  went  into  operation  Bes- 
eemer  steel  went  still  lower  in  the  market.  I  think  it  got  down  as  low 
as  .•j33  a  ton,  while  the  tarifl  was  still  J28  a  ton.  The  tariff  act  of  1883 
reduced  the  tariff  on  Bessemer  steel  to  $17  a  ton,  and  since  that  time 
Bessemer  steel,  on  account  of  the  active  home  competition  which  was 
gotten  up  between  our  manufacturers,  and  which  has  made  their  busi- 
ness but  moderately  proiitable,  has  sold  in  the  market  as  low  as  $27  a 
ton.  I  was  offered  a  lot  of  Bessemer  only  a  few  days  since  at  $31  per  ton, 
and  the  tariff  is  now  $17  per  ton. 

—Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  2149. 

Irou  and  wool. 

Xo.  '1S4. — During  the  fiscal  year,  which  ended  June  30  last,  we  im- 
ported ^10,351,370  worth  of  raw  wool  and  $44,235,244  worth  of  woolen 
goods,  notwithstanding  cur  high  rates  of  duty,  but  if  we  take  the  duty 
entirely  from  wool  and  reduce  that  on  woolen  goods,  as  proposed  in  this 
bill,  I  think  we  can  safely  presume  that  more  than  $100,000,000  worth  of 
wool  and  woolen  goods  will  be  imported  during  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30, 1890.  It  is  proposed  by  this  bill  to  reduce  the  duty  on  steel  rails 
from  $17  per  ton  to  $11.  What  must  be  the  result  ?  Either  a  reduction 
of  wages  for  the  labor  engaged  in  producing  steel  rails  or  else  a  large  in- 
crease in  the  amount  of  steel  rails  imported.  The  duty  will  by  this  bill 
be  reduced  on  such  rails*  about  one  third,  but  should  the  amount  im- 
ported be  increased  by  the  lower  duty  one-third,  then  what  have  we 
gained  ?  We  have  collected  the  same  amount  of  revenue  for  the  support 
of  the  Government,  it  is  trup,  but  we  have  deprived  our  own  furnaces  of 
the  business  or  work  necessary  to  make  the  extra  amount  of  rails  we  have 
imported,  and  to  that  extent  deprived  our  own  laboring  people  of  em- 
ployment. During  the  fiscal  year  1887  we  imported  of  iron  and  steel 
1,7.S3,251  gross  tons,  not  including  iron  ore,  which  amounted  to  1,194,- 
301  tons  more.  If  the  duty  had  been  what  is  proposed  in  this  V>i!l,  can 
any  one  doubt  but  that  the  amount  imported  would  have  been  largely 
increa.sed?  To  the  extent  which  the  wants  of  our  people  are  supplied 
by  imported  goods  made  in  Europe  to  the  same  extent  must  our  factories, 
shops,  and  furnaces  remain  idle  and  our  workmen  remain  unemployed. 

— Bbewek,  Record,  3604. 

Iron  bolt*4  and  rivets— New  Kngland. 

\o.  l^i.l. — The  manufacture  of  iron  bolte,  washers  and  rivets  em- 
ploys a  capital  in  the  entire  country  of  nearly  five   millions  of  dollars; 
208 


ISS-JAC 

the  materials  used  are  worth  about  six  millions,  and  the  finished  product 
aggrtK'ates  ten  millions.  In  this  manufacturo  New  England  fiirnis-hea 
one  anil  three-fourtln  of  a  iniliion  c.ipital  ;  of  the  cost  of  material  she 
pays  one  and  one-fourth  of  u  million,  and  yields  a  tini'-hed  prodiK-t  of 
nearly  two  and  a  quarter  million  dollars,  her  part  in  the  entire  njunu- 
fticture  bt'iuy  about  one-fjurlh  of  the  whole. 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3<>89. 

Inniio  Nquarely  inudo. 

Xo,  ISG.— Mr.  Chairman,  my  colleague  refers  to  the  coming  election 
in  lati^uane  eluquout  and  })oetical.  He  fij>eak8  of"  the  policy  tliat  shall 
rule  the  land  and  guide  and  guard  its  citizens  for  weal  or  woe."  Mr. 
Chairman,  I  say  amen.     [.Applause.] 

I  have  no  fear  of  the  result. 

I  am  glad  that  the  issue  is  t<[uarely  made.  I  will  contentedly  leave  it 
to  the  jury  of  American  voters  to  bring  in  a  verdict  in  the  case  of  "  Pro- 
tection ra.'  Tree  Trade  or  its  synonyms."     [.Applause.] 

I  am  going  to  stand,  as  I  always  did,  by  the  party  whose  beneficent 
policy  of  protect  ion  bus  dignified  and  exaUed  free  American  labor;  a 
policy  that  has  kindled  the  fires  of  thousands  of  furnaces,  mill.s  and  fac- 
tories; a  policy  that  has  opened  the  mines  and  brought  to  light  the 
treaaiires  hidilon  in  the  earth  ;  a  policy  that  has  converted  the  wilds  of 
the  primeval  forest  into  laughing  fields  ;  a  policy  that  has  ilianged  tyie 
importer  into  a  manufacturer  ;  a  policy  tnat  tiaa  made  u«indepenilent  in 
-war  and  peace  ;  a  policy  that  has  raised  the  wageH  of  labor  above  those 
of  any  other  country  ;  a  policy  that  has  made  us  the  most  prosperous,  the 
most  envied  of  all  the  nations  on  earth.  I  am  going  to  follow  the  party 
upon  whose  starry  banner  the  golden  words  '' ProtecMon  to  .Vmeric^n 
InduBtriea,"  shine  resplendent  like  the  mid-day  bun.     [Applause.] 

— Geuntukb,  Record,  3'J55. 

J. 

JarkNon  (PrcM.)  for  protection. 

>o.  1S7. — In  the  second  annual  message  of  Andrew  Jackson,  Decem- 
ber 7,  l.SoO,  oicur  the  following  words: 

"  The  power  to  impose  duties  on  imports  originally  belonpe«l  to  the 
several  States.  The  right  to  ailjust  those  duties  with  a  view  to  the  en- 
couragement of  domestic  brunches  of  industry  is  so  couipU-tely  idenlicAl 
with  tiiat,  power  that  it  is  difiicult  to  suppose  the  existence  of  the  one 
without  the  other.  The  States  have  delegated  their  whole  authority 
over  imjKjrts  to  the  General  (iovernment,  without  limitation  or  restric- 
tion, Eaving  the  very  inconsiderable  reservation  relating  to  their  inspec- 
tion laws  ' 

In  fact,  he  had  before  this  given  quite  plain  expression  to  his  views. 
In  a  letter  to  Col.  Robert  Patterson,  of  IMiiladelphia,  dated  May  17, 
1K23,  in  acknowledgit;g  the  present  of  a  hat  for  Mr.  Jackaon,  made  of 
American  materials  by  .American  hnn  Is,  he  says  : 

"  Its  workmanship.  r<  fi  cting  the  highest  cridit  u|W)n  the  authors,  will 
be  regarded  as  an  evidence  of  the  p'Thction  wliicli  our  domestic  miinii- 
fac'ures  may  hereafter  acquire  if  properly  fostered  and  protected.  l'i>'m 
(fie  Kiicrctfit  cf  onr  i.inufif'irtnri-n,  a3  Ihr  lintulmnid  af  nt/ricuiturf  and  coin- 
merer,  df-pf-ndg  in  a  grtnt  mea'»ure  the  independence  of  our  country,  and  I 
assure  jou  that  none  can  feei  more  aennf>iy  than  I  do  the  necetsUy  of  eti- 
couragivg  tlum." 

xiv  209 


JEF— JUT 

In  a  letter  to  Pr.  L.  11.  Coleman,  of  c^y  own  State  (North  Carolina). . 
Auscust  2(),  1824,  liH  saye  : 

"  Heaven  smiled  upon  U3  and  give  us  liberty  and  independence.  The 
same  Providence  has  blessed  us  with  the  means  of  national  independence 
and  niilional  defense.  If  we  omit  or  refuae  to  use  the  gifts  which  He  has 
extended  to  ui  we  deserve  not  the  continuance  of  His  b]eesing8.  He  hae 
liHed  our  mountains  and  our  plains  with  minerals,  with  lead,  iron,  and 
copper,  and  given  us  a  climate  and  soil  for  the  growing  of  hemp  and  wool. 
These  beiiig  the  great  materials  of  our  national. defense,  they  oueht  to 
have  extended  to  them  adequate  and  fair  prot-jction,  that  our  manu- 
ficturers  and  laborers  may  be  placed  in  a  fair  compelition  with  those  of 
Europe,  and  that  we  may  have  within  our  country  a  supply  of  these 
leading  and  important  articles  eo  essential  to  war. 

'•  Ja  short,  sir,  we  have  been  too  Long  suhjfci  to  British  merchants.  It  is  time 
we  should  become  a  little  Americanized,  and  instead  of  Jneding  the  paupers 
and  laborers  of  England  feed  our  own  men,  or  else  in  a  short  tim£,  by  cohttnaing 
our  present  policy,  we  shaU  be,  paupers  ourselves." 

— Andrew  Jackson. 

-JeflTerson  (Pres.)  for  protection. 

IVo.  48S.— Jefferson,  in  his  second  annual  measure,  Decetnber  15, 
1802,  says: 

"  To  cultivate  peace  and  maintain  commerce  and  navigation  in  all  their 
lawful  enterprises,  to  foster  our  fisheries  and  nurseriies  of  navigation,  aud 
for  the  nurture  of  men,  and  protect  Hie  manvfactares  adapted  to  our  circum- 
stances." 

And  in  a  letter  to  Benjamin  Austin,  of  Boston,  Mass.,  1816,  he  uses 
these  words : 

"  The  general  inquiry  now  is,  shall  we  make  our  own  comforts  or  go 
without  them  at  the  will  of  a  foreign  nation?  He  therefore  who  is  nov7 
against  domestic  manufactures  must  be  for  reducing  us  cither  to  a  de- 
pendence upon  that  nation  or  to  be  clothed  in  skins  and  live  like  beasts 
in  dens  and  caves.  I  am  pn>:ad  to  eay  I  am  not  one  of  tliese.  Experience 
has  t'lught  me  that  manufactures  are  now  as  necessatry  to  our  independence  as 
to  our  comfort." 

— Thomas  Jeffksson. 

Jntc— Its  enormons  value. 

'^o,  489. — "Und^r  circumstances  which  seemingly  assure  the  pros- 
])erity  of  the  new  culture,  is  it  wise  for  Congress  to  make  the  proposed 
change?  The  abolition  of  auties  on  rival  imports  would'benefit  only  a  com- 
paratively small  number  of  people,  but  the  succeesfal  growth  of  jute  and 
ramie  in  the  South  would  add  large  and  richly  productive  resources  to  the 
wealth  of  the  nation.  In  their  crude  and  manufactured  forms  jute  and  ramie 
are  yielding  India  and  China  an  annual  revenue  of  not  lees  than  $150,- 
000  000;  bat  Texas  alone  can  raise  more  jute  and  ramie  than  India  or 
China  have  ever  yet  produced.  Under  the  patronage  of  wise  laws,  with 
the  greater  produc  iveness  of  intelligent  agricuUure,  and  with  the  econ- 
omies of  eflficient  machinery,  the  South  ought  at  an  early  day  to  derive 
from  the  tiUage  of  these  staples  as  large  an  income  as  India  and  China 
now  do." 

These  statements,  coming  from  as  careful  an  investigator  and  conser- 
vative thinker  as  Professor  Waterbouse,  convince  me  that  the  cultivation 
and  manufacture  of  jute  and  ramie  would  increase  the  price  of  land 
throughout  the  Gulf  States,  and  tring  to  the  people  thereof  more  than 
one  hundred  millionfl  of  dollars  annually. 

— Kelley,  Record,  3196. 

210 


KAN— LAB 

K. 

-KanNaH   rarmors    (9o   not  \raiit  ten  million  onstomorM   to 
change  bnsinoMM. 

]Vo. -IIIO. — WJiat  then  does  the  farmer  of  Kansas  need?  He  needs 
more  customers  in  the  United  States.  He  wants  the  consumption  of 
farm  products  of  all  kinds  to  exceed  the  production. 

He  does  not  want  the  ten  million  of  customers  he  now  has,  engaged 
in  the  mines  and  manufacturing  establishments  of  the  country,  to  be 
thrown  out  of  employment.  If  such  a  result  was  reached,  then  a  large 
number  would  become  his  competitors;  would  add  to  the  production 
and  decrease  the  consumption  of  farm  products.  I  have  the  honor  to 
represent  a  district  that  contains  more  farmers  and  more  farms  than  any 
other  district  in  the  United  States.  They  are  protectionists  because  they 
want  more  customers.  It  is  not  the  tariff  that  troubles  them.  It  is  oc- 
casional bad  crops,  and  a  lack  of  consumers  in  the  United  States.  Thej' 
do  not  believe  that  old  John  Bull  has  any  love  for  an  American  farmer. 
They  do  not  believe  that  the  English  manufacturer,  through  theCobden 
Club,  is  spending  millions  of  dollars,  to  have  free-trade  established  in 
this  country,  because  of  any  love  he  has  for  the  American  farmer.  They 
are  anxious  to  deversify  industry,  even  in  Kansas,  with  its  miles  of 
waving  grain. 

— Petees,  Record,  4717. 

L. 


liabor  and  capital, 

iXo.  491. — "  A  few  years  ago  the  London  Times  had  an  exhaustive 
article  on  this  subject,  and  a"  to  the  cost  of  production  in  the  100  the 
Times  claasified  it  thus :  In  England  5G  per  cent,  goes  to  labor,  21  per 
cent,  to  capital,  and  23  per  cent,  to  government.  In  France  41  per  cent, 
goes  to  labor,  3G  per  cent,  to  capital,  and  23  per  cent,  to  government.  In 
the  United  States  72  per  cent,  goes  to  labor,  23  per  cent,  to  capital,  and  5 
per  cent,  to  government." 

Now,  so  far  as  the  tariff  is  concerned,  the  question  at  issue  is  this: 
The  free  traders  say  this  is  "raw  material,"  it  should  be  placed  on  the 
free  list  so  as  to  cheapen  our  manufdcture.s,  and  it  should  be  purchased 
in  foreign  countries.  Protectionists  say,  no.  So  far  as  this  material  can 
be  produced  from  our  own  farms,  forests  and  mines,  it  should  be  pro- 
tected by  tariff  duties,  and  the  cost  of  it  kept  at  home.  Iron,  wood, 
lumber,  hides,  tin,  corn,  potatoes,  etc.,  which  are  the  material  enter- 
ing into  our  finished  products,  should  be  produced  by  our  own  la- 
bor. In  short,  shall  we  send  three-fifths  the  value  of  our  maniitactures 
abroad  to  buy  "  material,"  or  shall  we  i)roduce  that  material  at  home 
and  pay  the  cost  to  our  own  people  ?  That  is  the  clean  iseuo  of  free 
trade  and  protection.  The  Mills  bill  takes  the  free  trade  side,  and  con- 
stitutes the  Democratic  issue.  Republicans  reject  this  bill,  and  stand 
for  protection.  — Ed. 

Labor— A  ooininodity. 

Wo.  40!2. — Labor  is  as  much  a  commodity,  selling  in  the  market,  as 
the  materials  to  be  worked  up. 

— Bynum  (Dem.),  Record,  3519. 

I<abor— A  coniinoditr  liko  pnmpkinN  and  corn. 

>Vo.  Il»3.— Mr.  Fl'NSK  )N.     Will  the  gentleman  permit  a  question  ? 
Mr.  BYiNl'M.     Yes,  sir. 

211 


LAB 

Mr.  FUNSTON.  But  a  moment  ago  you  placed  labor  urpon  the  ravir- 
ket  as  an  article  to  be  bought  and  sold,  like  pumpkins  or  corn.  What 
can  you  expect  but  that  it  should  take  its  chances  in  the  market  like 
thoEC  articles? 

Mr.  BYNUM.  The  remedy  is  that  you  must  give  the  laborers  a  mar- 
ket in  which  to  sell  their  surplus  products.  Give  them  that  market  and 
they  will  maintain  the  standard  of  wages  the  year  round;  but  yon  take 
that  market  away  from  them,  and  necessarily  there  is  no  means  of  dis- 
posing of  this  surplus,  and  their  labor  becomes  valueless  to  that  extent. 

Mr.  FUNSTON.    What  is  to  prevent  them  selling  that  surplus  now? 

Mr.  BYNUM.    I  will  show  you  what  before  I  get  through. 

— Bynum,  Record,  3519. 

l.abor— A  commodity  to  be  hired  where  it  can  be  hired  the 
cheape»$t. 

Xo.  49 1.— Mr.  PERKINS.  Then,  I  will  aek  the  gentleman  a  question. 
Do  you  believe  in  the  doctrine  that  weshould  be  permitted  to  buy  where 
we  can  buv  cheapest? 

Mr.  HEMPHILL.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  PERKINS.  Then  you  believe  in  the  doctrine  that  we  should  be 
permitted  to  hire  where  we  can  hire  cheapest? 

Mr.  HEMPHILL.     Who  said  eo  ? 

Mr.  PERKINS.    Does  it  not  necessarily  follow? 

Mr.  HEMPHILL.     Well,  I  think  so. 

Mr.  PERKINS.  If  we  should  be  permitted  to  buy  where  we  can  buy 
cheapest,  why  should  we  not  be  permitted  to  hire  where  we  can  hire 
cheapest  ? 

Mr.  HEMPHILL.     Exactly.    I  think  that  is  right. 

— Hemphill,  Record,  3574. 

(See  also  Xo.  72.) 

l.abor— A  commodity?    No. 

Xo.  495. — Oh,  I  dislike,  Mr.  President,  to  hear  working-people  talk 
about  the  sale  of  their  wages.  Labor  has  that  in  it  that  cannot  he  bought 
and  sold.  The  labor  of  man  is  civilization;  it  is  advancement ;  it  is  the 
upward  trend  of  humanity.  No  matter  whether  man  with  hand  and 
brain  transforms  the  natural  product  into  the  finished  product,  or 
whether  by  })nre  brain  labor  he  teaches  in  college  or  school,  preaches  in 
pulpit  or  speaks  in  the  Senate,  he  works,  lie  labors,  he  molds,  he  creates, 
he  develops.  In  whatever  field  labor  may  be  exercised  it  is  and  must 
be  the  grandest  material  human  force. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1018. 

liabor  and  Democratic  party.    (SeeNo.  186.) 

I^abor— A  voice. 

Xo.  496. — No  man  ever  wrote  a  poem  who  dedicated  it  to  slavery. 
No  intelligent  American  workingman  ever  knowingly  appended  his 
name  to  a  petition  for  the  passage  of  a  measure  lo  reduce  himself  to  the 
level  of  a  European  or  Asiatic  slave.     [Long-continued  applause.] 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4004. 

I..abor.   .<imerican,  contrasted  —  Factories,  savinss-bauks, 
homes. 

Xo.  497. — The  amount  in  all  the  savings-banks  of  the  country 
agairegates  one  billion  three  hundred  and  seventy -eieht  million  dollars. 
In  the  report  of  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency  I  find  mention  of  but 
one  savings-bank  in  the  Southern  States,  having  on  deposit  eleven  tiiOU- 
s.Hnd  six  hundred  and  seventy-two  dollars. 
212 


LAB 

The  savings-banks  in  these  six  New  England  States  hold  In  trust  the 
enormous  eum  of  five  hundred  and  seventy-tive  million  dollars. 

In  New  England  there  is  deposited  in  savings-banks  over  one  hundred 
and  twenty  dollars  for  every  man,  woman  and  child,  while  in  the  South, 
upon  the  basis  of  the  figures  of  the  Comptroller,  there  is  just  about  one- 
fourth  of  a  cent  per  capita. 

— Gallikger,  Record,  3G90. 

Labor,  Aiuorican,  coutraste<l— I^aboring  uieii,  do  you  owu  a 
liou*»e? 

'So.  408. — Go  to  Leeds,  England,  and  see  the  condition  of  the  work- 
ing people  there,  and  then  tell  me,  men  of  the  South,  do  you  want  the 
laboring  men  of  the  United  States  reduced  to  their  level?  A  few  years 
ago  the  inspector  of  police  in  I^eeds  was  asked  if  he  knew  a  single  in- 
stance in  that  great  industrial  city  of  320,000  souls  where  a  workingman — 
a  skilled  artisan,  mechanic,  engineer,  carpenter,  or  mason — owned  the 
house  in  which  he  lived  and  the  ground  on  which  it  stood,  and  the  reply 
was :  "  If  I  was  on  my  oath  in  court  I  should  be  obliged  to  answer  no." 

Now  come  with  me  to  any  New  England  town  or  city  and  see  the 
homes  of  the  mechanics  and  laboring  men,  homes  of  thrift  and  comfort 
and  neatness,  and  then  insist,  if  you  will,  that  the  laboring  men  in  Ku- 
rope  are  as  well  paid  and  as  prosperous  as  they  are  in  this  country  ;  but 
you  must  not  expect  to  deceive  intelligent  workingmen  by  such  false  and 
misleading  statements. 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3688. 

liabor,  Amorican.  contra<<ite<l— It  is  as  much  pauper  labor 
as  tbai  of  any  country  in  Kurope. 

So.  490. — The  gentleman  from  Maine  [Mr.  Dingley]  was  singularly 
unfortunate  for  the  cause  of  protection  when  he  told  us  yesterday  thac 
he  received  a  piece  of  cotton  goods  by  mail  from  England,  and  that  his 
wife  found  she  could  buy  as  good  an  article  here  in  Washington  as  cheap 
as  the  sample  was  sold  for  in  England. 

This  is  what  I  have  claimed.  I  go  further  and  state  that  our  manu- 
facturers of  cotton  goods  ship  their  wares  to  England  and  Europe,  and, 
after  paying  freight,  insurance,  and  other  expenses,  sell  their  goods  as 
cheap  to  the  people  of  those  countries  as  they  do  to  us.  But  what  becomes 
of  this  claim  that  our  manufacturers  could  not  compete  with  the  pauper 
labor  of  Europe  ?    This  fact  alone  refutes  that  assertion. 

The  fact  is,  as  was  shown  by  the  gentleman  from  West  Virginia  [Mr. 
Wilson]  yesterday,  the  labor  in  our  factories  is  as  much  pauper  labor  as 
that  of  any  country  in  Europe. 

— Macdonald  (Dem.),  Record,  3949. 

liabor.  American,  contrasted— I^aboring  men  own  170.000 

dwellinK-bouses  in  l*liila<lelphia. 

So.  500. — And  what  does  this  progress  arise  from  ?  It  arises  from 
the  enterprise  of  the  men  who  have  capital  and  who  have  invested  it  in 
the  12,0(J0  manufacturing  establishments  that  exist  to-day  in  the  city  of 
Philadelphia.  And,  sir,  let  nv.  add  another  fact  :  .^Ufiongh  t!ie  cily  iuia 
increased  so  rapidly  in  population,  yet  the  working  people  of  thalcity, 
by  their  industry,  their  economy,  their  thrift,  and  tlie  good  wages  which 
they  receive  in  those  manufacturing  establishments,  are  enabled  to  live 
comfortably,  and  every  one  in  a  house  of  his  own. 

There  are  otw  linndrrd  and  seventy  thoui^nnd  d well inr;/ houses  in  the  city  of 
Philadelphia.  Think  of  it!  One  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  dwelling- 
houses!  More  than  the  entire  number  of  dwellin^is  in  tlie  city  of  New 
York  and  the  city  of  Brooklyn  tog3ther,and  they  have  been  built  mainly 
from  the  earnings  of  the  men  who  are  employed  in  thoje  manufiuturiug 

213 


LAB 

establishments.  And  yet,  sir,  my  friend  from  Michigan  [Mr.  TarsneyJ, 
and  others  who  favor  the  free-trade  ideas  of  the  Mills  bill,  do  say  that 
protection  to  American  industry  has  not  operated  for  the  benefit  of  tht^ 
individual  man  !  I  say  that  the  farmer,  the  laborer,  the  merchant,  every 
one,  has  been  benefited  by  the  protective  system,  which  is  the  systerii 
proposed  and  advocated  by  the  Republican  party  of  this  j?reat  country, 
and  it  is  that  question  which  is  going  to  decide  in  November  next  that 
the  masses  of  tbe  people  of  this  country  will  indorse  protection  to  Amer- 
iran  industry  and  elect  for  usa  Republican  President,  who  will  carry  out 
that  idea,  not  only  in  his  messages,  but  by  his  influence  and  bis  power 
wherever  he  may  go.     [Applause  on  the  Republican  side.] 

— O'Neill,  Pennsylvania,  Record,  3645. 

I^abor,  cheap.    (See  'Ho.  91.) 
I.ubor,  rarm.    (See  No,  248.) 

L.abor.  American,  contrasted— Labor  in  Europe,  by  Sena- 
tor Fr.yc,  of  Maine. 

Xo.  501. — During  the  year,  the  opportunity  offering,  1  investigated  as 
thoroui^hly  as  I  could  the  condition  of  labor  in  Europe.  My  informa- 
tion was  gathered  largely  from  European  investigators,  and  from  the 
men  and  women  who  worked.  I  found  that  to  obtain  it  from  the  em- 
ployers wag  difficult,  and  when  obtained  it  was  unreliable,  wages  bein^^ 
generally  exaggerated.  They  were  fond  of  dealing  in  averages.  They 
arrived  at  those  by  disregarding  numbers.  For  instance,  in  a  cotton  mill 
n?arly  all  the  employes  are  women,  a  few  skilled  men  being  required 
to  look  after  the  machinery,  to  whom  fair  wages  are  paid.  The  superin- 
tendent, in  answer  to  your  inquiry,  would  reply,  "  We  pay  from  $2  a  week 
to  $8,  the  average  being  !?4  or  ^5."  He  never  volunteered  the  informa- 
tion that  while  one  hundred  of  his  employes  earned  $2  a  week,  only 
two  were  paid  $8.  Our  consuls  are  entitled  to  great  credit  for  their  un- 
ceasing efforts  to  arrive  at  the  facts,  but  their  sources  of  information  have 
generally  necessarily  been  the  employers,  and  some  of  it  I  know  has  1  >een 
incorrect.  I  visited  personally  factories,  furnaces,  forges,  ship-yards,  iron 
and  coal  mines,  and  talked  whenever  I  could  with  the  workmen,  and  in 
my  conclusions  as  to  facts  do  not  think  I  can  be  mistaken. 

— Senator  Frye,  Record,  653, 

l.abor— American  male  ts.  German  female  labor. 

"So.  502.— From  United  States  Consular  Reports,  Ex.  Doc.,  Forty- 

ei^uth  Congress,  page  4(>4,  one  German  Portland  cement  manufactory  in 
SiTesia  employed  in  1864,  according  to  its  pay-roll,  in  its  whole  works: 

Per  day. 

Tljroe  workmen tO  3r. 

Blsiy-slx  workmen '^t 

Seventy  men  and  women '24 

A  total  daily  pay-roll  of  $33  72. 

An  American  works  of  same  number  of  hands  employs  according  to 

its  books : 

Per  day. 

Two  engineers,  at $'i  00 

Four  millers,  at 2.50 

Two  mlUwrlghU,  at 3.00 

Thirty  coopers,  at l."5 

Fifty-one  laborers,  at 1.30 

Fifty  quarrymen,  at 1.75 

A  total  daily  pay-roll  of  $226.30. 

A  daily  difference  in  favor  of  German  manufacturer  and  against  Ameri- 
can manufacturer  of  $192.50  in  labor  alone. 

— IIoi'KiNs,  New  York,  Record,  6328. 

214 


\ 


LAB 

T^ubor— Aiucricaii  to  bo  elevated  not  <leKi*u<le(I. 

\o-  50!t. — The  geiitkman  from  Imliuna  [.Mr.  Dynutu]  apoke  ia 
-glowing  terms  of  the  ooudition  of  the  world  today  an  compared  to  the 
time  of  the  Roman  Empire.  His  picture  was  overdrawn.  I  doubt  if 
the  condition  of  the  lat)oring  many,  in  many  of  the  countries  of 
Europe  eo  far  as  the  comforts  of  life  ia  concerned,  ia  much  improvi'd 
over  the  time  of  the  Roman  Empire,  when  the  "heart  of  the  (Joth 
wae  with  his  youn^  barbarians  all  at  play  faraway  on  the  bine  im- 
perial Danube."  I  know,  so  far  as  political  inlluence  is  concerned,  uiosfc 
of  those  people  are  under  the  deep  Hta*;:;nai ion  of  military  depotiem.  I, 
too,  have  adream  ofa  grand  future  lor  the  world  and  f<ir  Europe — "  wliea 
the  war  drums  will  throb  no  longer,  when  the  battle  (lags  will  be  furlt*!," 
and  when  all  disputes  of  an  internati(  nal  character  will  be  settled  "by 
the  the  parliament  of  man  in  the  confederation  of  the  worhl." 

But  that  day  will  come,  if  ever,  not  Ijy  free  trade,  drawing  American 
down  to  the  level  of  European  labor,  but  by  protecting  American  in- 
dustry, by  educating  and  elevating  American  l.djor,  and  thus  by  our  in- 
fluence bring  Europe  up  to  the  level  of  Americ;'.  This  was  the  aspira- 
tion of  the  great  men  whose  opinions  I  have  (jnoted,  and  who  laid  broad 
and  deep  on  this  continent  the^  f  umlation  of  our  system  of  government. 
When  the  time  shall  come  in  Europe  when  the  aggregated  capital  shall 
have  ceased  to  monopolize  all  the  blessings  of  life;  when  those  govern- 
ments phall  cease  to  be  great  trusts,  sustained  by  bayonets  and  military 
depotism,  consuming  the  earnings  of  labor  ;  when  labor  shall  eat  the 
bread  it  earns,  then,  and  not  till  then,  free  trade  may  be  adopted  with- 
out degradation  to  American  labor. 

— Kebk,  Record,  3G41. 

Labor  billH— Wtio  pasNed  thein  ? 

No.  504. — Mr.  Chairman,  before  di'^cussing  the  main  question  under 
consideration,  I  propose  to  reply  briefly  to  a  statement  of  some  conse- 
ciuecce  which  has  been  made  on  the  other  side  and  which  has  not  yet 
been  contradicted.  The  eloquent  centleman  from  Tennessee,  [Mr.  M<  - 
Millin],  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  haa  been 
pleased  to  claim  that  because  a  Democratic  House  not  long  ago  passed  two 
■neasuresin  the  interest  of  labor  (one  of  the  na  known  as  the  contract  bill), 
which  were  signed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  therefore  his 
parly  alone  ia  entitled  to  ho  considered  to  be  the  friend  of  the  laboring 
men  of  this  country.  If  tliere  be  no  other  basis  for  this  claim,  I  feel 
that  the  title  of  his  party  to  that  distinguished  honor  is  not  unapwulable. 
If  there  beany  other  foundation  for  this  claim  except  the  shallow  pre- 
teni-e  that  a  low  tarilV  makes  high  wages,  1  would  like  to  know  it.  I  nay 
to  the  gentleman  that  every  Ki^jtublican  on  this  side  of  the  House  vote  1 
for  both  those  mf-asures,  and  that  they  never  could  have  gone  to  the  hand 
of  a  Democratic  President  for  signature  e.xcept  through  the  intervenliou 
ofa  Republican  Senate.  It  will  be  a  very  dillicult  matter  for  the  nen'le- 
man  to  convince  the  ])eoplo  that  the  legislative  deparlnient  of  this  Gov- 
ernment consists  solely  of  the  House  of  Reprcf-entatives. 

Mr.  Chairman,  there  was  another  labor  bill  piu>.sed  in  this  Democratic 
House  in  the  last  Congress.  It  was  known  as  the  "  arbitmtionor  O'Neill 
l)ill ;  "  and  the  other  side  is  entitled  to  a  monopoly  of  all  tlu*  glory  of  the 
achievement.  When  that  mejisure  came  up  for  debate  upon  its  merits  a 
disMnguished  Democratic  member  of  the  Labor  Committee  ro-t^  in  his 
place  and  denounced  it  as  a  pieceof  uiihhHliing  tlemagogery,  and  charac- 
teri7,"d  its  author  as  "a  gmul  constitmional  lawyer  amonir  baseball 
players  and  a  good  baseball  player  among  constitutional  lawyers." 
•TLaughter.] 

— WooDBUR.v,  Record.  4i»00. 
215 


TAB 

T^nUur— 4'lK'ap  4lriv«'s  «m](  <l<>iir. 

Xo.  ^Ot**-— lako  two  (.ouon  fectories  in  AugUBta,  Ga  ,  and  if  one  trefp 
laoor  at  a  dollar  a  ihiy  ami  the  other  lias  to  pay  $2  a  day,  llie  latter  must 
eoon  closf ,  a-s  it  cannot  compete  wilh  the  former.  Soan  A  mi-rican  maim- 
fiwtiirer  witliont  tarilf  protection,  paying  twice  as  much  for  labor  a.'*  is 
juid  by  a  Kiiropeau  iiianiifacturer,  must  soon  dose  or  hi-  niUHt  reduce  (he 
price  paid  by  hitn  one-half,  po  as  to  make  his  labor  as  cheap  as  the  labor 
of  tlie  riv-al  in  Europe.  The  American  factory  without  protection  niuyt 
clTse,  and  the  Kuropean  with  pauper  labor  nunt  do  our  manufacturinj^'^n 
the  other  side  of  tlie  ocean,  or  the  American  manufacturer  must  reduce 
American  labor  to  the  pauper  prices  paid  to  put  him  on  an  e(iuality  v.ith 
liis  Kuropean  cnmpotifor.  Without  protection  or  the  reduction  of  Ameri- 
can labor  you  must  close  the  American  mills  and  turn  the  employes  out 
doofrtto  tenk  a  livintj  by  tillin'j  tlie  soil,  as  liiere  i'^  probably  no  oth<  r  n*-- 
cupation  that  the  great  body  of  them  can  engage  in  where  they  can  make 
a  living. 

— Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  2148. 

I^ul>or— <'hoap  inouiis  hard  tiincM. 

\o.  50G. — You  are  Htrutzijling,  vou  say,  for  cheaper  goods  and  cheaper 
means  of  living  in  this  Country.  They  have  had  both  in  Kngland,  the 
country  whose  policy  you  would  imitate,  and  yet  their  crisis  and  their 
Bulferiug  have  come  uf)on  them  and  continue  to-day. 

It  ought  to  open  your  eyes,  for  it  shows  that  cheapness  does  not  mean 
prosperity ;  it  proves  how  much  better  it  is  to  buy  what  you  want,  even 
dearly,  and  have  the  money  to  pay  for  it,  than  it  is  to  be  able  to  buy 
cheaply  and  have  no  money  to  pay  for  it.  This  last  is  the  condition  of 
England  to-day,  and  upon  their  own  testimony. 

At  the  very  time  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  were  reporting 
this  bill  in  aid  of  English  manufacturers,  and  for  the  introduction  of  t^ie 
ICmrlish  system  into  this  country.  Prince  Kropotkin,  an  economic  writer 
and  reformer  of  England,  published  aa  article  in  tiie  Nineteenth  Cen- 
t'lry  Migazine  upon  the  industrial  condition  of  England.  His  article  is 
Oititled  ''The  Breakdown  of  our  Industrial  System."  The  very  title 
shoulil  induce  the  Pre.sideut  and  his  adherents  in  this  House  to  call  a 
halt  in  their  cruside  against  the  American  syptem,  which  protects  our 
own  industries  and  our  own  labor.  While  you  are  urging  us  to  abandon 
these  interests  in  favor  ofthe  British  system  of  a  taritrfor  revenue  only, 
this  writer  a<ldressps  his  article  to  Englishmen,  showing  them  how  their 
Bvstem  has  alreaJy  broken  down. 

— Kean,  Record,  425G. 

liUbor— C'lsoapesf  in  world. 

.\«>.  ."507. — We  liave  got  the  cheapest  labor  in  the  world.  I  know 
that  our  lal)or  gets  more  wages  by  the  day,  more  by  the  month,  more  by 
the  year;  l)Ut  it  is  becau'^e  our  laborers  do  more  work  than  any  others 
in  the  world  ;  and  when  you  come  to  compute  the  labor  cost  of  a  unit  of 
product,  I  do  not  care  whether  it  is  brick  or  woolen  goods  or  cotton  goods 
or  silk  goods,  our  labor  gets  leas  for  a  given  product  than  labor  anywhere 
in  the  world  receives. 

—Mills  (Dem.),  Record,  0149. 

Labor— <'lieap<>iiiiiK  to  Nonthorn  Mfandard. 

.\o.  aOH. — .Mr.  Chairman,  do  not  these  gentlemen  thus  ignore  the 
cluinH  of  labor  becans'-  they  mi«takint:Iv  conceive  the  cheapeninir  of  la- 
bor to  bf  in  their  interest  and  that  of  their  constituents?  Do  they  not 
wi«h  to  keep  the  insntficient  remuneration  of  labor  at  the  low  ebb  where 
it  now  stands  in  the  South  that  they  may  be  able  to  raise  their  cotton^^ 
21<; 


T-AB 

r!ce,  and  sii'^'flr  at  the  ]owc«t  jv-c-sible  cost,  an<l  thua  increase  the!;  projitj 
on  those  (•omiucxJitie:'?  Thie  I  believe  to  be  the  rea-on  of  thtir iKuir.i-if 
oflabir.  They  staml  in  the  same  position  that  their  freo-iraiie  prpde- 
cesrt'jrs  cf 'i/i/f-'W»tv«  (lays  occupied.  Their  cliiof  ol»ject  was  to  procure 
cheap  fooil  and  clothinj<  for  llieir  Blaves  who  jifrformed  their  laVior.  The 
I'e-'ire  ol  tliose  «ho  follow  them  in  now,  since  slavery  haH  been  aIJ^lif■hed. 
['-•  procure  liie  labor  of  their  former  sliivf.s  at  the  lowest  pofsible  figure. 
C'juHeciuently  they  wiHli  to  nee  no  >;en»T;il  advance  in  the  price  of  aU 
k'.nds  of  lalr>r,  which  would  surely  follow  the  establishment  in  the 
Soutii  of  manufacturing  industries  under  the  beneficent  segis  of  a  pro- 
tective system. 

— WicKHAM,  Record,  4701. 

lailxtr     lliy^iiil.v  ol*. 

\<».  .lOfl. — Mr.  Chairman,  upon  this  side  of  the  House  we  believe  in 
tlie  dignity  and  honor  of  labor,  ami  believe  it  entitled  to  jjootl  le^rislation. 
It  has  always  been  the  doctrine  of  the  Kepublican  })arty  that  the  boy 
who  i.4  employed  to  till  the  lields,  to  cultivate  the  corn,  to  mow  ihe  hay, 
and  hold  lUe  plow,  if  he  is  honest,  if  he  is  bober,  if  he  is  industrious  and 
law-abiding:,  is  just  as  much  entitled  to  our  honor  and  ^ood-will,  to  our 
favorable  consideration  and  respect  as  is  the  man  who  owns  the  farm 
and  ^'ivts  him  employment;  ami  it  was  this  doctrine  of  ihe  liepublican 
or^auization  thai  ma*le  a  rail-splilier  President  of  the  Unit»'d  States  and 
a  canal  boy  its  Chief  Executive  and  most  distinituiehed  citizen.  [Ap- 
plaus«».]  Here,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  join  issue  with  the  men  who  report  to 
this  House  the  Mills  tariff  bill. 

— rKKKiNs,  Record,  318G. 

I<ub4»r  -B>iviMioii  of  benefits  under  proteetioii. 

Xo.  ant. — Free- trailers  contend  on  theone  hand  that  all  the  protitsof 
mannfactnrinj;  go  to  the  employer  and  none  to  the  laborer.  In  the  next 
breath  til ey  propose  to  give  the  manufacturer  cheaper  raw  material,  so 
that  he  may  be  enablefl  to  pay  higher  wages.  It  is  strange  how  free- 
trade  sopliislry  makes  a  philanthropist  out  of  the  eanic  employer  who 
un<ler  protection  takes  all  the  profits  to  himself.  I  have  not  rea<'lied  the 
pttint  where  I  can  go  to  either  extreme.  It  is  fair,  I  think,  to  Pay  that 
the  emploverand  laborer  are  both  benefited.  The  American  laborer  de- 
mantls  better  wages,  bet ti-r  food,  and  better  shelter  than  his  European 
rival,  and  begets  it.  The  <-otnmiinity  is  henetited  by  helping  tli<is»»  who 
need  it  most,  and  they  are  always  the  working  classes.  We  hnve  fewer 
depemients  upon  public  charity  according  to  our  population  than  have 
any  other  civilizea  country  in  the  world. 

— llAroEN,  Record,  rj:>6. 

I^abor.  elieap— Nlnve  labor  was  eheap. 

X«.  511. — But  1  rose  particularly  to  call  attention  to  some  of  the 
gentleman's  [Mr.  Mills]  nhi!(i>if)phy.  He  says  that  it  is  a  rule  of  human 
nature  as  ol<i  as  the  world  that  men  always  get  their  labor  as  cheaply  as 
they  |>o8sihly  ci»n.  That  is  his  proposition.  I  will  admit  that,  so  far  as 
•Ue  iuaividual  is  <(jiiierned,  the  proj>oslti(m  is  true.  I'.ut  In  society  the 
theorv  of  our  age,  ttie  theory  of  cur  (iovernment,  the  theorv  of  our  in- 
stitutions, is  that  the  common  sense  of  the  many,  the  general  cons<ience 
of  sc>ciely,  is  l>etter  than  the  flelli«h  instincts  of  the  indivi<ltial,  and  that 
it  is  the  duty  of  pociety  U)  concrete  and  crvstallize  into  the  form  of  law 
the  general  sentiment  of  the  masses  in  order  that  the  HellishnesH  of  the 
inlividuiil  may  he  re-"trained.  That  is  the  whr)lt«  theorv  of  pn)tect  ion. 
It  is  the  duty  of  SOI  iely  to  take  care  of  all  the  meml>erHof  the  iT»mmunity 
and  to  protect  them  against  the  be'bshnt'ss  of  individuals. 

1J17 


LAB 

A  number  of  years  ago  there  existed  in  thie  country  the  institution  of 
liuman  slavery.  The  average  man  who  ow  ned  a  Blave  would  not  free  liim, 
lie  insisted  that  he  had  the  right  to  get  all  he  could  out  of  the  slave's 
labor.  But  the  great  heart  of  the  country  revolted  against  that  throiy. 
The  mass  of  the  people  paid  "  Wo  believe  that  plavery  is  wrong,"  and  that 
sentiment  became  linally  crystallized  into  the  form  of  law,  and  the  t-elf- 
ishness  of  the  individual  was  restrained  in  the  interest  of  society.  I  ask 
the  gentleman  from  Texas  to  take  that  thought  into  consideration  when 
be  is  discussing  this  bill. 

—Kerr,  Record,  5291. 

I^nbor— Ktlncation  and  tarifl'. 

^it.  512. — Mr.  Chairman,  these  three  things  affright  the  old  Bourbon 
regime — organized  labor,  the  Blair  bill,  and  a  protective  tariff.  Organized 
labor  which  in  the  freer  States  by  manifold  endeavors,  through  l)lunder 
and  defeat,  still  is  always  groping  upward  toward  the  light,  and  destined 
under  liberty  and  law  to  grandly  help  the  uplifting  of  all  mankind  in  this 
favored  land.  Organized  labor,  so  blmdly  tiattled  with  by  the  leaders  of 
the  old  South  on  this  tloor,  will  yet  prevail,  as  in  this  modern  world  the 
strength  of  numbers  ever  ultimately  prevails. 

If  these  free-trade  leaders  are  statesmen  they  should  beware  lest  the 
black  labor  of  the  South,  robbed  of  two  centuries  of  education,  of  self- 
lielp,  standing  with  its  eyes  blinded,  may  take  hold  of  the  middle  pill.^ra 
of  our  house,  while  our  Philistines  are  eacriticing  to  their  gotl  Free  Trade, 
and  are  making  merry  with  our  Southern  people,  and  pull  down  our 
house  upon  us  to  avenge  its  two  eyes. 

Tlie  Blair  bill,  which  is  the  surest  remedy  to  ward  off  such  awful 
calamity,  whereby  in  separate  schools  the  children  of  the  slaves  may  be 
fitted  for  intelli/ent  labor  and  citizenship  which  makes  organized  workers 
in  contented  homes  the  bulwark  of  the  nation.  The  protective  tariff 
which,  linked  with  organized  labor  and  national  educational  aid,  will 
destroy  proscription,  prejudice,  and  sectionalism. 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3840. 

I^abor— Exporionce,  not  reasoning,  will  decide  in  favor  of 
proteetiou. 

'So.  5i;j.— But  our  friends  on  the  other  side  charge  all  these  abuses 
against  the  protective  larilf.  On  the  other  side  of  the  ocean  tiiey  are 
attributed  to  free  trade.  Sir  Edward  Sullivan,  in  an  article  in  the  Nine- 
teenth Century  of  August,  1881,  said  : 

"  The  workingmen  are  not  working  out  the  question  by  the  abstract 
reafjoning  of  others,  but  by  their  own  experience;  they  know  nothing  of 
political  economy,  but  they  know  what  were  the  promises  of  the  apcstks  of 
free  trade,  and  they  know  what  are  the  resuUs.  Bankers  and  brokerf, 
and  dealers  in  6tock.«,  and  importers  of  foreign  manufactures  may  tell 
them  that  they  are  fuols  and  do  not  know  when  they  aie  well  off. 
They  may  be  so,  but  they  know  when  they  are  badly  off,  and  they  are 
badly  off  row. 

"  The  reports  of  their  delegates  state  that  a  very  large  proportion  of 
the  operative  populationof  Great  Britain  (they  put  it  at  one-third)  is  out 
of  work  ;  that  the  rest  have  not  on  an  average  more  than  four  day's  work 
a  week  ;  that  for  five  or  eix  years  they  have  been  consuming  their  eav- 
ingfl  and  the  funds  of  their  trade  societies.  One  rich  trade  society  has 
])aid  no  less  than  £200,000  in  '  work  pay  '  during  the  last  live  years  and 
reduced  its  capital  to  less  than  £100,000. 

"Whatever  the  wealth  of  the  country  may  be  it  has  not  penetrated 
down  to  them.  Every  year  this  wealth  is  accumulating  into  fewer  bands; 
2H 


LAB 

■every  year  the  gulf  between  rich  and  poor  becomee  deeper  and  broader'. 
It  is  calculated  that  there  are  at  this  moment  14,500,t(X)  of  the  people 
with  less  than  lOs.  Gd,  a  week  to  live  on." 

— Thompson,  Ohio,  Record,  4319. 
J^ubor— Free  trade  will  nI op  NtrikeM. 

\o.  51 1.— Some  one  in  tlii'  proL'rcs^  of  this  debate  has  referred  to  the 
fact  that  one  or  two  mauufaclurers  of  PiitshurKh  wanted  free  trade,  that 
one  or  two  of  them  had  prayed  for  tlif  <lay  wlien  iree  trade  would  come. 
They  wanted  wapes  reduced.  But  whv,  if  such  in  the  fact,  did  they 
want  wages  reduced  ?  Because  they  faid  it  would  obviate  strikep.  Why 
•would  it  obviate  strikes?  Because  it  would  make  their  operatives  so 
poor  they  could  not  maintain  themselves  during  a  strike. 

— B.wsK,  Record,  641G. 

l^abor— Ciiood  wa;;e.s  makes  k<><><I  work. 

Xo.  515.— Mr.  .Vtkinson  reports  thit  between  1830  and  1884  the 
amount  of  cotton  cloth  made  by  an  operaMve  increasetl  seveni'uld,  the 
wages  of  the  operative  rose  from  $1<'.4  in  cold  to  -^-'DO,  and  tne  profit  on 
each  yard  of  cloth  decrea-sed  fcixfold.  Wages  increase  while  j<rolit3  di- 
minish. It  seems  a  paradox,  but  it  is  a  fact.  The  a5.sociation  of  capital 
in  industries  which  superficial  thinkers  count  an  evil  enablts  capinl  to 
utili/.e  on  a  grand  scale  the  accumulated  results  of  past  labor,  and  so 
wliile  the  prolit  on  the  single  pound  or  yard  diuiinislies,  the  aggregate 
protit  of  the  vastly  increased  bubinees  insures  to  the  employed  aiivanced 
wages. 

So  capital  and  labor  are  both  working  consciously  or  unconsciously  in 
line  with  a  benehcent  law  of  equalization. 

— Stewart,  Vermont,  Reconl,  4040. 

l.abor— How  DeinocratN  mIiow  their  love. 

\o.  510. — .My  frifutl  from  .Mis-souri  [Mr.  l).)ckery]  has  taken  occa- 
sion to  allude  to  what  he  calls  the  glorious  hietory  of  the  I)emocratic 
party  and  its  love  for  the  laboring  man.  Let  me  Ptiite  that  if  the  Demo- 
■cralic  party  is  entitled  to  any  glory  it  must  be  for  acts  performed  in  its 
early  history  and  not  in  later  years.  If  it  has  ever  had  aiiy  love  for  la- 
bor in  this  country  it  has  failed  to  manifest  that  fact  except  by  word  of 
mouth,  certainly  not  by  any  afiirmative  act.  I'p  to  a  few  years  ago  tliat 
party  in  the  South  claimed  antl  exercised  the  right  to  own  its  own  labor, 
and  was  sustained  in  that  p(jsition  by  the  democrats  of  tlie  North. 
That  party  since  its  resumption  of  power  has  enacted  no  legL-ilaiion  in 
the  interest  of  labor  or  of  Ial)oring  men.  Today  it  tells  us  it  sej-ks  to  re- 
lieve laV)or  of  its  burdens,  and  how?  I'.y  increasing  ihe  inipurlaion  of 
the  products  of  foreign  labor  end  thereby  depriving  our  own  labor  from 
prcclncing  that  which  gees  to  supply  the  wants  ot  our  people,  by  build- 
ing up  foreign  induptries  and  destroying  our  own. 

Let  me  tell  my  friend  that  the  attempt  of  this  I  loupe  to  carry  out  puch 
policy  is  greatly  depressing  our  industries  and  dejiriving  thotiMindsof 
lalK«rer8  of  honest  emnloyment  at  fair  and  remunerative  wages,  and 
these  men  will  be  heard  in  November  next,     [.\pplaupe.  1 

—  BiiKWKR,  Reconl,  Cu'h). 
I^abor  ill  tiie  Noiitli. 

\o.  517. — But,  i-ir,  who  can  imagine  the  gall  that  must  be  pop^etsed 
by  anyone  who  can  stand  iinan<l  claim  that  the  Hemocratic  party  is  and 
lias  always  been  the  frifnd  of  the  labor*  r,  when  the  entire  parly,  a.«  a 
party,  endeavored  to  destroy  our  Republic  in  an  ellort  to  have  capital  own 
labor,  the  only  issue,  and  to-day  ttie  par'y  is  owned  by  the  same  element 
that  controlled  it  then,  and  that  element  in  theEolid  South  have  reduced 

'2l'J 


LAB 

their  labor  to  more  abject  slavery  than  thej'  ever  \rere  m  tne  palmiPRt 
days  before  the  war?  'Then  you  bad  him  properly  labeled  "slave;"  to- 
day you  add  inKult  to  injury  by  calling  him  a  "  free  man,"  and  disgrace 
him  by  placing  him  side  by  side  with  the  convict  hired  out  to  a  menuleh^s 
contractor,  and  you  phoothim  down  like  a  dog  if  he  dares  to  protest  in 
+he  name  of  organized  labor,  and  yon  prohibit  him  from  voting  or  cheat 
him  if  he  does  vote,  or  fail  to  count  it. 

While  the  anthracite  miner  is  crushed  by  the  railroad  corporations, 
•which  are  both  miners  and  carriers,  yet  public  sentiment  is  in  his  favor, 
and  the  public  recognizes  his  right  to  or_ranize,  to  educate  and  protect 
each  other,  while  down  in  your  country  the  laborer  is  shot  by  authority 
of  law  and  the  whole  community  is  against  him.  You  make  him  pay 
taxes,  but  give  him  no  voice  in  levying  the  tax  or  making  the  laws. 

— Brumm,  Record,  5221. 
L.abor  in  the  Sonth. 

Xo.  51S.— Mr.  HOPKINS,  of  Illinois  (to  Mr.  Hemphill).  What  do 
you  pav  vour  laborers  ? 

Mr.  HEMPHILL.  We  pay  them  all  we  can  afford  to  pay  them  under 
this  miserable  protective  system,  which  takes  almost  everything  to  satisfy 
the  demands  of  oppressive  taxation. 

Mr.  HOPKINS,  of  Illinois.  In  Illinois  a  farm  hand  gets  $20  to  $25  a 
month,  because  we  have  diversified  industries.  In  South  Carolina  such 
laborers  receive  but  $6  to  $7  a  month.  [Applause  on  the  Republican 
side.] 

Mr.  HEMPHILL.  In  addition  to  their  wages  we  give  them  a  home. 
I  guarantee  that  we  pay  our  laborers  as  much,  counting  provisions  and 
home,  together  with  actual  cash,  as  similar  lahorera  are  paid  in  Illinoi?. 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  o840. 

L.al>or  in  the  South— The  South  most  nee«ls  the  tarifi'. 

Xo.  519. — Mr.  Chairman,  it  amazes  me  to  hear  Mr.  Mills,  who  hails 
from  Texas,  claim  that  the  tariCf  has  nothing  to  do  with  wages,  because 
wages  are  higher  in  some  States  than  in  others.  The  tariff  wrought  its 
best  fruit  in  New  England  and  the  enterprising  North  and  West.  Wagei 
are  lower  in  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  and  South  Carolina,  because  slavery 
condemned  the  black  and  poor  white  people  to  ignorance;  and  after  the 
war,  under  the  inherited  system,  it  was  too  long  disgraceful  to  labor. 

The  wages  of  her  men  and  women  are  not  much  more  than  half  the 
wages  paid  in  New  England.  It  is  amazing  to  hear  Representatives  from 
the  Southern  States  unite  to  denounce  the  tariff,  when  the  South  most 
needs  protection.  New  England  and  Pennsylvania,  rich  with  the  fruits 
of  a  general  system  of  manufactures,  may  well  emile  at  the  folly  of  these 
Southern  leaders,  blinded  by  prejudice. 

The  United  States  Government  was  formed  in  part  for  the  creation 
and  promotion  of  manufai;tures.  The  Confederate  States  government 
was  formed  to  stimulate  agricnltnre  alone,  and  to  import  manufactures 

Will  the  old  South  never  recant  this  clause  of  the  Confederate  consti- 
tution ? — 

"  But  no  bounties  shall  be  granted  from  the  Treasury,  nor  shall  any 
duties  or  taxes  on  importations  from  foreign  nations  be  laid  to  promote 
or  foster  any  industry." 

On  this  charter  of  free  trade  and  slave  labor  the  South  based  the  fabric 
of  a  commercial  alliance  with  England — the  exchange  of  cheap  manufac- 
tures from  cheap  foreign  labor  for  unlimited  cotton  from  cheap  slave 
labor.  The  war  cry  of  the  old  South  was  slave  labor  and  free  trade. 
Slavery  has  gone,  but  these  leaders  of  the  old  South  here  on  this  floor 
fight  for  the  English  alliance  and  free  trade  onoe  more. 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3839. 
220 


I.AB 

l^abor  in  tbe    L'nite<l    Ntates    oii{;Iit  to    l»e    as  <'licap  as  in 
CauaUa. 

No.  5130.— It  will  surprise  many  to  learn  that  $!(».]  8  of  every  $100 
worth  of  rough  lumber  they  buy  is  a  tarifJ-tax  to  keep  ('uua<lian  lumber 
out.  And  where  does  the  "  pauper  labor ''  come  in  here  ?  Will  any  one 
say  that  lumber  cannot  be  cut  as  cheap  on  one  side  of  the  line,  between 
U3  and  Canada,  as  on  the  other. 

— Macdox.vld  (Dem.),  Record,  3942. 
I^abor  is  king. 

Xo.  521.— Labor  is  king,  the  mightiest  king  that  ever  ruled  the  earth 
Labor,  when  employed,  is  a  powerful  force,  felt  in  every  avenue  of  trade 
and  business.  Give  labor  enwployment  at  remunerative  wages  and  nothing 
can  impede  the  onward  march  of  its  progress.  It  lays  its  hands  upon  a 
wilderness,  and  it  becomes  a  garden  of  roses  and  flowers.  It  wants  the 
continent  bound  by  bands  of  steel,  and  lo  !  a  railroad  reaches  from  the  At- 
lantic to  the  Pacific.  Every  mile  of  these  railroads  opens  up  new  indus- 
tries, new  markets,  and  thus  the  boundary  of  labor's  pos.sibilities  widens 
on  every  hand.  This  is  a  law  as  inexorable  as  those  of  fate,  and  as  true 
as  Holy  Writ;  and  yet,  because  it  always  has  been,  and  now  is, an  exist- 
ing condition  at  variance  with  certain  platitudes  of  thc-ories  considered 
by  certain  theorists  to  be  true,  they  will  not  accept  theiu,  deny  their  ex- 
i.tence,  and  though  again  and  again  demonstrated,  persist  in  llyintr  in 
the  face  of  history  and  ofttimes  repeated  precedents,  by  insisting  that  if 
it  be  true  that  a  revenue  tariff  did  produce  these  results  from  1833  to  1842, 
they  could  theoretically  demonstrate  the  fact  that  a  tariff  for  revenue  only 
would  not  produce  them  from  and  after  January,  1847,  when  the  Walker 
tariff  was  to  go  into  effect. 

— Cheadle,  Record,  4G01. 

I^abor—K nights  and  niannfactarcrs  will  rogulsitc  «vag<'s. 

'So.  53S. — How  are  wages  in  the  trades  in  this  country  established 
.and  regulated  ?  Are  wage  schedules  mere  matters  of  chance  or  caprice? 
Do  the  "  robber  barons  "  or  '"  monopolists  "  pay  such  rates  as  they  please? 
<to  into  any  trades  union.  Knights  of  Labor  assembly,  labor  union,  or 
workingman's  association  and  you  will  get  the  correct  answer.  In  these 
halls  of  organized  labor  rates  of  wages  and  rules  governing  trades  are  pro- 
posed, discussed,  passed  upon,  promulgated,  and  sustained.  They  are  the 
■workingmen's  legislatures,  where  wage,  social,  arbitraLive,  and  economic 
<luestions  are  settled.  What  an  immense  industrial  army  the  united 
Tanks  of  the  Unionists  and  Knights  aggregate,  over  one  million  by  actual 
count ;  and  nota  member  of  the  Cobden  Club,  honorary  or  active,  carried 
on  tlitir  muster-rollB.     [Applause.] 

— Faiujuiiar,  Record,  4480. 

I.ahoi* -U\  ing  in  KiiglaiKl  and  .\niori4-a. 

\o.  t'i^It. —  But  we  fire  told  the  cost  of  living  in  Knu'land  is  cheaper 
than  ir  is  in  America.  1  have  h^re  a  statement  of  Mr.  Carroll  Wright, 
who  has  been  quoted  considorably  by  the  oMier  sideof  thf  House.  Here 
is  the  table  he  [)reparpd,  stating  tiiat  the  cost  of  living  one  week  in  l^an- 
cashire,  England,  is  >-i')  73  for  a  family,  whil<^  in  America  it  is  $7.'.tO.  In 
other  words,  there  is  but  a  did'erencc  of  $1  'Jii.  equal  to  IS  cents  a  day,  in 
favor  of  the  English  fiinily  aud  against  the  Anu'rican  family. 

But  in  I'^ngland  th»>  laborer  gets  only  one-lialf  of  the  wanes  of  the 
American  laborer,  while  in  fTPrmany  th<*  laborer  only  gets  one  fourth. 
Yet  tht'pe  gentlemen  would  strike  off  the  higher  wages  of  the  American 
laborer  in  order  to  save  this  18  cents  a  day. 

You  tell  me  the  wages  will  go  down  with  eipial  conditions  in  America, 
and  stand  upon  the  eame  level  of  the  wages  in  England;  then  1  would 

L':>1 


LAB 

jint  off  the  clay  to  the  last  generation  when  the  Inbor  of  our  manufact- 
uriiij^  eptahlislmient  will  be  brought  down  to  Bame  level  with  the  pauper 
labor  of  Englainl. 

— Kennedy,  Record,  4S58. 

liiibor  and  iii]iiiiira<'torio»«.    (Sco  "So.  597*) 

liiibor  'I'roccfds  of  cut  ton  products. 

Xo.  521.— Mr.  MiMILI.lN.  Mr.  Atkinson  is  a  great  etatistician,  but 
1  uivf  my  ptatinticp  from  the  ollicial  report  made  by  Mr.  Beaton  a»  Supei^ 
intendont  of  the  Censu-^,  and  I  give  them  for  the  cenpus  year  1880. 

Mr.  JACKSON.  Then  1  will  give  you  what  Mr.  Atkinson  aaya  on  this 
subject. 

Mr.  Atkinson  eays,  in  his  Margin  on  Profits,  page  23,  that  of  the  $1,- 
100,001)  of  product  of  a  cotton-mill  the  division  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
product  would  be  Bubntantially  as  follows:  01.02  f»er  cent,  goes  to  the 
laborer,  7  per  cent,  to  the  owners,  and  l.;>8  per  cent,  to  the  payment  of 
taxes. 

Mr.  McMILLlN.  I  spoke  of  the  entire  labor  cost.  I  did  not  propose 
to  follow  it  any  further,  and  did  not  do  so  ;  but  what  the  gentleman  gives 
there  is  the  profit. 

Mr.  JACKSON.  No;  the  gentleman  is  mistaken.  It  is  the  proceeds 
of  the  product.  I  give  the  quotation  as  I  find  it,  and  the  authority  is  a 
good  one  the  gentleman  has  admitted. 

— Jackson,  Record,  4705. 

I^abor  prodnot.    (See  No.  148.) 

I^abor  prote<-tion— Convict  labor— No  TariflT  on. 

\o.  5**^5. — Tliere  was  a  section  passed  over  temporarily  to  allow  me- 
to  prepare  iiu  amendment.  I  have  the  amendment  ready  and  will  now 
Hi'ud  it  to  the  Clerk's  desk. 

The  Clerk  read  the  amendment,  as  follows  : 

Page  27.  after  line  440,  insert: 

"  ProvuhdfuTther,  Tiiat  wherever  any  of  the  goods,  wares,  and  mer- 
chandise in  this  section  mentioned  are  the  product  in  whole  or  in  part  of 
convict  labor  the  same  shall  pay  treble  the  said  rates  by  this  section  im- 
posed." 

The  Chair  put  the  question  on  the  amendment,  and  was  in  doubt  as 
to  the  result. 

Mr.  BUCHANAN.    I  aak  for  a  division. 

The  committee  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  50  (all  Republicans), 
noes  0')  (all  Deinocrata). 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

(Democrats  voted  sohd  against  protecting  workingmen ;  people  against 
(onvict  labor. — Ed.) 

— BucH.^NAN,  Record,  G700. 

I^abor.  protection— DrmocratM  don't  want. 

>«».  520. — Tlie  American  workin^'man,  who  is  compelled  to  sell  his 
labor  here  at  home  in  comi)etition  with  that  of  every  clime, is  surely  not 
bent'lited  by  a  prohibitory  tariU"  which  compels  him  to  pay  an  increased 
price  for  nearly  every  article  that  enters  into  his  daily  use.  Free  trade 
in  labor,  but  "protection"  for  everything  which  labor  must  buy,  is  so 
manife<»tly  unjust  as  to  merit  universal  condemnation. 

(Mr.  Shaw  voted  against  the  foregoing  amendment  in  No.  526  of  Mr. 
Buchanan,  which  placed  a  tax  on  the  products  of -"onvlct  labor. — Ed.) 

—Shaw  (Dem  ),  Record,  3540. 
222 


1  Ai; 

I^uhor,  prottTtioii  -l>t>iiio<*ratic  idea  oxplainod. 

\o.  527. — Mr.  C'hairiuaii,  1  ri'iM'.il  rliat  the  laljorer  of  liiwcountry  is 
no  inernlirant.  II3  is  a  strontj,  Bliinly  American  citizL>n,  a  mao  of  mus- 
cle, tbewB,  sinews,  anl  brains,  dovi'loppd  in  the  factory  or  in  the  li<.'kl  or 
in  the  mine,  ahlo  to  protect  liimself.  Tne  humblest  laborer  in  the  land, 
if  you  >?o  to  him  and  eav,  "I  am  ^roin^  to  protect  you,"  will  turn  with 
aiuazement  and  ask  you  Iiow  ?  If  you  reply,  "  1  am  ^oing  to  protect  you 
by  taking  money  from  the  pockets  of  Bonie  other  laborer  and  put  it  into- 
yours  by  the  cuunin^j  device  known  as  the  tarilf  law,'"  you  wouM  find 
that,  though  poor,  he  is  prou  1.  Ilis  spirit  would  revolt  at  such  indig- 
nity. He  would  repel  with  scorn  your  ])rotection.  No,  he  wouM  pay, 
"I  am  poor;  my  home  is  not  luxurious;  I  have  rrjany  wants;  but  I 
am  indepentlent,  and  lam  an  American  citizen;  I  receive  protection 
from  the  country,  the  protection  which  the  Constitution  jruarantee«  me, 
of  life,  liberty,  and  i)roperty.  Beyond  that  I  do  not  a-^k  any  pro'ec;ion."^ 
That  would  be  the  answer  of  a  laboring  man.  lie  is  not,  I  rej>eat,  a 
mendicant. 

(How  about  contract  and  cooley  labor? — Ed.) 

—Hooker  (Dem.),  Record,  4098. 

I.nbor.  protection,  no  right  to. 

>'<».  52S. — Tlie  pentleman  from  Mississippi  [Mr.  Hooker,  Dem.],  as 
1  have  already  stated,  says  that  we  have  no  ri^'ht  to  i)rotect  lalx)r. 
Well,  I  should  say  it  is  not  very  well  protected  in  his  IState.  It  lias 
there  no  rights  which  white  men  feel  bound  to  respect,  and  no  repre- 
Hentative  in  Con^'resa,  because  it  is  trodden  under  the  despotic  heel  of 
tliose  who  do  not  believe  in  protecting  the  workinpman  in  the  inde- 
pendent and  dij;nified  position  whirh  lie  hoMs  in  the  North,  and  wliich 
the  Republican  party  of  protection  intend  he  Bhall  continue  to  hold. 
'Wie  question,  then,  is  simply  whether  we  shall  so  reduce  the  revenues 
as  not  to  harm  American  industries  and  prostrate  American  labor  in  the 
interest  of  foreign  capital ;  or  shall  we  refuse  to  save  to  Americans  the 
fruits  of  American  advantage  ? 

— MiLLiKKN,  Ilecord,  4255. 

I^abor,  protection,  demand.**. 

\o.  529.— I  beg  to  cite,  against  the  unsupported  statements  of  the 
gentlemen  who  have  already  spoken  upon  the  other  side,  the  testimony 
of  American  workinpjmen  whose  opportunity  for  information  from  ex- 
perience in  both  countries,  ami  otherwise,  makes  their  evidence  incon- 
trovertible. Fr  )m  the  statements  made  Murch  10,  IRSO,  before  the 
Committee  on  Ways  and  .Means,  Mr.  Roger  Evans,  workingman,  spcik- 
iug  upon  the  same  subject,  f-aid  : 

"01"  course  you  must  not  gauge  the  American  workingman  h^  the 
amount  of  coarse  bread  and  m"at  which  will  be  necetwary  for  lum  to 
subsist  ui>on.  It  cannot  bp.  The  American  workingmaii  must  have 
other  things  than  those.  He  must  bo  fed  and  clotliei  ond  1)6  able  to 
niaintain  his  family  a.s  btvomes  the  dignity  of  an  Americin  citiz'jn." 

Another,  Mr.  riiilip  Hagan.  spoke  as  f  illows: 

"The  produce  on  which  1- lived  in  England  cnn.i'  inoutly  from  the 
'  iiiled  States,  and  certainly  1  ought  to  get  it  a.s  cheap  here  as  in  Eng- 
land. I  worked  fir  5  shillings  a  dav  in  England,  and  I  gel  llshillin;^ 
n  day  here.  Consoqn -ntly,  1  am  alile  to  pcnd  my  children  to  school, 
and  they  are  getting  an  education,  which  their  father  did  not  cot  under 
a  froe-trade  (government,  i  want  to  see  these  children  raisetV  up  En-i 
edu'.nted  aa  citizens." 

223 


LAB 

Mr.  Thomas  P.  Jones  said: 

"It  lias  been  shown  here  to-day,  and,  as  I  think,  very  c'early,  that 
this  linkv'rinx  with  tlie  taritl'  is  md  for  the  >>edl  interests  of  the  country  ; 
id  not  f)rthe  best  interests  of  the  weaUh-producers,  of  the  men  who 
built  up  this  country.  Then,  gentleoien,  I  take  it  that  it  is  your  duty 
to  throw  this  bill  to'the  doji^s.  If  you  will,  in  hpite  of  our  remonstrances, 
go  on  destroying?  our  interests  and  shutting  up  the  industries  of  the 
country,  our  working  people  will  be  ere  long  suHioientiy  educated  to 
step  f  Tth  and  say,  "  (jienUemen,  thus  far  shall  you  go,  and  no  Itirther.' 
We  will  elect  men  and  send  them  here  to  legislate  for  our  interests  if 
you  will  not  do  so.    We  have  the  power,  gentlemen,  and  you  know  it." 

— M (Kin LEY,  Record,  4753. 

I^abor— Protection  iucroasiics  deniuiid  for  labor  uiid  its 
wasjes. 

;\o.  530. — Yep,  ^rr.  Chairman,  the  gentleman,  at  the  risk  of  beini?  in- 
conaistent,  puts  the  rate  of  wages  on  the  true  ground  when  he  says  that 
it  depends  upon  the  demand  and  supply.  And  it  is  because  their  rate  de- 
pends upon  the  demand  and  supply  that  the  orotective  tariff  is  instru- 
mental in  increasing.'  them.  It  increases  the  demand.  It  does  this  by 
creating  a  wide  diversity  of  employments.  It  stimulates  the  establish- 
ment and  success  of  a  great  variety  of  manufacture^",  ad;<p:ed  to  the 
varied  talents,  tastes,  and  opportunities  of  the  working  people,  in'stea  1  of 
confining  them  to  one  or  a  few  industries  to  which  they  must  adapt 
themselves  or  starve.     And  this  answers,  too,  his  question  : 

''How  is  it  that  the  wages  in  the  different  States  of  the  Union  are 
different,  while  the  tariff  is  the  same  from  Maine  to  California? 

There  is  a  demand  for  the  employment  of  labor  in  a  given  industry 
only  in  that  part  of  the  country  where  that  industry  is  carried  on.  A 
cotton  factory  in  New  England  will  not  create  a  demand  in  Texas  for 
spinners,  nor  will  an  iron  mill  in  Alabama  create  a  demand  for  pud- 
dlers  in  Maine.  And  right  here  lies  the  secret  of  the  dilference  between 
wages  generally  in  the  South  and  in  the  North.  In  the  North  attenii  jn 
is  paid  to  manufacturing  of  all  kinds,  while  in  the  South  in  many  parts, 
even  where  great  natural  advantages  exist,  no  attention  is  given  to  the 
matter.  ,  — WicKaAM,  Iv.  cord,  4G97. 

l.abor— Protection  mnltiplicN  coal,  Ntcani,  and  machinery. 

Xo.  5:n.— The  gentleman  from  Texas  [Mr.  Mills],  while  conceding 
that  wair^^s  are  higher  in  this  country  than  in  Europe,  and  trying  to  ac- 
count for  their  Vieing  so,  and  trying  to  show  that  it  is  in  no  manner  due 
to  the  protective  tariQ",  makes  a  claim  which  seems  to  me  to  be  absurd  ; 
one  which  he  is  not  only  unable  to  prove,  but  which  he  does  not  attempt 
to  prove,  and  concerning  which  he  is  content  to  rely  alone  upon  dog- 
matic assertion. 

He  says : 

"  What,  then,  is  it  that  makes  higher  waees?  It  is  coal  and  steam  and 
machinery.  It  is  these  three  powerful  agents  that  multiply  the  produc- 
tion of  labor  and  makes  it  more  valuable."' 

He  eavs  further  that  fifty  years  apo  it  required  five  persons  to  make 
eight  yards  of  cloth  in  one  day,  for  which  they  received  20  cents  each, 
or  an  aggregate  of  $1  for  the  i\ve;  that  in  a  year  the  five  persons  pro- 
ducf'd  2  400  vards,  but  now,  when  coal,  st^am,  and  machinery  are  used, 
five  personsin  a  year  can  prodiKte  140,000  yards;  that  the  result  of  the 
labor-saving  machinery  is  an  enormous  increase  in  productive  capacity, 
and  t>iat  «he  reenU  of  that  has  been  a  great  increase  in  the  rate  of  wage.". 
Why?  How?  In  his  own  language,  I  ask  the  gentleman,  "  How-  can  it 
be  explninedV"     H<i  doer-  not  conde-^coi-.d  to  toll  us.     (Se^  also  N'^.  507.) 

— WicKHA.M,  Record,  4006. 
224 


LAB 

iLabor  protection— Induct rio.s  (Icpciidout  oii. 

Xo.  531!. —  The  manuCactiirinii  investments  that  are  more  or  less  pro- 
t»  c  e<l  by  ttie  payment  by  foreign  ini|K)rier8  into  ttie  Trejwury  of  $111,- 
000,000  laritf  aiaiutain  40,000  mMnufd<'iur.n;j  establishraentw, and  employ 
auo  sup{M)rt  in  opt  ratives  and  dt-pendtiili  at  least  H  OO.i,Oi)0  people,  and 
turn  out  nearly  $2,000,00 J.OOO  worth  of  manufaetured  articles  everv  year. 

— Senator  liuowN  (Drim.),  Record,  2148. 

Labor  protection— DcinocratN*  reuwon  for  low  vaj^en. 

No.  5a;i.— ■' When  two  emp'oyers  run  after  one  workman,  wages 
rise;  but  w.ien  two  workmen  run  afier  one  employer,  wugc's  fall."  in 
tliinc  >untry  cheap  public  lands  and  manufacturew  are  the  tk\-o  employers 
running  after  the  one  workmen,  and  wages  are  high.  In  England,  where 
ttiere  id  no  public  land,  there  ia  only  one  employer,  manufacturer,  alter 
whom  all  workmen  run,  and  wagea  are  low. 

— SnAw,  Record,  .''.r)-40. 

(Why  should  we,  who  have  both  employers,  landd,  and  factories,  re- 
cei.e  no  benefit? — Ed.) 

I^abor,  protection,  Nharc  Tor. 

No.  am. — And  labor  will  not  fail  to  get  its  share.  As  I  have  before 
iniimated,  Uie  lalwr  organizations  in  America  have  become  strong.  Pro- 
tection has  given  them  the  advantage  to  make  them  so,  and  they  are  all 
the  time  growing  stronger.  Capital  and  corporations  may  establish  trusts 
and  make  their  combinaliun-',  but,  fur  the  first  time  in  the  wor  d's  his- 
tory, and  in  our  country,  almost  aioue,  labor  is  comliiniu'i  with  the 
strength  which  cames  with  intelligei.ee  and  thrift;  and  it  will  have,  be- 
cause it  has  the  power  to  command  it,  a  just  portion  of  the  ombineil 
pn  fits  of  capital  and  labor,  lie  who  douots  th's  doubts  the  adv'ancing 
uit«  iligence  of  the  p'^ople,  and  is  blind  to  the  tigns  <.f  the  times. 

But  if  there  are  no  profits,  the  latjorer's  share,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
empluyer,  will  be  nothing;  or,  if  the  pn  fir,  be  small  and  scant,  as  it  is  in 
thoe  countries  whose  pauptr-made  goods  our  Democratic  friends  would 
ml  in  it  fret  ly  to  our  market  to  compete  with  the  produ-ts  ofour<iwn 
laoor,  then  the  share  of  each  mns*  be  Kcmt  an  1  small  as  it  is  tliere.  The 
free  atlmipsion  ".'f  the  prmluct.s  of  European  labor  to  our  markets  will  sub- 
ject American  workm^imen  to  the  f-ame  price  for  their  toil  as  Eu'f)p»'an 
laborers  obtain.  All  must  fare  alike  when  all  have  equal  ailmis.'iion  to 
the  same  board,  and  ecjual  prices  lor  the  toil  of  American  and  European 
workin^men  must  result  in  like  conditions  of  life. 

— MiLLiKKN,  Record,  4251. 

Jl^abor— Protection  NpeakN  out  ior. 

No.  5U5. —  iiut  tuppo-e  we  lit  some  of  these  workingmen  speak  for 
themselves.  On  the  H:,(i  of  the  present  month  a  wiirk'nu'inea's  nnss- 
ra- e;<ng  was  h' M  in  the  lar,.e  h»dl  of  Cooper  Union,  .Sew  York  City, 
lis  offi.ers — Michael  Br  slin,  president,  an  1  jHSse  G.  Miller,  secretary — 
tiave  hent  me  the  following  olii>ial  cdjjv  of  the  resolutions  adopted  at  the 
meeting 

Whereas  the  so-called  Mills  tariff  l)ill,  now  iiu'ler  discussion  in  the 
11  Uie  of  RepreHen'a'ives,  by  placing  t)n  the  free  list  many  ar,icle«  "hit 
come  into  comfK'ti  ion  with  the  products  of  Am  riran  labor,  and  by 
flAceping  reilucions  in  the  duties  upon  ohers,  woulil,  if  enacted  into  a 
law,  entail  great  1  >ps  of  employment  and  widespread  hufleriag  among 
working  people;  and 

Wuereaa  the  worKLiigmeji  of  thifl  country  have  be^n  contemp'nonaly 
denied  — i.vuytUAji,  RccorJ,  -llSi;-?. 

XV  22j 


LAB 

liabor  and  rnn  iiiali'i-iiil  <'03iipar<'(I. 

>o.  .IISU. — Witfi  all  these  advantages  we  cannot  com  pete  succeBfifully- 
wiih  the  countries  of  l-2urope.  Why  not  ?  There  is,  there  can  be  but  one 
answer,  we  are  hanclic"apf)eil  l)y  the  (;heap  labor  there. 

Why,  l8  labor  a  factor  in  production  suflicient  to  overcome  all  of  onr 
advantages?  Undoubtedly  it  is.  Labor,  on  the  averaj^e,  makes  one-haH 
the  c(38t  of  all  production.  I  do  not  mean  to  assert  rtiat  the  cost  of  a  yard 
of  cheap  cotton  cloth  is  one-half  labor,  but  iron  ships,  ma(!l)inery,  fur- 
naces, forjies,  and  factories  are  00  per  cent,  labor.  A  year  or  two  since  I 
was  in  the  Waltham  Watch  Factory.  The  superintendent  showed  me 
some  watch  screwa  so  fine  that  the  naked  eye  could  not  see  the  tliread. 
I  asked  him  to  figure  out  their  cost  by  the  ton.  He  complietl,and  found 
it  to  be  a  little  over  $4,G00,000,  seven  times  more  precious  than  gold,  and 
yet  laying  in  the  earth  the  ore  was  not  worth  more  than  one  dollar  and 
a  half.  Whether  the  labor  converting  the  ore  into  the  screw  was  one  or 
two  dollars  a  day  would  make  a  marvelous  dilTerence  in  itscoit.  But 
the  free-trader  insists  that  after  all  there  ie  not  much  difference  between 
the  cost  of  labor  here  and  in  Europe;  that  the  living  is  not  so  expensive 
there  as  here.  Now,  this  is  a  question  whi«h  must  be  settled  according 
to  the  facts.  It  is  fundamental,  vital;  and  a  mistake  in  its  determination 
may  be  fatal  to  our  industries. 

— Senator  Fryb,  Record,  652, 

I^abor  and  raw  material. 

Xo.  !ilt7. — Now,  if  these  articles  can  be  bought  from  other  countries 
cheaper  than  we  can  get  them  to  our  mills,  it  is  not  because  there  has 
been  a  change  in  the  value  of  raw  materials,  but  because  there  is  a  dif- 
ference in  the  price  of  the  labor  that  has  moved  theraw  material  through 
the  first  process  of  manufacture.  In  foreign  countries  the  men  who  do 
this  first  and  crudest  work  add  by  their  wages  but  50  per  cent,  to  value. 
As  incoming  vessels  are  glad  to  bring  this  raw  material  almost  free  of 
charge,  in  many  instances  having  to  load  their  holds  with  sand-bags  for 
ballast,  the  foreigner  is  able  to  put  these  goods  at  the  doors  of  our  fac- 
tories as  cheaply  as  at  the  door  of  his  own  factory. 

This  so-called  raw-material  scheme  to  help  manufacturers  and  work- 
ingmen  puts  the  crudest  and  lowest-priced  labor  of  this  country  b' ill 
lower  down  by  placing  it  in  unrestricted  competition  with  Europe's 
poorest-paid  workers.  The  labor  organization?  have  already  discovered 
that  the  only  effect  of  free  raw  material  is  to  reduce  the  wages  of  the  men 
who  fir-it  give  their  hands  to  the  process  of  production.  He  is  no  true 
knight  in  labor  who  does  not  stand  by  his  brother,  although  be  works  in 
production's  crudest  form. 

— Owen,  Record,  5551. 

I^iaborand  raw  uiatcrial. 

A'o.  o3vS. — A  distinguished  Englishman  when  comparing  American 
laborers  with  English,  said  :  ''  Where  the  American  laborer  gets  72  per 
cent.,  capital  gets  23  per  cent.,  and  (overniuent  gets  5  per  cent.,  our  la- 
borer gets  41  per  cent.,  capital  gets  86  per  cent.,  and  Government  get  the 
balance."  That  is  the  English  testimony.  We  get  the  bulk  of  what 
is  paid  out  in  manufactures.  All  manufu'^tures  are  made  up  principally 
of  labor.  In  some  cases  it  is  nearly  all  labor,  00  or  05  per  cent.,  and  on 
an  average  80  per  cent,  of  everything  manufactured  is  labor,  if  you  fol- 
low into  computation  the  labor  put  upon  what  is  called  raw  material. 

Mr.  EDMLIXD.S  (in  his  seat).    There  is  no  raw  material. 

Mr.  Tl'.LLER.  A  Senator  suggests  in  my  hearing  that  there  is  not  any 
raw  material.  There  is  very  little  that  can  be  calleci  raw  material.  It  is 
Bald,  I  believe,  by  those  who  are  now  advocating  thig  message  that  wool 
22G 


LAB 

ie  raw  material.  The  fiirmer  in  Ohio  t-loes  not  believe  that  it  is  raw 
material.  It  has  co«t  him  <'are,  it  has  cost  him  money,  it  has  eoet 
him  attention  to  get  it  from  the  eheep's  back.  It  is  to  him  sompthing 
more  than  raw  maLertul.    So  yju  may  say  of  everything  else. 

— Senator  Tkllkk,  Record,  220G. 

Labor  uot  raw  luatorial. 

Xo.  5U0. — Twenty  tuns  of  iron  ore  asleep  in  the  hillside ;  $•">  is  ita 
full  value.  Here  are  4  tons  of  coal  in  another  hill  ;  that  is  $1.  Now,  we 
have  $()  invested,  and  I  will  let  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  shops  at  Al- 
toona  build  a  steam-engine  from  raw  material.  They  build  it  properly, 
BO  as  to  get  the  best  service,  and  when  that  engine  is  completed  and  on 
the  track  for  ua  it  has  cost  $4,00iJ.  Six  dollars'  worth  of  raw  material  and 
the  manufactured  product  worth  $4,000!  Not  made  for  sale,  but  cost  to 
the  company  from  its  own  raw  material  to  the  hour  of  putting  the  en- 
gine on  the  track  an  expenditure  of  ^4,(H)0.  This  is  their  own  cost,  and 
it  is  one  of  the  most  conservative  and  thoroughly  business-like  or^ani- 
zations  in  the  world.  Six  dollars  is  the  value  of  the  raw  material ;  $3,994 
ie  the  dominion  of  iabor. 

— Owen,  Record,  5551. 

L.abor— Rt'pabliean  theory. 

'So.  a  10. — The  American  people  of  to-day  are  not  prepared  to  accept 
as  desirable  this  paternal  and  narrow  theory  of  the  oJlices  of  the  \ioV' 
ernment;  they  prefer  rather  the  tieo'-y  enunciated  in  ISotj  by  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, that  the  policy  at  the  base  of  our  Government  was  the  doctrine  that 
every  man  should  eat  the  bread  that  he  earned,  and  earn  the  bread  that 
he  eat.  That  every  man  should  have  the  full  benelit  of  all  his  labor, 
developing  the  ability  to  care  for  himself,  rather  than  truntirg  to  the 
care  of  employers.  1  remember  listening  to  that  inspiring  speerh  at 
Belleville  in  ISoG.  In  allusion  to  a  motto  on  a  banner  borne  by  the  late 
General  Oasterhous  bearing  that  inscription. 

"  We  eat  the  bread  we  earn,  and  we  earn  the  bread  we  eat." 

And  devotion  to  that  doctrine  was  the  inspiring  motive  of  his  admin- 
istration. 

—Kerr,  Record,  3639 

Liabor— Salt-niakern. 

So.  511.— 1  speak,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  the  benefit  of  the  laboring  moa 
of  my  di.-»lrict.  Tbere  are  employed  in  the  salt  industry  in  Onondaga 
(Jounty  upward  of  one  thousand  live  hundred  persons,  who  de|K'nd  for 
a  living  upon  their  earnin;_'ri  in  tlicne  salt  lields.  .Many  of  these  men 
were  born  salt-makers.  Their  fathers  occupied  similar  positions  before 
them.  They  are  not  imported  laborers  brought  here  to  drive  out  honest 
American  citizens  who  have  struck  against  oppression.  They  are  not 
tramps  and  loafers  who  have  no  interest  at  stake.  Tiiey  are  as  hard- 
working, as  honest,  and  as  industrious  a  class  of  peop'e  as  <'an  be  found 
in  the  United  States  today.  Many  of  them  have  succeeded  in  saving 
enough  from  their  earnings  to  buy  Biiiall  houses.  It  is  not  cant  when  I 
assert  ponitively  that  the  removal  of  the  dr.ty  upon  salt  to-<lay  would 
entirely  close  up  every  salt  well  in  the  State  of  New  York. 

— Bei.pes,  Record,  4202. 

I..abor  NtrikoN  not  the  roHnlt  ofNtarvation. 

Xo.  t"512. — The  conllict  between  labor  an<l  capital,  which  has  been 
reterred  to  in  tiiis  deb.iie,  are  not  the  result  of  starvation  wages,  nor  even 
in  many,  perhaps  a  majority  of  cases,  of  low  wnpes.  They  are  horn  of 
A  quickened  intelligence  and  a  clear  uinlerstanding  of  the  just  law  of 


LAB 

right  which  should  govern  the  economic  relations  of  men  everywhere. 
The  early  methods  may  be  clumsy  and  faulty,  as  I  think  they  have  been, 
but  these  conflicta  are  visible  signs  of  life,  and  the  steps  and  instrumen- 
talities of  better  adjustments.  They  are  sipns  of  life;  organization,  de- 
bate, the  platform,  and  the  newspapers  will  enlist  attention,  excite  in- 
terest, induce  reflection,  and  wise  action  will  follow  considerate  delibera- 
tion. If  only  our  Southern  friends  will  forbear  to  throttle  the  laborer  by 
frivin?  his  employment  to  other  people,  or  by  cutting  his  wages  to  their 
beggarly  standard,  he  will  be — as  the  Labor  Committee  which  vainly 
Bought  a  hearing  before  the  committee — abundantly  able  to  take  care  of 
himself  and  to  secure  his  just  share  of  the  employer's  profit,  whether 
under  the  tariff  or  otherwise. 

— Stewabt,  Vermont,  Record,  4540. 

Liitbor  .strikes. 

Xo.  543. — Oh,  but  you  have  labor  strikes  in  the  nine  manufacturing 
States,  say  our  free-trade  friends.  Yes,  and  in  some  others.  Why  have 
not  you  had  such  strikes?  Do  you  know?  I  will  tell  you.  It  is  be- 
cause your  laborers  have  been  so  oppressed  that  they  have  not  had  the 
power  and  self-reliance  to  strike.  They  have  not  had  among  them  suflfi- 
cient  money  to  sustain  a  strike.  They  suffer  wrongs  that  the  Northern 
laboring  men  would  not  endure  for  a  month.  They  are  peaceable  la- 
borers ;  peaceable  as  dead  men.  They  do  not  even  protest  against  be- 
ing robbed  of  the  primary  rights  of  an  American  citizen — the  right  un- 
der the  Constitution  to  exercise  the  electoral  franchife  and  receive  the 
beneht  of  a  fair  result  of  their  ballots.  It  requires  some  power,  courage, 
and  hope  to  strike  for  justice.  Strikes  prove  always  an  unsatisfactory 
condition  of  affairs,  but  not  the  worst  condition,  nor  even  necessarily  a 
Avorse  condition  than  that  next  preceding  it.  Why  have  there  not 
been  so  many  strikes  in  the  past?  Why  did  they  not  occur  during 
the  dark,  oppressive  ages  of  Europe?  Why  did  not  the  slaves  strike  for 
freedom?  Because  the  heel  of  oppression  was  too  heavy,  and  the  op- 
pressed too  weak  to  assert  their  rights.  It  is  because  the  workingmen 
in  our  Northern  States,  nourished  by  protective  laws,  have  become 
strong  in  intelligence  and  money  to  sustain  themselves,  and,  as  a  conse- 
fjuence,  in  will  and  purpose,  that  they  stand  up,  the  unbent  images  of 
God,  their  faces  as  high  as  their  employers',  and  demand  their  rights. 

— MiLLiKEN,  Record,  4254. 

L.ubor— WagoN  and  cost  of  living* 

Xo.  511. — Take  the  cost  of  the  necessarv'  yearly  supplies  of  a  family 
of  four  persons  in  the  United  States  and  deduct  this  from  the  sum  of 
the  annual  waees  of  the  family,  and  find  t?he  balance.  Apply  the  same 
rule  to  a  like  family  in  Italy,  Germany,  Belgium,  France,  and  England  ? 
Afcer  the  livings  are  deducted  from  the  earnings,  which,  the  American 
or  the  European  family,  has  the  larger  sum  of  the  year's  wages  left? 
This  will  teil  whether  labor  here  or  abroad  is  the  more  profitable. 

A  careful  compilation  of  the  statistics  furnished  by  our  consular  and 
other  authentic  reports  recently  furnished  by  Mr.  J.  II.  Walker,  of 
Ji;a8Rachusett«,  show  that  the  fair  average  diflerence  in  the  cost  of  the 
yeai'ly  supplies  of  a  family  of  four  persons  in  Italy,  Belgium,  France, 
Germany,  nr  Englan<l,  and  a  like  family  in  the  United  States  is  about 
$14,  including  tariff  duties.  These  supplies  include  twenty-one  different 
articles  which  enter  into  the  consumption  of  the  humblest  American 
hou.oeholil.  The  wage-earning  is  computed  on  the  basis  of  two  workers 
— a  man  and  woman,  or  a  man  and  boy — to  each  family.  The  wage 
rate  in  each  country  is  the  other  factor  in  the  problem.  What  is  the 
result  ? 

228 


LAB 


This  table  ehowB  that  a  laborer's  family  of  four  persons,  with  two 
workers,  cannot  possibly  fiHve  in  (lermany  over  $11  70;  in  Ki'Igiuiu,  $4; 
in  France,  .i^o7.9U;  in  Kn^laml.  ^\-.i;  in  America,  ^5:^1,  in  a  wliole  yeur. 

A  weaver's  family  can  save  in  Germany  nothini; ;  in  Belj^ium,  $70.r)(j ; 
in  France,  $144  ;  in  Eni^laml,  $L'S4  ;  in  America,  $o84. 

Take  the  highest  paid  workers,  it  shows  that  the  possible  savings  of 
the  family  of  a  locomotive  engineer,  in  CJerraany  are  $450  33;  in  Bel- 
gium, $4o8;  in  France,  $ofG.40;  in  England,  $432.40;  in  America, 
$1,334;  and  the  possible  bavings  of  carpenters,  blacksmiths,  tiuL-miths, 
etc.,  range  between  these  extremes  in  each  of  the  countries  named. 

— BuowNK,  Indiana,  Record,  3531. 

Labor— IViigcM  and  cont  of*  liviug. 

'So.  am. — Mr.  Mulhall,  whose  statistics  are  regarded  as  authority  br 
some  free-trader.-",  fiirni-ihes  a  table  of  average  wages  paid  in  various 
countries,  together  with  the  relation  between  wages  and  cost  of  food. 

From  this  table  I  obtain  the  following  comparative  statement  for  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  : 


Country. 

Average  per  week. 

RaUo. 

WageB. 

Food. 

Surplus. 

Wages. 

Food. 

Surplus. 

Uolted  States 

$11.66 
7.63 

$3.98 
3.10 

$7.78 
4.13 

100 
100 

33 
45 

67 

Great  Britain 

.553 

It  will  be  seen  that  while  the  American  work ingman  paysmor<>  for  hia 
food  he  gets  far  belter  wages  than  his  brother  across  the  sea,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  day  comes  out  ahead,  not  only  with  a  much  larger  surplus 
than  the  Englishman,  but  with  22  per  cent,  more  of  hia  own  higher 
wages  saved  than  the  other  has  of  his  lower  wages. 

— Grosvknor,  Record,  4653. 
Labor— Wealth. 

No.  5-10. — For  a  nation  to  get  out  of  itself  or  out  of  the  earth  all  the 
wealth  there  is  in  both,  it  is  not  necessary  for  the  nation  to  buy  cheaj)  or 
sell  dear.  That  concerns  individuals  alone.  What  concerns  the  nation 
is  how  to  utilize  all  the  work  there  is  in  men,  both  of  muscle  and  brain, 
of  body  and  soul,  in  the  great  enterprise  of  setting  in  motion  the  fver- 
gratuitous  forces  of  nature.  — Kked,  Record,  40t)8. 

Labor  wa{;o»— Tariir  nothing  to  do  with  it.    (See  No.  100.1.) 

Labor— IViiiNky  riilooi'it. 

Xo  517. — .Sh  til  we,  in  obedience  to  the  dictation  of  the  whisky  ring, 
by  legi'-Ulion  strike  down  these  manufacturing  e8tabli«hraentfl,  destroy 
the  billion  of  dollars  invested  in  them,  and  turn  3,000,0;IO  people  sup- 
ported by  them  out  of  employment,  without  support,  f  )r  the  purpopi>  of 
protecting  tlie  9f'i9  wbisky  baronn  of^  thi.s  ooiintrv,  who  mike  7(»,000,000 
gallons  ftt  whisky  a  year  and  realize  vast  protit  ufKin  it,  protected  by  $2  a 
gallon  at  the  ports,  which,  if  tlie  ru'e  laid  down  by  tariff  r»»formers  is  cor- 
rect, gives  them  $2  a  gallon  protection  and  profit,  or  $152  000,000  a  year 
net  profit  on  the  whisky  manufactured  by  them? 

— Stnator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  2148. 

Laboring  claNNON  oTFiiropo  from  I>(>iiiocratic  NourcoM. 

No.  51s. —  I  must  not  detain  the  Sciiatt*  to  n-ad  longt'r  these  inter- 
esting extracts,  but  I  winh  especially  to  call  attention  to  the  report  of 
Consul  Neuer,  at  Gera,  in  Germany. 

229 


LAB 

Mr.  FRYE.    I^  that  a  Democratic  appointee  ? 

Mr.  PLATT.  There  are  no  consular  agents  I  know  of  now  who  are 
not  Democrats,  go  1  assume  that  he  is  a  Democratic  aj)i)oiiitee.  Gera  itt 
a  very  larj^e  manufacturing  center  in  Germany.     ConBul  Neuer  says: 

"Thouiih  the  city  of  Gera  has  only  3r),000  inhabitants,  it  is  one  of  fche 
most  prominent  manufacturing  places  in  Germany.  Of  its  industries, 
the  manufacture  of  worsted  goods  stands,  in  the  front  rank,  embracing 
about  thirty  factoriep,  some  employing?  as  many  as  1,00U  steam  looms." 

There  is  where  our  worsted  goods  <rome  from. 

"Besides,  it  contains  5  dyeing  and  finishing  establishments,  3  worsted- 
yarn  spinning  mills,  7  carpet  factories,  4  tobacco  mills,  7  accordion  fac- 
tories, 5  iron  foundries  and  engines  works,  3  horse-hair  8j)inning  mills, 
4  piano  factories,  31  tanneries,  aside  from  a  considerable  number  of  man- 
ufac-tuiing  establishments  of  smaller  importance." 

It  may  fairly  be  taken,  then,  to  be  a  representative  manufacturing 
center.    Then  he  says : 

"  Under  these  circumi^tances  it  is  extremely  difficult  for  the  working- 
man  to  make  both  ends  meet,  and  there  Is  no  question  that  the  position 
of  the  American  workman  is  eminently  superior  in  ail  that  pertains  to 
the  happiness  and  the  well-being  of  himself  and  family  and  in  his  abil- 
ity to  save  for  the  future." 

I  like  to  get  this  testimony  once  in  a  while  from  Democratic  sources, 
which,  as  I  understand  the  term,  is  synonymous  with  free-trade  sources. 

"The  fare  of  the  factory  han<ls  in  this  region  is  of  a  simple  kind.  Their 
principal  food  consists  of  bread  and  potatoes.  On  rising  in  the  mornimr 
they  will  have  a  cup  of  common  coffee  and  some  white  or  black  bread  and 
butter  or  cheese;  their  dinner  will  consist  of  some  cheap  vegetables 
mostly  potatoes,  and  a  small  piece  of  meat,  but  very  often  without  the 
latter;  at  4  o'clock  they  have  one  or  two  cups  of  poor  collee  again,  with 
some  black  bread  and  butter,  and  in  the  evening  a  supper  of  cheese  or 
sausage  with  black  bread  and  a  glass  of  beer.  1  here  may  be  a  change  to 
this  diet  in  some  cases,  but  they  are  to  be  considered  as  exceptional. 

"The  married  workman  takes  his  meals  partly  in  the  factory  and  partly 
at  home;  the  singleone  either  with  the  family  of  a  fellow-laborer  or  in  a 
cheap  restaurant.  For  the  support  of  a  family  the  wages  of  the  husband 
are  generally  inadequate,  and  therefore  tho  wife  and  elder  children 
have  to  contribute  a  share  to  their  sustenance. 

"The  lodgings  of  the  laboring  c'a'^ses  are  of  a  very  poor  kind.  In  most 
cases  there  are  two  or  three  comfortless  rooms.  Owing  to  tlie  large  and 
constant  increase  of  the  population  rents  are  steadily  rising,  and  range 
from  150  marks  (>;35.70)  to  ISO  marks  ($42.84). per  year,  according  to  lo- 
cation and  condition  of  the  premises." 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1015. 

I^uboring  classes — Free  trade  beneficial. 

\o.  »>1D. — The  Democratic  defenders  of  the  Mills  bill  insist  that  free 
trade  is  beneficial  to  the  laboring  (^lasses.  If  this  be  so  how  does  it  hap- 
pen that  British  mechanics  and  laborers  flock  to  this  country  to  better 
fheir  condition,  while  American  laborers  and  mechanics  never  go  fo 
England  in  search  of  work  and  wages?  The  whole  scheme  of  reducing 
the  tariff  will  benefit  England  at  the  expense  of  America.  When  the 
Morrison  tariff  bill  wa*  defeated  in  the  Forty-ninth  Congress  the  London 
jAiily  Telegraph,  editorially,  said  : 

"A  bill  to  establish  in  America  what  the  English  call  free  trade  has 

just  been  defeated  in  the  House  by  the  narrow   majority  of  4.    The 

measure  was  of  enormous  importance  for  English  manufactures,  as  it 

would  have  enabled  them  to  export  goods  to  the  States  without  the 

2:0 


LAB 

cnishing  tariff  now  imposed,  ami  its  fate  was  watched  with  intense  in- 
terest by  Englishmen.  Were  it  pasReil  it  would  have  been  worth  JLIOO,- 
<000,000  per  annum  to  British  manufactures." 

— Galling  KB,  Record,  30!>2. 
I.nborinc  ineu. 

\o.  550. — I  wish  to  say  this  in  behalf  of  the  workingmen  of  Ma-ssa- 
chusetts.  I  have  only  h.id  the  opi)ortunity  of  seeing  them  for  a  A*w  days 
when  passing  throui;li  that  State.  Rut.  sir,  there  is  a  system  of  fruiraliiy, 
of  economy  practiced  in  the  State  of  Ma-ssachunetts  which  produces  in 
reppect  to  the  laboring  men  in  that  State  a  most  favorable  condition  of 
affairs.  They  have  thereby  been  enabled  with  tlieir  goo<l  wajies  to  aci-u- 
mulate  in  the  eavings-banks  large  sums  of  money.  They  have  become 
accustomed  to  it,  and  it  has  reacted  upon  all  other  interests  in  that  State. 
It  is  a  good  system,  and  just  so  soon  as  it  is  learned  and  practiced  in 
other  States  its  beneficent  results  no  doubt  will  be  precisely  similar. 
The  travelers  who  go  to  Europe  and  pass  through  Knglantl,  Ireland,  and 
Scotland  and  see  the  misery  of  the  people  there.  I  cannot  think  that 
such  men  are  superior  to  the  American  laboring  men  and  the  American 
mechanic,  who  receive  high  wages  and  are  enabled  to  put  away  in  the 
savings-banks  Buch  large  sums  of  money  as  we  know  they  now  have 
there  on  deposit.  — O'Neill,  Pennsylvania,  Record,  3W9. 

finborins;  men  and  waKCS— Democrat ir  doctrine. 

\o.  iWI. — The  present  Secretary  of  State,  I'lyard,  in  a  speech  made 
in  Cliicago  in  lK8(i,  made  the  declaration  that  it  was  not  so  much 
consequence  to  the  laboring  man  the  amount  of  wages  that  he  should 
receive,  but  that  he  should  be  furnished  with  stea<ly  emoloyment.  This 
declaration  is  only  one  remove  from  the  old  position  of  the  pro-slavery 
leaders,  that  the  normal  condition  of  the  laboring  man  was  that  of  a 
slave,  and  it  was  more  conducive  to  his  interests,  for  it  assured  him  of 
care  through  life  and  a  home  in  his  old  age.  This  view  robbed  the  great 
mass  of  men  of  their  grandest  inspirations. 

— Kkrh,  Record,  3G30. 

raborerN  awked  to  adopt  l-3iis:li!>«li  metliods. 

\«-  aaa. — They  i)av  in  <>rfat  Britain  two  ami  a  half  times  more  to 
support  their  paupers  than  they  do  to  su-jtain  their  public  schools.  Ami 
yet  weare  told  that  the  American  laborer  should  adopt  English  metho<ls, 
and  that  we  should  open  the  door  so  that  the  proilucts  of  English  labor 
may  come  here  and  compete*  with  ours.  Nay,  Mr.  President,  not  only 
the  English  laborer,  but  the  laborer  of  India,  the  laborer  of  China,  the 
laborer  of  Japan,  the  pariah  of  In<lia,  who  pays  for  lal)or  to  cultivate  his 
field  six  cents  a  <lay — he  is  to  be  put  incom{>etition  with  .American  labor. 
Tlif>  ( liinaman,  who  works  for  si.x  cents  a  day,  is  to  be  nut  in  comjx'tition 
with  AraericAn  labor;  the  Japanese,  who  considers  himself  mot-t  mag- 
nilicentiy  pai<l  if  he  gets  fifteen  cents  for  llfieen  hours'  labor,  a  cent  an 
hour,  is  to  be  put  in  competition  with  American  labor. 

Mr.  Presiilent,  we  are  told  that  we  can  com)>ete  with  tlie  world.  So 
we  cin  if  we  live  as  those  people  live.  So  we  can  if  we  adopt  I.urojxMiu 
tuethods,  if  we  live  without  meat,  without  butter,  and  without  milk  ; 
if  we  live  as  they  do  in  London,  six  families  in  one  room  ;  where,  as  Mr. 
Chamberlain  said,  tens  of  thousands  never  know  the  luxury  of  milk.  As 
lal)oring  people,  we  eat  thren  times  more  meat  than  European  jx'ople. 
We  wear  better  clothes,  and  spend  more  money  on  ourselvrs  and  our 
4'tiilflren,  as  laboring  people,  than  any  other  people  in  the  world  ;  while, 
as  laborers,  we  get  more  money  in  projKirtion  to  the  jNiyment  of  a  dime 
itlian  anv  other  people  in  the  world. 

—Senator  Teller,  Record,  220fi. 

r.i 


LA  l< 

l,abor<'i's.   iiiiiuiKrutiou  of,  tliv  index  to  tbc    condition  of 
labor. 

X«».  5>>3. — It  is  urged  with  apparent  eincerity  upon  thi"  floor  that,  the 
Anitncau  laborer  is  not  beuefiteil  by  protection,  and  tha^  his  condi'ion 
liere  ia  no  better  than  that  of  the  laborer  of  Europe.  If  Fuch  is  tbe  fact, 
the  movement  of  population  from  Europe  to  this  country  cannot  be  ex- 
pl.iiued. 

During  the  last  eight  years  4,377,940  immigrants  have  arrived  in  onr 
ports.  They  have  come  here  because  they  knew  they  could  better  their 
condition  by  so  doinit.  The  cry  of  the  Democratic  party  that  the  pro- 
tective tarifl"  had  ruined  our  industries  and  robbed  the  laborer  of  his 
hire  they  knew  before  leaving  their  native  homes  was  false.  Nineteen 
out  of  every  twenty  of  them,  it  is  safe  to  say,  belong  to  the  laboring  class. 
They  are  ttie  sober,  intelligent,  liberty-loving  laborers  of  Europe.  They 
are  patient  and  economical,  and  take  kindly  and  quickly  to  our  institu- 
tions and  customs. 

I  call  as  witnesses  on  behalf  of  the  Republican  party  and  the  protec- 
tive policy  it  has  so  wisely  inaugurated  and  fostered,  and  the  industrial 
prosperity  thereby  created,  these  millions  of  foreign-born  citizens,  and 
with  their  united  voice  I  impeach  the  Democratic  slanders  uttered  inttiis 
Chamber  that  Americans  are  the  oppressors  of  labor,  and  America  the 
nursery  of  industrial  des|X)ti8m. 

Being  an  imported  article  myself,  I  claim  the  right  to  speak  n]>on  this  ■ 
subject. 

— Haugkn,  Record,  4236. 

Liaborors— Intelligent  and  practical. 

]Vo.  554. — Go  to  any  laborer  employed  in  these  industries,  and  he  will 
tell  you  that  the  industry  in  whicb  he  is  engaged  must  cease  to  exist  in 
this  country  unless  his  watres  shall  be  reduced  to  those  paid  in  the  same 
industry  across  the  sea.  You  may  hurl  your  fine-spun  theories  of  politi- 
cal science  at  him  until  your  head  aches,  and  you  will  fail  to  convince  him 
to  the  contrarv.  He  ie  practical.  It  is  not  difficult  fjr  him  to  solve  the 
question  of  whether  his  condition  as  a  bookbinder  will  be  better  at  $18- 
per  week,  paying  $3.88  for  food,  than  it  would  be  at  $G  per  week,  paying 
$3  40  per  week  for  food. 

It  does  not  require  a  very  high  degree  of  intelligence  to  comprehend 
that  books  bound  at  a  labor  cost  of  $G  per  week  can  drive  from  the 
markf't  hooka  bound  at  a  labor  co.-?t  of  $18  per  week.  It  does  not  require 
a  very  large  amount  of  bu'-iness  wisdom  to  underi-tand  that  if  A  is  em- 
ploying ten  thousand  men  in  a  tdven  industry  at  $2  per  day, and  Bis  em- 
p'oying  ten  thousand  men  at$1.2o  per  day,  A  will  be  driven  from  the 
market  by  B  and  forced  to  closf*  )iis  establishmentjOr  reduce  the  wages  of 
his  men  to  $1.2')  per  day.  These  men  understand  verv  clearly  that$^1.25 
per  day  reilucesthem  to  the  level  of  the  employes  in  the  Entrlisti  factory. 

The  farmer  understands  how  important  it  is  to  him  to  sell  food  to  A's 
ten  thousand  men  for  cash.  He  further  understands  that  if  A  closes  his 
establishment  his  ten  thousand  employes  must  go  elsewhere  for^\ork,. 
and  not  being  able  to  get  it,  must  go  to  the  soil  for  a  living.  He  under- 
stands hoTV  in  that  case  he  lias  lost  his  customers  not  only,  but  have  now 
become  his  competitors  in  the  production  of  agriculture.  This  reasoning, 
of  course,  applies  to  every  manufacturing  industry  in  the  country. 

—Ryan,  Record,  4825. 

I..aborer8  in  Jnte,  Unndee,  Scotland. 

aVo.  555. — Your  petitioners  would  respect  fully  solicit  your  attention- 
to  the  otH(  ial  report  of  Consul  Wells  to  the  State  Department  on  the  con- 
dition of  jute  laoorers  of  Dundee  (Consular  Reports  on  Foreign  Labor, 
232 


LAB-LEA 

volume  1,  page  SO,  and  voliimo  2,  page  954),  wherein  it  appears  that  the 
awMtfe  weekly  wastes  of  females  are  but  $2  "jD;  that  2.'{,G7U  persons  live 
in  8,li;iU  sinfjle  room-) — "hovels" — with  nothing  to  lie  on  but  the  bare 
floor,  and  no  coveringhut  coarse  burlap  cIoLh,  and  that  only  occasionally; 
that  74,?574  men,  women,  and  children  occupy  l(i,LS7  two-room  houses. 
and  that,  thus,  from  extreme  poverty,  overcrowding  in  "  these  vile  dens, 
tihhand  neglec*,  thty  are  subjecte<l  to  all  kinds  of  wretchednefs,  infec- 
tious diseases  and  immorality,  with  hardly  a  chance  to  raise  themselves 
to  the  levtl  of  a  decent  manhood  and  womanhood. 

—  Waunkr,  Record,  5G70. 

liabororM*  wages  in  1860  conipMrotl  with  wa^OM  in  1880. 

Xo.  mm, — The  Senator  has  other  figures  of  the  same  kind  which  I 
will  allude  to  before  I  get  through.  Our  production  was  larger  relatively 
from  ISGOto  ISSU  than  it  had  been  from  18.')0  to  IStiO.  Our  production 
in  1880  wa?,  as  heha8givenit,$r),:)(;<j,.37i),l'Jl.  Our  net  product  ion  in  18'>0 
was  $854  2')(5,584.  Our  net  production  in  1880  was  j!  1,972,755,042  Our 
wages  in  1860  were  $378,878,9  jG.  In  1880  our  wages  were  $947,953,795. 
Dividing  this  by  the  number  of  men  laboring  we  had  in  IHGO  $289  per 
hand.  Dividing  it  by  the  number  of  hands  employed  in  1 880  we  bad 
$347  per  Land. 

Then  the  Senator  from  Georgia  goes  into  an  argument  to  show  that  the 
percent^age  of  increase  of  the  laborer's  wages  had  not  been  equal  to  the 
piTcentage  of  increase  of  the  product,  and  therefore,  he  said,  the  labor  in 
this  country  is  not  receiving  as  much  remuneration  proportionately  as  it 
did  in  18G0.  The  laborer  does  not  care  what  relation  his  wages  bear  to 
the  product ;  he  wants  to  know  how  much  money  he  has  got ;  and  if  he 
got  $289  in  1800,  he  can  realize  the  dillerence  between  that  and  getting 
$347  in  1S80,  with  a  purchasing  power  for  everything  that  he  ne^s  in- 
creased from  15  to  20  per  cent. 

—Senator  Teller,  Reconl,  2203. 

L.abor*M  share  oT  capital.     (  Soe  SaviuKN  banks,  Non.  60,  67, 
68,  69,  85a,  851,  855.) 

I..arol lotto's  reply  to  Carlisle. 

Xo.  tViT. — No,  no,  Mr.  Carlisle,  these  gentlemen  did  not  as  you  say, 
"  dei'hire  t)y  their  vote  that  a  (urllK^r  reduction  would  b'*  beneficial  to 
their  industries,"  but  they  did  declare  that  the  act  of  1840  had  given  cer- 
tain lines  of  certain  leading  New  England  industries  an  almost  mortal 
hurt;  and  that,  though  the  aid  offered  ha<l  Fomething  of  peril  in  it  for 
other  manufactures,  ii  would  fjr  the  time  being  build  up  tlu*  wapte  places 
where  the  Walker  tariff  had  made  puch  utter  havoc  and  ruin.  Ncetl  we 
marvel  that  some  of  them  voted  as  they  did?  It  is  true,  Mr.  Chaiiman, 
thatthestatisticsshow  gains  in  the  imjxjrtant  industries  during  thedec.ule 
in  quotion.  I  do  not  wish  to  be  niisuulrrstood  upon  this  point.  S:ill 
I  maintain  that  other  causes,  of  which  I  shall  H|)eaK  presently,  gave  rare 
and  unu'-ual  advantages  to  all  business,  and  tlui'  an  averjiL,'t'  incn'ase  is 
not  at  all  inconsistent  with  the  great  business  disturbances  exporieucrd 
under  the  laws  of '40  and  '57,  laws  which  gave  ample  protection  to  ct>r- 
tain  lines  of  many  indu'^tries  and  subjected  others  to  the  dtwtructive  in- 
tluenco  of  free-trade  competition. 

(  This  speech  is  an  exiiaustive  argument  and  refutes  every  argument 
of  Mr.  Carlisle  on  the  tarilfof  1840.— Kn.) 

— LArtjLt-CTTg,  Record,  6853  to  6S57. 

I^ead  <levelope4l  other  einployinents. 

3io.  .Vis. —  It  has  caused  llie  construction  of  thousands  of  miles  of 
railroad  across  the  desert,  through  canons,  and  over  the  mountains.    As 

233 


%he  volume  of  the  production  has  inoreahe<l  it  ie  shown  that  the  price  haa 
fallen.  The  averajre  waj^ea  to  niincra  and  lahorerH  in  tlie  lead  niinen  of 
Utah,  Colorado,  and  other  portions  of  the  liockv  Mountain  country  is  $:< 
per  day,  while  the  lead-miners  of  Spain,  with  wliich  the  reduction'of  the 
tarill' would  brinf;  them  in  direct  {;oui petition,  is  about  oU  cents  per  iluy. 
It  is  not  a  raw  material  in  any  correct  sense  of  the  word.  The  ore  Irom 
which  the  lead  is  smelted  lies  in  the  mountains  as  valuelet-s  as  the  ordin- 
ary stone  until  millions  of  dollars  are  invet?ted  in  the  sinkini;;  of  Bhalu, 
in  the  erection  of  mining  machinery,  pumps,  and  the  costly  plantt;  of  the 
prreat  smelting  works.  The  plants  and  machinery  at  the  larj^e  lead  and 
silver  prodncintj  mines  in  Colorado,  Utah,  and  other  places  coat  more 
money  than  many  of  the  greatest  manufacturing  establishments  in  tlie 
East.  The  great  smelters  of  Denver  and  Pueblo  in  Colorado,  of  Salt  Lake 
and  other  cities  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  are  among  the  most  expensive 
establishments  in  the  world.  The  United  States conhumed in  1887  l(;i,(»()ii 
tons  of  lead,  which,  at  $7U  per  ton,  amounts  to  over  $1 1,000,000.  If  the  pro- 
posed reduction  of  the  tarilTon  lead  is  made,  a  large  portion  of  this  bum 
would  have  to  be  sent  abroad  in  gold,  for  the  lead  would  be  imported 
from  countries  with  which  we  have  little  trade. 

— Symks,  Record,  430D. 

I^ond.  duty  on— A  Dcinocrntlc  ruling  (lolraiidMthc  revenue. 

aa^. — Now,  how  does  it  operate?  The  present  duty  is  1}  cen<s  per 
pound,  or  $30  per  ton,  upon  lead  ore.  The  smelling  establishments  in 
Missouri,  Kansas,  and  Illinois  are  purchasing  ores  covered  by  that  duty 
of  $:J0  {>er  ton.  Under  the  construction  of  the  law  made  by  the  Treasury 
Department,  by  which  these  low-grade  ores  from  Mexico  are  admitted 
free  of  duty,  a  larce  number  of  smelting  works  have  been  built  up  along 
the  Rio  Oiraude  River  at  various  points  in  Texas  for  the  purpose  of  util- 
izing theee  Mexican  ores  ;  and  they  are  doing  it. 

I  can  see  no  reason  why  lead  ores  which  are  not  combined  with  other 
<lutie8  should  pay  a  duty  when  imported,  whilst  lead  ores  mixed  with 
silver  should  come  in  without  paying  a  duty.  Import  a  mass  of  ore,  .")L 
percent,  of  which  in  value  is  silver  and  4)  per  cent,  lead,  and  the  whole 
18  admitted  free.  When  this  ore  is  sold  in  any  market  it  is  sold  with 
reference  to  the  relative  value  of  every  mineral  in  it ;  it  has  a  lead  value 
and  a  silver  value,  and  It  is  purchased  as  much  for  the  lead  as  for  the 
silver.  On  the  same  train  with  such  ores  as  I  have  described  there  may 
be  a  carload  of  ore  in  which  the  relative  value  of  the  two  materials  is 
reversed.  There  may  be  a  carload  where  4'J  per  cent,  is  silver  and  51 
per  cent,  is  lead,  and  another  car  where  I't  p^r  cent,  is  lead  ami  51  per 
cent,  is  silver.  In  the  one  instance  a  duty  is  paid  ;  in  the  other  it  is  not. 
I  can  see  no  reason  for  anything  of  that  sort.  Besides,  it  is  absolutely  h 
fraud  upon  the  revenue.  Somewhere  between  ten  thousand  and  fifteen 
thousand  tons  of  these  ores  were  imported  last  year.  At  $30  a  ton  the 
duty  collected  on  those  ores  should  have  been  $300,000  to  $451,000.  I 
think  that  the  provision  I  havesubmittedought  to  be  adopted  as  a  matter 
of  simple  justice  to  all  eections  of  the  country, and  as  a  protection  against 
fraud  upon  the  revenue. 

— Stone,  Missouri,  Record,  G4G4. 

I..oad— (lireat  vuliio  of  protlnctM. 

Xo.  500. — The  value  of  the  lead  production  of  the  United  States  has 
inrreasfd  from  about  $3,000,000  in  ISTli  to  about  twelve  millions  in  1887. 
This  industry  has  been  built  up  in  a  p'trt  of  the  United  States  that  be- 
fore was  almost  a  desert.  It  has  quickt'ned  and  vitalized  the  agricult- 
ural, commercial,  transportation,  and  other  kindred  industry  of  a  per- 
manent nature  in  the  SVestern  and  Rocky  Mountain  country.  Vast 
1^34 


LEA 

Prions  of  the  public  domain  WJuKl  have  remained  undeveloped  on  ac- 
<-ount  of  inacceiisibility  and  di.stanre  from  eea.'^hore  murketa  but  for  the 
!)uilding  up  of  this  great  iudiiatry.  It  has  a<lded  to  the  wealth  of  the 
nation.  It  is  estimated  tliat  it  luvs  added  to  the  wealth  of  the  nation 
a  sum  almost  e<jual  to  the  principal  which  has  been  paid  on  the  na- 
tional debt.  The  lead  industry  snpplies  a  better  market  for  the  pro<l- 
ncts  of  the  manufacturer,  the  farmer,  and  every  induflry  weHt  of  thn 
Missouri  than  any  other  interest.  It  has  supplied  to  railroads  and  trans- 
portation companies  an  amount  of  freight  trallic  without  which  they 
could  not  have  paid  interest  on  their  bonds.  Forty  dollars  per  ton  is  de- 
<lucted  in  Salt  Liike  City  from  the  New  York  price  of  lea<l,  which  the 
railroads  aud  the  Eastern  refineries  absorb. 

— Sv.MKs,  liecord,  4309, 

l^ead— How  protection  tlovolops. 

>o.  tKil. — The  lead-minini:  iiuiustry  furnishes  another  stronp  illua- 
tration  that  the  protection  which  builds  up  and  prospers  important  in- 
■dustries,  at  the  same  time  creates  a  competition  with  the  foreign  articles, 
which  reduces  the  price  to  the  consumer.  The  production  was  unim- 
portant for  many  years.  It  was  only  l,oO<)  tons  in  ISJ").  It  only  n-ached 
2o,S00tons  in  IS'72,  and  it  increased  to  lt7.800  tons  in  ISS),  and  to  i:'..".,(M)() 
tons  in  188().  This  wonderful  increase  in  the  production  of  lead  caused 
by  the  great  <leveloj)ment  of  the  mining  and  smelting  iniluatrie-s  in  th(» 
Ivocky  Mountain  States  and  Territoi  ies  re"ulted  in  a  great  reiluction  in 
price  to  the  cont-umers.  Althoiigh  the  consumption  has  increased  :\0') 
per  cent,  in  the  past  fifteen  years,  and  although  a  very  large  proportion 
of  the  price  pai»l  by  the  consumers  is  absorbed  by  the  railroad  andtrans- 
p<jrtation  companies,  the  price  has  been  reduced  to  the  consumer  about 
-'>0  per  cent.  — Symks,  Record,  4'M>\K 

l^vnd  in  Iduiio— A  blow  at. 

\o.  50^. — The  development  of  Idaho  has  been  carried  to  just  that 
extent  that  great  lead  and  silver  mines  liave  been  opened,  and  enormous 
sums  invested  in  the  machinery  nece.s.'^ary  to  develop  them.  The  Terri- 
tory has  just  started  upon  a  career  of  unexampled  prosperity.  r>ut  the 
mines  of  Maho,  those  that  are  now  attracting  the  most  attention  and 
■coutributiny  most  of  the  growing  wealth  of  the  country,  are  low-grade 
silver  lead  mines,  that  need  the  fostering  care  of  the  (lovernment.  Their 
wealth  consists  in  large  bodies  of  ore  that,  with  the  present  price  of  lead 
and  silver,  may  be  worked  at  a  profit.  Destroy  the  price  of  h-ad  and  vou 
■simply  annihilate  the  two  great  industries  of  fdaho.  A  blow  at  lead  is  a 
stumbling-block,  well-nigh  insurmountable,  in  the  path  of  our  proirrees. 

— Dciioi.H,  Record,  ^uVt. 
I^f>n<i— Ovorrniine  tlio  law. 

\o.  .IfllJ.  —  rii  •  Secretary  of  tiio  Treasury  by  a  rulinv;  has  piit  lead  on 
the  the  free  list  if  silver  is  the  omiponent  of  chief  \alne.  The  law  la 
plain  eno\igh  that  all  lead  ore  is  subject  to  dut^-,  wlinther  it  contains  sil- 
ver or  not.  The  ruling  of  the  Secretary  is  in  direct  violation  of  law. 
His  eva«'ion,  when  he  savs,  "  The  ore^  if  it  is  more  valuable  in  silver  than 
in  leail,  the  value  to  be  determined  in  Mexii'o,  shall  come  in  fn>«'."  is 
striking  terror  to  the  lead  miners  of  the  I'acitic  coa.Ht.  Considering  that 
Mexico  is  as  near  the  market  practically  as  tlie  Territories,  it  is  placing 
oar  mines  on  precisely  the  same  plane  as  the  peons  of  Mexico. 

—  I>iiiois,  Re<-ord,  f 750. 

I^oad  -Price  r«Mlnccd. 

Xo.  501.— In  1.^7(1.  when  this  country  pro^luced  onlv  17,R30  tons  of 
lead,  the  price  was  f(i.'2')  per  hundred  in  New  York,  ancf  in  JS.H4,  when 


l.F.A 

the  prcKluction  wafi  lo',),Sft7  tone,  t he  averai:e  price  in  New  York  was  frona 
|3.f)5  to  $:{ ')7  p>er  hundrwl.  Tfie  consumption  of  lead  haa  almost  kt-pt 
pace  with  the  great  increase  in  proJuctiiMi.  With  the  exception  of  187« 
and  1871),  wlieu  con8ideral)le  quantities  of  lead  were  senL  to  China,  the 
export  of  lead  has  heen  small  as  comnare<l  with  the  home  consumption. 
The  tarilfon  lead  since  the  act  of  March  3,  1883,  hae  been  |2  per  hun- 
dred on  lead  in  pms,  bare,  and  blocks. 

— Symics,  llecord,  430'J. 

Lead— Protection  reduceH  iinportntioiiund  price. 

i¥o.  505. — In  1S70  there  were  introduced  or  imported  iato  this  coun- 
try k5,S!»7,7i.'U  pounds  of  lead.  At  that  time  lead  was  worth  ^(jMO  per 
hundred  pounds.  Last  year  there  were  imported  only  12,UI(3,(i'J4  pounds 
of  dutiable  lead.  Why?  BecAuse  lead  wa«  of  less  value  than  in  1870. 
Lead  was  theu  worth  only  fLoO  per  hundred  pounds.  Ileuce  there  wan 
not  as  much  imported  as  in  1870.  But  take  the  tariff  oil  of  lead  or  re- 
duce it  so  that  it  can  be  profitably  imported,  and  we  will  ajjain  lind  the 
figures  that  we  found  in  1870  representinj;  the  importations.  Is  there, 
as  ha3  been  suggested,  any  excuse  for  this?  Is  there  any  reason  for  it 
addres-ed  to  the  conscience  of  this  House  or  to  its  judgment?  As  ])aH 
been  suggested,  it  must  be  apparent  to  every  intelliji^ent  man  that  the 
reduction  of  the  import  duty  results  in  increased  imports.  Reducing 
the  import  duty  does  not  reduce  the  surplus  rea'ized  from  this  metal, 
but  instead  of  that  would  aild  to  tne  surjdus  now  accumulating  in  the 
Trea.'iury.  It  will  necessarily  add  to  the  imports,  as  is  shown  by  the  im- 
ports of  1870  and  other  years  1  hat  I  could  name. 

— Perkins,  Record,  G4G3. 

Lead— lluin  to  Western  iutercNtH. 

No.  mm. — The  estimate  eiven  by  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Mean& 
of  tlie  etlect  of  the  passage  of  this  part  of  their  bill  is  that  if  it  becomes 
law  it  will  decrease  the  revenue  by  the  almost  infinitesimal  amount  of 
$G,f>00;  and  I  submit  to  every  gentleman  upon  the  other  side  of  tlie 
llouse  that  bhould  they  reduce  this  duty  3  cents  per  pound  they  wilt 
throw  down  the  barrier  now  set  up  against  the  imjKirta  ion  of  Spanish 
lead  into  this  country  ;  they  will  break  down  a  great  leading  industry 
of  Missouri;  they  will  cripple  the  mines  of  Mipsouri  ami  Kansas;  tliey 
will  close  many  of  the  silver  mines  of  New  Mexico  and  of  the  other 
Territories.  Wliy  strike  down  this  industry  when,  even  by  your  own 
figures,  you  save  only  $(!,0U0?  Why  do  it?  Let  me  say  further,  that  if 
you  close  the  lead  mines  of  the  West  and  admit  your  foreign  ore  free  of 
duty  you  will  transfer  the  lead-pipe  manufacture,  the  fheet-lead  manu- 
facture, the  white-lead  manufacture,  I  he  shot-tower  manufacture,  all  frout 
the  .Mississippi  Valley  to  the  .\tlantic  seaboard. 

— Warnbb,  Record,  64CG. 

Lcatiier.    (See  alno  Now.  ."^H,  59.) 

Leatlior  in  ]Kew  Kn^land. 

Xo.  5U7. — Apart  from  the  manufacture  of  boota  and  shoes,  the  chief 
industries  in  leather  in  the  Unitetl  States  employ  about  seventy-threft 
million  dollars  capital,  the  value  of  material  used  is  one  hundred  and 
tifiy-six  million  dollars,  and  the  manufactured  product  is  worth  over  two 
hundred  milion  dollars.  In  this  vast  industry  the  New  England  ^States 
employ  lifieen  millions  of  capital,  or  about  one-fifth  of  all.  They  ex- 
pend for  material  forty-eight  million  dollars,  nearly  one-third  of  all^ 
while  the  value  of  their  manufictured  products  is  sixty  million  dollars^ 
greatly  more  than  Qiie-fouxCh  of  the  whole. 

— Gallingeb,  Record,  3G89. 
236 


I.IM-LIV 

liinic— 4'aiia<liuu. 

.\o.  50H. —  The  bill  also  proposes  to  place  imported  lime  on  the  free- 
list,  nolH-jthHlamling  limo  in  a  coiupleted  prcxlnct  of  a  mauufaclurinp 
industry  which  in  IShO  jrave  employiuent  lo  (i,(i(M)  men,  paiil  $l,r)7i»,f?13 
in  wages,  and  produ  -ed  lime  valued  in  the  markets  at  $5,772, .ils.  The 
<luty  on  lime  is  only  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  which  win  intended  to  give 
H  protection  of  at  leaat  10  cents  per  ca-k,  but  which,  by  a  ruling  of  the 
Treasury-  Department  which  excludeH  the  ccwt  of  the  c^'r-k  from  the  esti- 
mate ot  the  value,  and  by  eyptematic  undervaluation,  has  been  so  re- 
<iuced  that  the  importation  of  Canadian  lime  is  rapidly  increasing — 
increasin;^  from  the  fact  that  the  Libor  emi)!oyed  in  this  indiHtry  in 
Maine,  for  example,  receives  ^2  per  day,  in  Canada  receives  only  J1.25 
per  day.  and  from  the  further  fact  that  the  duty  has  practically  been 
reducetl  in  the  way  which  I  have  indicated. 

Now,  in  this  situation,  when  in  1 SSO  8'J,8.>5  casks  of  Canadian  lime  were 
importwl,  and  in  1SS7,  ll.'2,L':>9  casks  imported — an<l  the  present  year  will 
rise  to  a  much  larger  volume — it  is  proposed  by  this  bill  to  place  lime  on 
the  free-list.  Can  there  be  any  doubt  that  such  action  would  dj  one  of 
two  things,  either  destroy  lime  manufacturing  in  tins  country,  or  compel 
the  re<luction  of  wages^  in  the  industry  to  the  Canadian  standard  ? 

— DiNGLKY,  Record,  5G75. 

Xiimc— DiMcriniinntiiiK  <inty  on. 

"So.  500. — The  injustice  of  this  proposition  to  place  lime  on  the  free- 
list  id  made  manifest  when  it  is  born  in  mind  that  this  bill  retains  a 
-duty  of  2'")  per  cent,  on  bituminous  coal,  which  is  used  in  the  burning  of 
lime;  a  duty  of  OS  ^r  cent,  on  the  sugar  and  100  per  cent,  on  the  rice 
•which  the  laborers  in  thi-s  industry  are  compelled  to  buy  for  food.  Will 
gentlemen  give  any  explanation  of  such  discrimination. 

— DiNULKY,  Record,  5C75. 

liinHced  oil.    (,8ce  also  FlaxHCC<i  oUL) 

I^lniieed  oil. 

No.  570. — Go  to  page  8  and  you  will  find  the  other  side  of  the  Hoase 
moved  to  strike  out  linseed  and  tlax-et-d.  Wiiat  did  they  do  that  for? 
Ihey  did  it  for  the  reason  that  flaxseed  is  produced  largely  in  this 
country,  and  especially  in  the  Northwest.  The  object  wan  to  please  the 
farmer  by  keeping  up  the  tax  on  llax^eed.  That  reason  wa.s  a  gooil  and 
proper  one,  and  Iain  glad  that  side  of  the  House  tOf)k  that  view  of  it. 
But  why  do  thcv  take  a  ditlnrent  view  when  we  ci«mo  to  linneetl  oil, 
which  is  the  product  of  the  llaxseetl'.'  It  is  surprising  to  me  that  they 
would  a'templ  to  det^eive  the  farmer  by  taxing  llaxeeed  coming  into  the 
<SO«ntry,  and  then  i>ermit  linseed  oil,  tlie  proilucl  of  flaxseed,  to  come  in 
at  a  reduce<l  rate  of  dutv.  They  cannot  deceive  the  farmers  of  the  coun- 
try by  any  such  proi  ee<lini:8  as  that,  (ientlemen  of  the  committee,  I  do 
not  believe,  expect  to  deceive  them,  but  it  look<  that  way. 

If  this  tariir  was  re<lu(H'd  to  la  cents  a  gallon  on  linHccil  oil  it  will  not 
only  have  the  ell't  ct  to  shut  up  the  linse^'d  oil  uiills  in  tliis  country,  but 
it  w'lU  also  have  thi-  I'll'.-ct  to  curtail  the  market  for  flaxheed. 

— White,  Indiana,  Record,  6324. 

IJ vo-«4lork  - 1  HGO-*HO. 

]\'«.  571. —  Ihe  live  stock  in  the  United  States  in  IKtM)  was  valued  at 

'j|!|,08-',:'-y.-"J^-     In  l'^'^'^   >«^  wafl$l  r>00,l(^,(;(9.     The  Agricultural  Report 

pui.  it  in  1HS4  at  ^■J,4<>7.S(>S,?vJt,  an»l  notwithstanding  the  depreK«ion   in 

ilie  cattle  business  and  in  all  classes  of  property  included  in  live-stock, 

i:\7 


LIV 

She  last  report  from  the  Agricultural  Department  estimates  the  entire 
value  of  the  live  stock  in  the  United  States,  including  horses  that  are 
?used  in  cities,  at  §3,000,000,000. 

— Senator  Teller,  Record,  2204. 

XiTC-stock  industry  and  tarifi*. 

"So.  572. — The  charge  that  tlie  tariff  has  hrought  disaster  on  the 
cattle  or  live-stock  industry  is  simply  false.  The  facts  disprove  it,  and 
'it  is  to  be  hoped  that  even  in  the  excitement  of  political  controversy  the 
^Isehood  will  not  be  repeated. 

But,  !Mr.  Speaker,  if  agriculture  is  languishing  in  protective  America 
under  the  weight  of  its  system  of  plunder  and  robbery,  certainly  in 
England,  under  the  enlightened  policy  of  revenue  reform  and  free- 
■trade — a  policy  that  admits,  it  is  boaatinglj'  said,  the  English  and  Irish 
rfarmer  to  the  world's  markets — there  will  be  found  such  a  marvelous 
.agricultural  prosperity  as  will  demonfetrats  tjie  wisdom  of  free-trade 
legislation.  Let  us  take  a  glance  at  the  condition  of  the  farmers  in  this 
free- trade  paradise.  It  is  a  fact,  openly  and  publicly  proclaimed  quite 
recently  by  the  British  Minister  of  Agriculture,  that  the  farming  industry 
in  Great  Britain  is  in  a  deplorable  state,  that  farmers  in  large  numbers 
are  idle,  that  a  vast  acreage  of  tillable  land  is  out  of  cultivation,  that  ag 
ricultural  values  have  shrunken  $200,000,000  during  the  past  year.  He 
said  further  that  this  depressed  condition  had  not  only  disastrously  af- 
fected the  cattle  and  sheep  industry  of  the  country,  but  had  left  nearly 
one  million  people  out  of  employment. 

This  is  the  condition  to-day  of  agriculture  in  free-trade  England,  and 
certainly  it  has  not  been  ruined  by  robber  tariffs.  The  English  farmer 
is  enjoying  the  feast  to  which  he  has  been  invited  by  free-trade  and  the 
•Cobden  CJub.    How  would  our  farmers  like  to  join  him? 

— Bbowne,  Indiana,  Eecord,  .3533. 

i^I^ive-stock  industry— Holland  vs.  Free-trade  England. 

"So.  573. — Holland  also  was  a  protective  country  until  a  few  years 
ago,  Her  agricultural  people  were  then  prosperous  and  contented.  But 
they  were  induced  to  accept  the  English  policy  of  free  trade.  Now  there 
Are  business  stagnation,  poverty,  and  widespread  distress  in  Holland. 
Mechanics  and  all  manner  of  wage-earners  are  out  of  employment.  An 
American  of  national  reputation,  speaking  of  that  country  a  few  weeks 
ago, said: 

"I  met  one  of  the  most  eminent  business  men  in  Holland,  and  he  said 
to  me  that  the  manufactures  of  Holland  were  stagnant,  that  business  in 
Holland  was  no  longer  remunerative,  and  there  was  a  great  deal  of  pov- 
erty and  distress  among  the  mechanics  and  laboring  classes.  I  said  to 
him :  '  How  do  you  account  for  this  change  ?'  He  said :  '  Becaage  Hol- 
land adopted  a  few  years  ago  free  trade  and  the  law  has  ruined  us.'  " 

"  Well,"  I  said,  *'  give  me  some  instances." 

"Well,  for  instance,  we  raise  in  Holland  a  very  superior  breed  of  cat- 
tle. England  is  free  trade  nominally,  but  when  she  found  that  the  cat- 
tle coming  from  our  farms  were  destroying  her  cattle  industry,  when  she 
found  that  we  could  send  better  cattle  at  cheaper  prices  than  she  could 
raise  them,  she  was  free  trade,  and,  of  course,  could  not  tax  them,  but 
her  board  of  trade  issued  an  ordinance  that  all  Holland  cattle  had  pi etiro- 
pneumonia,  and  have  not  permitted  a  head  of  our  cattle  to  enter  Eng- 
land for  four  years.  That  is  the  free-trade  way  England  has  of  protect- 
ing her  industries  when  they  are  pinched," 

— Bbownb,  Indiana,  Record,  3533. 
238 


LIV— LrM 

liivo-stocb— -tlilk— Xow  Kuji^land  vs.  Sontli. 

]Vo.  574. — The  value  of  all  live  stock  on  farms  in  the  United  States 
in  1880  was,  in  round  numbers,  one  billion  five  hundred  million  dollars. 
Of  this  the  six  Kew  England  States  owned  about  seventy  millions  and 
the  twelve  Southern  States  three  hundred  and  peven  millions.  Included 
in  this  estimated  value  are  about  twelve  and  a  half  million  milch  cows, 
of  which  seven  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  are  in  New  England  and' 
three  million  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  in  the  Southern  Sta'es, 
or  nearly  one-third  of  the  number  in  the  country.  And  yet  of  the  five 
hundred  and  thirty  million  gallons  of  milk  sold  or  scut  to  butler  aad 
cheese  factories  inthe  United  States  the  Southern  States,  with  four  tim^s 
as  many  milch  cows  as  New  England,  supplied  less  than  eight  and  a  half 
million  gallons,  while  the  New  England  States  supplied  sixty-two  mill- 
ion gallons. 

Perhaps  some  Southern  Representative  will  vouchsafe  an  explanation 
of  this  astounding  fact.  Certainly,  if  no  explanation  is  given,  we  will  be 
justified  in  concluding  either  that  Southern  cows  are  poorly  fed  and 
poorly  housed,  that  the  milk  is  used  to  increase  the  navigation  of  the 
nameless  streams  that  Congress  is  asked  toappropriate  money  for,  or  that 
utter  thriftlessness  and  waste  prevail  at  the  South,  none  of  the  erc^iio- 
mies  and  care  that  distinguish  New  England  having  found  a  foothold 
among  those  who  own  cattle  in  the  Southern  States. 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3691. 
■  lioans,  national.    (See  No.  677.) 
Xogwood  and  other  dycwoods. 

Xo.  575. — The  present  duty  is  not  prohibitory,  as  we  imported  last 
year,  in  spite  of  our  enormous  home  supply  of  these  materials  for  their 
manufacture,  3,660,378  pounds.  What  are  the  materials?  logwood, 
which  we  do  not  produce  ;  fustic,  quercitron,  sumac,  oak,  hemlock,  and 
chestnut  barks,  all  of  which  we  do  produce.  The  gathering  of  sumac 
alone,  by  women  and  children  in  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  as  I  had 
occasion  to  say  when  we  were  on  the  bill  before,  amounts  now  to  about 
a  million  dollars  a  year. 

LETTER   MARSHALL  K.  ABBOTT. 

"  The  present  duty  of  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem  is  barely  snflBcient  to  off- 
Bet  the  diiierence  in  price  of  labor  between  the  United  States  and  France, 
which  country  is  our  greatest  competitor,  and  whose  tariff  laws  exact 
BO  high  a  rate  of  duty  as  to  make  exportation  from  this  country  into  that 
impossible — their  rates  being  from  20  to  30  per  cent,  specific. 

"  The  amount  of  capital  invested  in  this  industry  is  about  $10,000,000, 
and  many  hundreds  of  men  are  constantly  emploj'ed." 

— Kelley,  Record,  6141. 
Low  prices.    (See  No.  131.)      • 
I^nmber.    (See  No.  256.) 

L.  umber. 

No,  570. — I  assert  ju-t  as  boldly  and  knowingly  that  the  people  of 
Wiscon&in  have  derived  great  benefits  from  the  tax  on  lumber  in  par- 
ticular, and  from  the  whole  protective  system  in  general. 

The  protective  policy  of  the  Republican  party  has  built  up  the  great 
manufacturing  centers  of  the  West  and  Northwest,  Chicago,  St.  U)ui8, 
Milwaukee,  and  many  others. 

Mills,  factories,  furnaces  sprung  up  like  mushrooms,  mines  were  opened, 
railroads  were  built.  Millions  came  to  the  West  and  Northwest,  finding 
employment  in  the  workshops,  or,  as  farmers,  a  leady  market  for  their 
products. 

239 


LUM 

The  tarifr  on  lumber  prevented  the  Canadians  from  competing  in 
<liira>:o  and  other  marketa  wiili  Wieconsin  and  Micliigan,  and  U'u^  (  f 
thoufand  of  people  foiunl  remunerative  employ nienl  in  the  wood-*  iiml 
i^aw-uiilis  of  thtse  two  Slates.  Their  development  iiaw  Ix  en  wonderful. 
Had  the  Can.idianH  been  permitted  to  ship  their  Inmher  free  to  the 
United  StateH,  Canada  would  liave  witnepsed  that  HpU'n<lid  prosperity 
and  growth,  in  a  ^'reat  measure,  that  we  have  enioyed,  and  not.  one-l>alf 
of  our  people  would   have  found  employment  in  the  lumber  industries. 

I  pily  the  peculiarly  constructed  intellect  that  cannot  compreliend 
these  stlfevidtnt  facts.     [Laui;hter.] 

— GuENTiiER,  Record,  3954. 

I..nnibor— Canadian  lawN  ns  to  Ininbor. 

iVo.  rSTT. — In  order  to  throw  some  further  lii;ht  on  this  question  of 
lumber  1  oesire  in  this  connection  to  add  that  the  spirit  with  which  any 
step  in  the  direction  of  free  lumber  is  met  in  Canada  is  Futficient  reason 
why  the  duty  upon  lumber  should  for  the  present  be  retained.  Cfln;'.<la 
has  a  heavier  import  duty  upon  lumber  than  we,  her  duty  beinz  25  per 
cent,  ad  valorem.  But  in  addition  to  this  she  has  put  an  export  dutv,  not 
only  on  the  classes  of  lumber  dutiable  with  us,  but  upon  lotrs  and  sliia^rlo- 
bolts,  which  we  admit  tree.  I  make  the  foUowinp  extract  from  the  lie- 
vised  Statutes  of  Canada  of  1886,  volume  1,  page  411,  Canadian  Law: 

"  EXPORT   DUTIR8. 

"816.  Shingle-boltfl,  per  cord  of  128  cubic  feet,  $1.50. 

"817.  Spruce  lo^s,  board  measure.  $1  per  1.000  feet. 

"818.  Pine  logs,  board  meafcure,  $2  per  1,000  feet." 

The  governor  in  council  is  authorized  to  increase  this  export  duty  on 
pine  logs  to  ^'.i  per  l,(iOO  feet.  This  is  the  kind  of  Canadian  reciprocity 
•we  meet  with  when  we  put  lumber  on  the  free-lift. 

— Hauqen,  Record,  4235, 

I..nniber,  Canadian. 

\o.  .>7H. — Ther.?  are  on  our  coast  over  .35,000  people  engage<l  in  the 
lumber  l)U;^nies^,  and  over  400  American  vesfcels,  aggregating  175,0(K)  tons, 
and  most  of  them  moving  up  and  down  the  coast,  entering  ev(;n  Mie 
smallest  rivers  and  bays  and  brin^iing  business  to  communities  which 
have  no  otli-  r  commerce  or  any  ouilet  to  market;  for  these  coasters  in 
addition  t'>  lumber  transport  the  farmers'  produce. 

I  admoni.-jti  gentlemen  of  the  serious  results  whcli  must  follow  to  the 
great  and  I'.ctive  business  of  the  lumbermen  on  the  PAcific  coast  and  else- 
where in  the  nation  should  tne  proposed  repeal  of  the  duty  on  lumber 
be  effectefi. 

But  in  th3  Canadian  and  British  Columbia  forests  active  operations 
will  at  once  commence.  Progress  will  be  great  and  rapid.  There  will  bo 
cheap  Iuud)er  on  cheap  lands  and  by  cheap  labor.  To  those  discouraged 
and  iong-wai'ing  Cana<ii;',n  jxople  it  wdl  be  the  dawn  of  a  new  day.  At 
once  the  Si  imuhis  of  trade  ai  d  tratlic  and  labor  Fo  recently  ours  will  be 
trrtnbferred  to  ttiese  foreign  shore".  Our  home  market  this  far  will  vanish. 
Their  great  prize  will  be  the  American  market^.  Our  farmers  cannot 
follow  our  industries.  Cheap  farm  labor  and  Canaditn  tariifd  will  shut 
them  out. 

Can  yf>u  vindicate  your  inconsistency?  By  our  restrictive  anti-Chi- 
nene  legislation  we  drive  these  Mongolian  slaves  from  our  hhores  and 
thus  protect  American  workm»n  against  comrx^tition  from  ihe  cheap 
labor  of  a  degrade<l  claas.  Yet,  in  the  face  of  this,  and  by  free-trade  leg- 
uilation,  you  make  it  possible — ay,  desirable — that  these  same  peo- 
240 


I.I'M 

pie  may  manufacture  and  labor  and  produce  on  Canadian  soil  und  enter 
their  products  in  our  American  morket«  iu  detiant  and  exultant  comfe- 
tilion  with  our  own  labor  tJien  unprotected. 

— 1Ikkm.\nn,  Record,  470.3. 

I..iiniI»or,  iUi".^-  on,  and  Wuk^*^  In  C'anHtla  compared. 

>o.  57t>.— And  Canada,  at  last  recognizitip  thie  condition  of  thinpp, 
haa  be^un  to  imitate  her  great  ncij^hbor,  the  American  Republic,  and 
prote<;t  her  people  by  dutien  on  iinportH. 

It  was  well  said  by  tlie  nentlonian  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Randall] 
yesterday,  in  hid  remarks  on  this  subject,  that  the  duty  should  be  equal 
to  the  di'tlerence  at  least  of  the  cost  of  lalxtr  which  enfern  into  the  pro- 
duction of  lumber  on  thi«  side  of  the  Canadian  line  and  thetoit  of  labor 
on  the  other  bide,  and  that  while  this  difference  is  ^'-i  per  thousand,  the 
highest  duly  on  manufactured  lumber  is  but  $2,  so  that  the  present  law 
hardly  protects  the  American  workman  in  liis  present  rate  of  wajres. 
Do  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of  the  Hou?e  winh  to  deny  liim  this 
meager  protection  ?  Do  they  desire  to  reduce  the  $15  per  tlnjusand  which 
he  receives  for  his  work  in  the  manufacture  of  lumber  to  the  pittance  of 
$:i  per  tnousand  which  the  Canadian  workmen  in  New  Brunswick  re- 
ceive? 

— Mii.i.iKKN,  Record,  5287. 

Lumber,  free,  and  the  American  conNamer. 

Xo.  5HO. — To  show  the  1  louse  that  this  view  of  the  effect  of  the  abo- 
lition of  the  duty  on  Canadian  lumber  is  well  founded,  I  ask  the  Clerk 
to  read  the  following  interview  with  the  United  States  consul  at  Ottawa — 
a  free-trader,  by  the  way — who,  in  an  interview  published  in  the  Bo.'-ton 
Herald,  a  staunch  "  tariff  reform"  paper  says: 

"  The  opinion  which  1  shall  jrive  you  as  my  own  personal  view  issbared 
by  nearly  every  Canadian  lunibermun  with  whom  I  have  converr»ed.  I 
unhenitatingly  say  that  the  American  consumer  will  not  reap  one  iota^f 
benelit.  from  the  taking  of  the  duty  olf  of  liiiiiber.  The  first  paviy  to  be 
bt^nelited  would  be  the  Canadian  lumberman.  His  benefit,  however, 
would  be  of  brief  duration,  a'»  the  necessities  and   inclinations  of  the 

Erovincial  governments,  which  con'rol  all  standing  timber,  are  sucb  that 
y  renewed  legislation  and  the  imf)osition  of  increased  taxes  tbey  would 
8O0U  ab."<orb  tbe  iucrea.sed  percentasje  of  profit  that  they  found  the  manu- 
facturer was  getting  out  of  the  timber." 

— DiNOLKY,  Record,  r)103. 

I^nmber,   Free  trade  In— Why  ? 

No.  !iHl, — I  have  listened  to  the  debate  upon  this  bill  from  ita 
beginning  until  now,  and  whilnt  I  have  lieard  mu<h  talk  about  the  beau- 
ties of  free  trade  in  general  I  have  failed  to  hear  any  8p<'cilic  reason 
given  why  there  should  be  "  free  trade  "  in  lumber.  Yel  lumber  i-i  put 
apon  the  "free-list  "  bv  the  first  paragraph  of  the  bill.  I  do  not  forget 
the  allusion  made  to  "  lumber  "  a  few  days  since  by  the  gentleman  from 
Wiscon.sin  [Mr.  Iludd)  when  I  Hav  that  no  reasons  liave  been  givtm  for 
adini'ling  lumber  free  of  duly.  1  take  it  for  gran'ed  that  infl-^muoh  as 
the  gentleman  represents  a  lumber  State  upon  thi.x  floor  he  was  put  for- 
ward by  the  coniinitlee  as  the  man  of  all  others  to  give  a  reason  for 
their  action.  Here  i.^  the  argument.  I  quote  from  the  Record,  page 
3585: 

"  Wisconsin,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  in  part  on  this  floor, 

is  or  has  been  one  of  the  three  great  lunibir-producing  States  of  tlie 

Union,  namely,  NVisconsin,  Michigan,  and  MinneHfita;  anil  I  wiy  boldly 

and  knowingly  now,  here  in  my  place,  that  Wisconsin  op  a  State,  not  the 

xvi  241 


LUM 

people  thereof,  haa  received  not  the  slightest  benelit  from  the  tax  utt 
foreign  lumber,  but  tiae  always  and  from  the  first  beenbubject  to  a  direct 
I08B  to  tlie  amount  of  that  tax  at  leaat,  and  more,  from  the  consequences- 
flowing  therefrom." 

1  pause  here  in  the  quotation  to  say  that  if  I  fully  understand  the  gen- 
gleman  from  Wisconsin  he  makes  the  important  announcement  that 
Wiscouhin  ''as  a  Slate  "  has  received  "  not  the  slightest  benefit  from  the 
tax."  As  the  '"people  thereof"  are  exprest^ly  excluded  in  the  gi-ntle- 
man's  stalement  we  are  obliged  to  understand  that  they  have  been  bene- 
fited. 

Mr.  IIUDD.  The  gentleman  will  allow  me  to  corret-t  him.  What  I 
said  was,  that  neither  my  State  nor  the  people  thereof  have  been  bene- 
tited. 

Mr.  McCORMICK.  I  have  corrected  the  gentleman  right  here,  because- 
I  believed  there  was  something  wrong.  [Laughter.]  If  on  the  other 
hand  he  meant  to  eay  that  neither  the  State  nor  its  people  were  benefited 
by  the  duly  on  lumber,  then  he  is  at  issue  with  his  free-trade  friends  cm 
the  other  side  of  this  Chamber,  for  they  tell  us  in  every  variety  of  the 
Queen's  English  that  the  duty  does  benefit  the  people  who  are  eneaged 
in  the  business  of  manufacturing  ihe  protected  commodity,  but  that  to  do 
90  they  "  rob"  all  the  people  who  are  not  so  engaged. 

— McCoRMicK,  Record,  3938. 

Lumber  industry  of  II.  S.— Canadian  competition. 

Xo.  58'-5. — The  magnitude  of  this  great  industry  was  alluded  to  hy 
Mr.  J.  A.  Whittier,  president  of  the  Saginaw  Board  of  Trade,  in  his  testi- 
mony before  the  Tariff  Commission  in  1882  in  the  following  language: 

"  If  we  take  in  the  whole  lumber  industry  of  the  United  States  weshall 
find  90,000  men  working  in  mills  and  13."),000  working  inforeste.with  yearly 
wages  of  1^80,000,000;  capital  invested  in  mills  and  apparatus,  1180.000  000 , 
a  total  yearly  product  of  $2.30,(00,000  in  value;  and  the  farmers  in  receipt 
of  $o0,<i00,00b  yearly  for  food  of  men  and  animals." 

The  same  intelligent  witness,  speaking  of  the  advantages  of  the  Cana- 
dian over  the  American  lumberman,  says  : 

"  A  Canadian  statement  in  1S72  ]Mit8  the  area  of  pine  lands  north  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  at  287,000  equare  milts.  Not  only  does  that  government 
sell  these  land  limits  low,  and  run  its  own  risk  of  fires,  but  it  builds 
elides,  booms,  and  bridges.  A  report  of  the  minister  of  public  works 
gives  a  list  of  seventy  one  stations  on  the  Ottawa  River  and  its  branches, 
where  government  lias  built  5,000  feet  of  canals,  7,000  feet  of  slides,  62,000' 
feet  of  booms,  thousands  of  feet  of  bridges,  houses  for  keepers,  etc.,  spend- 
ing large  sums  for  the  benefit  of  the  lumbermen." 

With  such  a  competitor,  so  circumstanced,  it  is  sought  by  the  pending 
bill  to  put  the  lumberman  of  the  United  States  into  active  competit'oii. 

— McCoRMicK,  Record,  3937. 

Lumber  uianuf'aetured  in  carriaKett,  toys,    Ac— New  Eng" 
land. 

Xo.  SHlt. — The  manufacture  of  lumber  into  useful  thinep,  apart  from 
agricultural  implements,  carriages,  toys,  tool?,  etc.,  In  the  United   States,' 
employs  about  thirty-two  thousand  people,  with  twenty-nine  millions  of 
capital.     About  thirty  million  dollars'  worth  of  material    is  consumed, 
yielding  an  annual  product  of  fifty  million  dollars.     In  this  industry  the 
Kew  England  Srates  employ  six  thousand  people,  nearly  one  fifth  of  t}i' 
whole.     Thty  have  seven  millions  of  capital  investe<l  or  about  ont-fourf ' 
of  all.     Of  the  material  they  use  eight  millions  in  value,    not  quite  or,' 
third,  and  render  products  aggregating  fifteen  million  dollars,  or  over 
per  cent,  of  the  entire  amount.  — Gallingek,  Record,  3080. 

242 


t 


LUM 

I.tiiiibtM*  not  vuw  iiiatvrial. 

\o.  5Sl. — Luiuber  is  the  "  raw  material  "  of  the  cabinet-maker,  bat 
it  i8  tlie  linistied  productof  the  saw  mill,  logs  being  the  fminhed  product 
of  the  woodsman.  From  the  time  the  first  blow  is  Btruck  to  build  the 
camp  until  (he  last  stroke  of  the  painter's  brush  the  value  of  lumber  is 
consLanlly  enhanced  by  the  lai>()r  oxjKjuded  upon  it.  .\s  there  is  no  duty 
upon  logs,  shinirle-boltfl,  and  stave- bolts,  the  protection  upon  lumber  ap- 
plies to  it  only  in  tluitsljige  wlieie  labor  forms  iis  principal  value. 

— Haucjkn,  Kecord,  4233. 

liiiinbor  on  the  Puoific  coast. 

\<».  ^H7i. — The  tirst  telegram  which  I  shall  read  was  doubtless  sent 
undt-r  the  impression  that  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  in  his  remarks 
referred  particularly  to  this  company,  which  it  appears  he  did  not;  but 
the  statements  contained  in  the  teleifram  are  pertinent  to  the  general 
charue  as  well  : 

San  Francisco,  April  25,  1888. 
"  Hon.  Wm.  W.  Morrow, 

"  Hoime  of  Ri'presi'ntatives,  Washington,  D.  C.  : 

"  The  Pacific  Pine  Lumber  Company  distinctly  and  specifically  denies 
that  it  is  a  pool,  a  trust,  a  combination,  or  any  other  than  a  private  cor- 
poration euga'j:ed  in  the  Itgilimate  (jUfiness  of  manufacturing  and  selling 
lumber.  It  distinctly  and  specifically  denies  that  it  is  a  monopoly  in 
any  sense,  and  cites  the  fact  that  there  are  more  mills  independent  of  it 
than  connected  with  :t. 

"  It  distinctly  and  i-pecifically  denies  that  it  has  legitimately  advanced 
the  price  of  lumber  ;  that  to  do  so  is  simply  impossible,  with  the  present 
competition.  Its  opposition  to  free  lumber  is  because  of  the  close  proximity 
of  English  forests,  with  palpable  Engli»^h  advantages,  and  the  comcquent 
virtual  diversion  of  our  coasting  trade  to  English  bottoms,  all  of  which 
would  be  inimical  to  the  American  lumber  trade  on  this  coast,  and  re- 
sult in  the  withdrawal  of  all  investments  in  that  connection. 

"The  charge  that  these  views  are  opposed  by  the  people  of  this  coast 
is  best  met  by  the  petitions  signed  by  the  many  widely  known  mercan- 
tile houses,  whose  absolute  diflconnection  with  the  lumber  trade  is  known 
to  none  better  than  yourself. 

"Pacific  Pink  Lumbkr  Company." 
— Morrow,  Record,  4273. 

Lnnibor  on  the  Pacific  coast. 

Xo.  5S0. — The  second  telcL'rain  is  as  follows,  and  refers  particularly 
to  the  charge  that  the  price  of  luiiibt  r  had  been  advanced  and  the  peo- 
ple plundered  of  a  million  and  a  half  of  dollars  : 

"  San  Francisco,  April  2G,  1888, 
"  Hon.  \V>f.  W.  Morrow, 

"  ILnutf  of  RqyrenrnUitires,  H^axhington,  D.  C.  : 

"The  cargo  price  of  pine  lumber  two  years  ago  was  $14  per  thousand, 
now  $17. 

"The  compariBon  of  cost  is  as  follows:  TjOgs,  then  five  to  five  fifty, 
now  seven  to  seven  fifty.  Freights,  then  four  fif^y  to  fiv»>,  now  fwe  fifty 
to  six.  Labor,  then  eleven  and  one-half  hours  per  day,  now  ten  hours 
per  day  at  pame  daily  wages. 

"Position  of  the  Pa<Mfic  Pine  Lumber  Company  voices  simply  the  en- 
tire lumber  and  shipping  interests  of  the  coast,  and  it  is  not  a  special 
pleader  in  his  own  behalf. 

"  Pacific  Pink  Ldmbbb  Oompaiiy." 
243 


LUX-MAC 

It  will  be  observed  tbat  there  has  been  an  increase  in  two  years  of  $2 
per  thoppand  in  lopi=,  and  ?1  per  thousand  in  freiyhtB,  which  accotints 
for  the  increase  of  $3  per  thousand  in  the  price  of  pine  lumber.  The 
mill-ownerH  have  not  been  benefited  by  this  advance,  but  on  the  con- 
trary they  have  lost  bomething  in  the  increksed  cost  of  labor  by  reason 
of  the  rt'iiuction  of  the  hours  of  labor  from  eleven  hours  and  one-half 
per  diiy  to  ten  hours  per  day. 

— Morrow,  Record,  4273. 

I^uxiirioN  on  rroc-list.    (Seo  Ostrich  i*eatliers.  No.  694.) 

I^nxuries— Why  some  not  taxed  higher  by  the  turill*. 

Xo.  i5S7. — Both  parties  admit  that  luxuries  should  be  taxed  higher 
than  nece'-sities,  whether  by  tariff  or  internal  taxation,  yet  it  is  well 
known  that  diamond8,jewelry,  and  such  things  are  not  subject  to  so  high  a 
tariff  duty  as  woolen  or  iron  goods.  This  is  because  their  great  value  and 
small  bulk  make  smuggling  so  easy  that  a  great  duty  could  not  be  en- 
forced. 

Taking  from  the  other  schedules  of  imported  goods  a  great  variety  of 
expensive  fabrics,  including  expensive  clothing,  porcelain,  and  other 
articles  of  luxury,  and  adding  their  value  to  Schedule  E,  it  will  appear 
that  the  value  of  such  articles  is  not  less  than  $120,000,000  and  the  duties 
collected  on  them  not  less  than  $60,000,000,  or  nearly  one  third  of  all 
duties  collected.  It  certainly  cannot  be  taid  of  these  duties,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  President,  "  that  they  impose  a  burden  upon  those  who  con- 
sume domestic  products  as  well  as  ihose  who  consume  imported  articles, 
and  thus  create  a  tax  upon  ail  our  people."  On  the  contrary,  these 
duties  have  imposed  the  chief  burdens  of  taxation  upon  articles  of  vol- 
untary luxury,  and  still  have  incited  our  own  artists  and  mechanics  to 
compete  in  these  branches  of  industry  with  the  most  skilled  artisans  of 
Europe  and  Asia.  In  this  way  we  have  made  the  most  remarkable  prog- 
ress in  these  expensive  productions,  and  have  brought  within  the 
means  of  great  masses  of  our  people  porcelain,  table  ware,  ornaments, 
clothing,  decorated  and  enameled  furniture,  and  a  multitude  of  other 
articles  of  taste  and  luxury,  the  work  of  American  mechanics.  To  re- 
duce the  duty  on  these  foreign  luxuries  is  but  to  transfer  the  burden  of 
taxation  from  those  who  willingly  bear  it  to  the  shoulders  of  Ihe  people. 

— Senator  Sherman,  Record,  202. 

M. 

.^aehinery.  Coal,  Steam— ^Nill^t-M  trinity. 

Xo.  588. — What  then  is  it  that  makes  higher  wages  ?  It  is  coal  and 
steam  and  machinery.  It  is  these  three  powerful  agents  tluit  multiply 
the  product  of  labor  and  make  it  more  valuable,  and  high  rate  of  wages 
means  low  cost  of  product.  A  high  rate  of  wages  means  that  cheap 
labor  has  got  to  go  ;  and  the  history  of  our  country  in  the  last  fifty  years 
demonstrates  that  as  clearly  and  as  conclusively  as  any  mathematical 
problem  can  be  demonstrated. 

—Mills,  Record,  .3331. 

JIVIaehinery  Tor  mannfaetnre  or  twine!^  (North  and  ^ionth). 

'Sn.  589.— Mr.  LIND.  I  desire  to  send  up  and  have  redd  a  proposi- 
tion whicti  1  ofier  as  a  substitute  for  the  pending  amendments. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows: 

"And  also  the  machinery  required  for,  or  used  in,  the  manufacture  of 
twines  of  hemp,  jute,  jute-butte,  suon  or  sisal  grass." 
244 


AtAC— MAD 

Mr.  LIND.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  wish  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
committee  has  already  voted  to  place  jure  sack-*  for  the  ui5e  of  the  Cali- 
fornia farmer  upon  the  free-list.  The  vote  on  this  paragraph  will  result, 
in  all  probability,  in  placing  machinery  for  the  manutacture  of  cotton 
haggling  on  the  free-list,  because  every  proposition  ofl'ered  by  the  other 
'^i'lt^  has  carried.    Hence  I  assume  that  will  also  carry. 

Now,  if  it  is  right  in  the  view  of  the  majority  of  this  House  to  place 
nn-bagging  used  by  the  farmer  of  California  on  the  free-list,  if  it  is 
!it  to  place  machinery  for  the  manufacture  of  cotton-bagging  for  the 
jiianter  of  the  South  on  the  free-list,  I  ask  you  why  in  reason  and  fair- 
ness is  it  not  equally  just  and  equally  proper  that  you  should  placte  the 
machinery  used  in  the  manufacture  of  binding-twine,  used  by  the  North- 
wesiern  farmer,  also  upon  the  free-list? 

There  are  much  stronger  reasons  in  f.ivor  of  the  latter  than  in  the  case 
of  the  others.  The  cotton  farmer  of  the  South  sells  his  bagging  with  his 
cotton  and  gets  the  same  price  for  it  that  he  gets  for  the  cotton ;  the 
farmer  of  the  Pacific  coast  sells  his  bagging  and  gets  as  much  for  it  as  he 
does  for  his  wheat ;  but  the  farmer  of  the  Northwest  loses  his  twine,  be- 
cause it  is  burned  with  the  straw,  and  he  gets  no  rebate.  The  farmer  of 
the  South  gets  a  rebate  on  the  sacks  used  by  him  of  90  per  cent. 

— LiND,  Record,  5681. 

Machinery   I'or   the   luannTacturc    of   twines    (North   and 
South). 

'So.  590. — As  this  Administration  has  allowed  and  is  allowing 
rebates  on  the  jute  bags  used  in  the  export  of  flour  I  can  sne  no 
possible  reason  why  the  same  law  does  not  eniitle  the  planter  of  the 
South  and  the  California  farmer  to  the  like  rebate  on  the  jute  bagging 
employed  by  them  to  cover  their  export  products.  As  a  matter  of  law 
they  are  entitled  to  it  and  should  have  it,  and  while  they  euj.\v  that 
privilege  this  committee  has  extended  further  relief  to  them.  It  has 
given  free  jute  sacks  to  the  one  and  free  machinery  for  the  manufa'.;ture 
of  the  cotton  bagging  used  by  the  other.  Now  why  not  do  somethiui:  for 
the  Minnesota  farmer?  He  uses  the  same  jute  material,  pays  the  same 
tarifl',  and  has  not  even  a  show  of  asking  for  a  rebate.  Now,  if  it  is  fair 
and  just  to  give  to  the  Southern  planter  the  benefit  of  free-macliinery, 
why  not  give  the  same  benefit  to  the  Northwestern  farmer,  who  uses  this 
twine  to  bind  his  grain  ? 

The  question  being  taken  on  the  amendment  of  Mr.  Lind,  the  com- 
mittee divided ;  and  there  were — ayes  88,  noes  50. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

(Machinery  for  making  twine  must  pay  a  tariff  duty,  while  machinery 
for  making  cotton  bagging  pays  none,  so  say  50  Democrats ;  while  1^8  Re- 
publicans say  both  are  on  an  equality. — Ed.) 

— Lind,  Record,  6G81. 

MailiMon  (PreN.)  Tor  protection. 

So.  501.— Madison,  in  his  special  message,  May  23,  1809,  uses  this 
language : 

"The  revision  of  our  public  commercial  laws  proper  to  adapt  them  to 
the  arrangement  which  fias  taken  place  with  Gn'at  Britain,  will  doubtless 
engage  the  early  attention  of  Concress.  It  will  be  worihy  at  the  sime 
time  of  their  just  and  provitlent  care  to  make  .snch  further  alterations  in 
the  laws  as  will  more  especially  protect  and  foster  the  several  branches 
of  manufacture  which  have  been  recently  instituted  or  extended  by  the 
laudable  exertions  of  our  citizens." 


An<l  in  his  firat  annual  mespage,  November  29, 1809,  in  epeaking  of  the 
coD'^ition  of  the  country,  he  says  : 

"  In  a  cultivation  of  the  materials,  and  the  extention  of  the  ui.eful 
manufuotun-B,  more  especially  in  the  general  application  to  household 
Cibrics,  we  behold  a  rapid  diminution  of  our  dependence  on  foreii,Tn  sup- 
plies. 

"  But  there  is  no  subject  that  can  enter  with  greater  f.>rce  and  merit 
into  the  deliberations  of  Con;^resa  than  a  consideratiou  of  the  means  to 
preserve  and  promote  the  manufactures  which  have  sprung  into  existence 
and  attained  an  unparalleled  maturity  throughout  the  United  Htaiea 
durins?  the  period  of  the  European  wars.  This  source  of  national  inde- 
pendtn;;e  and  wealth  1  anxiously  recommend,  therefore,  to  the  prompt 
and  constant  guardianship  of  Congress." 

— James  Madison. 

Mau  a  human,  not  a  *'lior>ic-i>owcr." 

3Jo.  5t>2. — Man  derives  his  greatest  p>wer  from  hie  association  with 
other  men,  his  union  with  his  fellows.  Whoever  considers  the  human 
l>eing  as  a  creature  alone,  by  himself,  isolated  and  separated,  and  trie.s  to 
comprehend  mankind  by  mathematically  adding  these  atoms  together, 
has  utterly  failed  to  comprehend  the  human  race  and  its  tremendous 
mission. 

Sixty  millions  of  even  such  creatures  without  association  are  only  eo 
many  beasts  that  perish.  But  sixty  millions  of  men  welded  together  by 
national  brotherhood,  each  aupporting,  sustaining,  and  buttret-sing  the 
other,  are  the  sure  conquerors  of  all  those  mighty  pow^ns  of  nature  w  hich 
ftlone  constitute  the  wealth  of  this  world.  The  great  blunder  of  the  llerr 
professer  of  political  economy  is  that  he  treats  human  beings  as  if  every 
man  were  so  many  foot-pounds,  euch  and  such  a  fraction  of  a  horse- 
power.   All  the  eoul  of  man  he  leaves  out. 

— RBmo,  Record,  4669. 

Mail  a  Factor  in  protection.    (See  Jio,  756.) 

Marbl<'  not  raw  material, 

Xo.  51KI. —  Vo'.i  altio  ciass  as  raw  material  marble,  which  my  State 
largely  produces,  and  of  which  there  are  rich  depoits  in  Georgia,  Ten- 
nessee, and  many  other  States  of  this  Union,  still  undeveloped  or  par- 
ually  developed.  Northern  enterprise  has  recently  gone  into  Georgia 
and  !8  opening  quarries  there.  I  saw  a  representative  here  the  other  day 
trying  to  get  access  to  some  member  of  this  Cummillee  on  Ways  and 
Means  to  represent  the  injury  which  this  proposed  measure  would  do  to 
these  interests,  which  Northern  capital  is  now  endeavoring  to  develop  so 
greatly  to  the  benefit  of  the  Southern  peopl»^.  You  say  that  maib'e, 
lan/ely  produced  in  my  own  State,  of  which  there  are  rich  deposits  in 
other  States,  is  raw  material,  ali  hough  it  costs  more  than  twice  the  labor 
to  cut  a  block  of  marble  and  put  it  into  the  mill  than  it  does  to  saw  it 
into  slabs  and  fit  for  mark^-t ;  but  then,  you  gentlemen  of  the  committee, 
how  could  you  know  this  fiu:t  when  you  would  not  hear  ex-Governor 
TVo.nor,  of  my  Staff,  who  stands  at  the  head  of  the  interest  in  this  coun- 
try,-anil  who  has  vi-ited  tlie  fjiidrrieH  of  Italy  and  carefully  htadied  the 
whole  problem  ?  Nor  could  I  appear  before  and  represent  the  case  of  my 
consUtuents.  Your  inner  consciousness  could  evolve  raw  material ;  eo 
down  goes  marble  on  the  free-list ;  millions  are  invented  in  its  production. 

— .Stewart,  Vermont,  Record,  4o39  40. 

IVIarble  quarriern— Waj^eN  of. 

No.  Hit  1.— I ,  pays  wages  averaging  $1.78  per  diem.     Forsimilar  labor 
in  Italy  wages  average  from  20  to  75  centa  per  day,  tke  latter  sum   for 
24<i 


MAX 

'skilltnllabor.     It  pmploys  mnro  thnn  twenty  llonoind  mon.     The  value 
of  machinery  used  in  qurtrryinij;  marble  alone  iw  esiimalie<l  at  |il ,200,0tX), 
and  the  aggregate  value  of  the  product  wa.s  in  ISS.S,  over  |31,0<J0,(XK). 
As  for  everything  else,  ours  ia  the  best  market  for  marble. 

— Stkwart,  Vermont,  Record,  4539-40. 

Maiiirfuotnros  boncfit  lariuerN. 

IVo.r»9i5. — Without  maniifHCturee  we  would  be  a  nation  of  agricultur- 
ists, pelling  only  grain  and  raw  materials  to  Europe  at  low  prices,  and  buy- 
ing wares  and  merchandise  from  foreigners  at  high  prices.  No  nation  can 
be  strong  and  independent  that  does  not  have  a  large  diversity  of  em- 
ployment fir  its  pf^ople.  This  is  so  apparent,  that  a  marked  difference 
can  be  seen  in  our  own  country  between  different  localities  in  that  re- 
respect.  Land  is  more  valuable  and  farminc  pays  better  where  there  are 
manufacturing  establishment-)  near  than  where  there  are  not.  Every 
one  knows  that  th'>  building  of  a  shop,  a  factory,  or  a  furnace  in  a  neigh- 
borhood adds  at  once  to  the  value  of  the  property  in  it,  and  gives  every 
man,  no  matter  what  his  trade  or  business  may  be,  a  better  chance  to 
make  a  living;. 

— Jackson,  Record,  4706. 

>InniifUotiirins.    (See  No.  217.") 

]Vlannru<-turiiiK— Im  it  a  crime? 

X«.  590. — To  judge  from  the  intemperate  language  and  exaggerated 
rhetoric  which  have  so  frequently  marked  this  debate  it  woultl  acem  as 
if  those  engaged  in  industrial  pursuits  were  robbers  and  outlaw?.  We 
know  as  a  matter  of  fact  they  are  nothing  of  the  sort,  and  that  it  is 
wicked  as  well  as  unjust  vituperation.  They  are  a  part,  and  no  mean 
part,  of  the  business  of  the  country,  and  under  the  law  have  l)een  in- 
vited to  engage  in  tlese  employments,  and  therefore,  if  for  no  other 
reason,  are  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  law.  They  are  a  part  of  our 
resources  as  a  nation,  and  to  develop  those  resources  is  according  to  the 
wisest  statesmen  the  test  of  true  statesmanship. 

I  rejoice  in  the  growth  and  prospt^rity  of  every  section  of  the  country, 
knowing  full  well  that  what  helps  or  hurts  one  must  necessarily  have  aa 
-effect  for  good  or  for  evil  on  the  other. 

—Randall,  May  6,  1886. 

lUanufaotorioN  benefit  labor,  even  when  unprofitable. 

X<>.  5*.>7. — Mr.  McMILLIN.  Your  industries  have  failed  notwith- 
Btandini:  protection. 

Mr.  J.\('KS()N.  No,  sir  ;  not  faile<l.  They  have  been  a  great  succe*', 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  much  capital  invested  in  them  ha^  been 
lost.  I  was  simply  referring  to  that  as  an  answer  to  the  ofin'jH>ated 
epeoclies  made  on  j'our  side,  that  protection  was  simply  to  make  wealthy 
capitalists  and  ennch  the  owners  of  mills  and  furna'-es. 

But  I  can  tell  the  uentleman  how  our  industri«'H  have  been  a  success. 
Thpy  have  given  employment  to  our  peopli' ;  thpy  have  paid  good  wages 
for  labor;  they  have  enabled  our  laborers  to  support  th»*ir  families  com- 
fortably and  educate  their  children ;  they  have  enabled  many  of  their 
employes  to  lay  by  a  little,  to  save  some  money,  to  get  gcxxi  homes. 
There  are  many  of  the  employes  of  the  millH,  factori«>s,  and  works  in 
my  town  that  out  of  their  wages  havesaved  mon<'V,an<l  own  houses goo<i 
enough  for  either  the  gentleman  from  Tenne.fsee  [.Mr.  McMillin]or  myself 
live  in. 

We  count  a  man  a  good  citizen  who  will  pu^  $50,000  or  $100,000  in  a 
fumac6  or  other  kind  of  works  and  employ  a  hundred  laborers  and  give 

247 


MAN 


them  a  kockI  livin>»  for  theniBolves  and  for  their  families.  They  are  the 
real  f)euefattorH  of  a  commumty.  We  want  men  who  are  >;ood  citizens 
uf  that  sort.  — Jackson,  Record,  4710-11. 

JflauularttiroN  uiid  luriuN  coutruNted.    (See  FuriuM.) 

JlluiiiiitK-tiiri'H  lire  vlioap. 

\«.  5i».S.  — t)f  nil  tlie  i)eiition8  which  have  reached  my  table  in  the 
last  four  yrarn,  not  one  has  come  from  a  farmer  asking  for  the  reduction 
of  the  tariff  on  wool  or  any  other  article.  He  knows  there  is  not  an  arti- 
cle of  clothinjr  or  machinery  or  tools  for  the  farm  that  is  not  cheaper 
to-day  than  it  was  in  the  free-trade  days  of  IHtJO.  He  knows,  too,  tliat 
there  ha"  been  a  jrnidual  and  continnou.s  cheapening  of  j^ooda  and  man- 
ufactured articles  of  all  kinds  from  18G0  down  to  the  present  time. 

We  hear  but  little  complaint  from  them  of  high  prices  of  things  which 
they  have  to  buy. 

A  tirst-class  double-spring-seated  farm  wagon,  finished  in  better  style- 
than  were  the  carriaues  of  our  fathers  fifty  years  ago,  now  sells  at  $(>5  re- 
tail ;  Fitchburg  casfeimere,  85  cents  per  yard  ;  cashmerets,  o5  to  38  cents 
a  yard  ;  best  standard  sheeting,  8  cents  per  yard  ;  good  calicoes,  4  A  to  G} 
cents  per  yard  ;  nails,  3  cents  per  pound,  and  all  others  of  the  real  necea- 
earics  of  farm  life  at  the  same  low  rates.  — Symes,  Record,  4315. 

FfanufucturorN*    dividondN. 

No.  599. — Let  us  see  about  these  "immense  profits."  I  quote  from 
Bradhireet's  of  Saturday,  January  14,  the  dividends  for  fifteen  years  of 
the  cotton  mills  in  Maine,  Massachusetts,  and  New  Hampshire,  possibly 
in  Rhode  Island,  I  am  not  eure  : 

Dividends  for  fifteen  years. 


Mills. 


Aupiisla-  Edwards 

Blddoford  : 

LaoDUla  ■■ » 

I'eppcrell ~ 

Brunswick :  Cabot 

Ohli>>pe<j : 

CUIciJl)©o 

DwlKht 

Dover:  Cochecw 

Ureal  Falls  :  Oreat  Falls.. 

Holyoke:  Lymaa 

Law  re  u  CO  -. 

AUaniIc._ 

Everett 

Pacinc 

I/©wl8lf)n : 

AnilrosoogglD 

llatps 

I'ranklln 

Hill. 

Lowell : 

ApplAton 

Bootl 

Uamllton 

Lawrence 

MaM«achu80ttB 

Morrlmac 

Tremontand  Suffolk. 


187&-'8i.  j    1885. 


Average. 


033 

1-2.00 
7.66 

10.50 
6.25 
9.60 
3.06 
6.60 

6.00 
368 
11.58 

7.01 
7.66 
4  75 
5.50 

3.00 
9.79 
6.50 
8.16 
6.5s 
7.06 
7.87 


4i 

6 

13 

3 


1886. 


61 
13 


1887. 


1886.'87. 


Average. 

4.83 

5.8i 

1-i.UO 

3.00 

2.00 
7  :<8 
4.U0 
1  CT 
•i.{J« 

1.00 

.67 

10.00- 

6  67 

CMS- 

c.u» 

233^ 


6.0» 


7  33 
333 
600^ 
3.83 


For  tlio  last  three  year^  the  averge  is  55   per  cent,  upon  the  nominal     ■ 
capital,  and  that  is  not  a  fair  way  to  estimate  it.  3 


(See  also  No.  19.3). 
248 


— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1017. 


MAN 

JVIaiiufuctureN — KiikIuucI'm  doteriuiiit'd  vllorlM  tu  kiudor  un. 

Xo.  WOO.— I>uriii^  our  ci^Ionial  hi-tory  it  liatl  been  the  j>olity  of  the 
Bhlisii  (joverniueut  to  prevent  the  estuljlishmi  nt  of  maunfaeiurinjf  in- 
dustries on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  Then,  as  now,  her  insatiate  preed 
knew  no  restraint  but  the  limit  of  lier  jwwer.  T(ie  policy  of  tlie  English 
Government  st  that  time  was  ^traphically  outlined  iu  an  article  on 
"Trade,"  published  in  London  iu  1750,  a"*  follows: 

''  Manulaetures  in  our  American  colonies  should  be  diEcouraged  and 
prohibited.  We  ought  always  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  over  our  colonies, 
to  restrain  them  from  setting  up  any  of  the  manufactures  which  are  car- 
ried on  in  Cireat  Britain,  and  any  such  attempts  should  be  crushed  in  the 
betzinning." 

It  was  in  this  spirit  that  a  manufacturing  establishment  in  South  Caro- 
lina was  by  act  of  Parliament  declared  a  pul)lic  nuisance  and  aba*  ed  ; 
and  an  English  statesman  but  echoed  the  dominating  voice  of  Brii'.sh 
counsels  wlien  he  declared  that  the  colonies  should  not  be  permited  to 
manufacture  a  hobnail  within  their  borders. 

England,  thouch  forced  to  acknowle<lge  our  independence,  was  deter- 
mined not  to  lose  her  American  market,  and  there  was  no  diplomacy, 
however  questionable,  no  sacrifice,  however  onerou?,  that  she  did  not 
hivoke  to  retain  it.  Foreign  goods  were  put  upon  our  market  at  a  loss  to 
the  manufacturer,  with  the  deliberate  purpose  of  destroying  our  in-^us- 
trie".  Mr.  Brougham,  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  1810,  made  public 
avowal  of  Huch  a  purpose,  declaring — 

"It  was  well  worth  while  to  incur  a  loss  on  the  first  exportion,  in  order 
by  the  glut  to  stifle  in  the  cradle  those  infant  manufactures  in  the  United 
States  which  the  war  had  forced  into  existence,  contrary  to  the  natural 
order  of  things." 

— Burrows,  Record,  3449. 

Manuructnrin};,  profits  Troin. 

Xo.  001. — I  submit  nome  fiu'ures  from  a  work  that  no  human  being 
dare  dispute.  It  was  written  in  Boston  by  a  Boston  man.  I  copy  from 
J.  G.  Martin's  Stock  Fiucluatiuns,  Boston,  ISTl-lSSl'.  He  jputs  down  the 
dividends  of  leadinc  concerns  from  1870  to  18S1.    I  take  a  tew  examples: 

Lowell  Machine  Shops  (capital  invested,  $000,000) : 

Per  (wnL 

In  1877  it  yielded  a  regular  dividend  of 10 

Anil  a  special  dividend  of  (February,  1877) W 

In  1870  a  regular  dividend  of 10 

Anrl  an  extra  diviflend  (.\ugust,  1870) 20 

In  issl  a  regular  dividend  of 10 

And  an  extra  dividend   (September,  1881)  50 

ToUl 140 

In  these  three  yearn  the  concern  paid  back  to  the  Btockholders  all  the 
investment— $000,000— and  ^iiOO.OOO  beside. 

Hamilton  Woolen  Manufacturing  Company, capital  $1,000,000:  In  1880 
it  pHid  a  dividend  of  10  per  cent.,  besideH  an  extra  dividend  (.luly,  1880) 
of  3;?,^  per  cent. ;  4'.^  per  cent,  in  one  year. 

Ijincaster  Manufacturing  ("ompiny,  in  1880,  paid  a  dividend  of  17J  per 
cent.,  besides  an  extra  dividend  (in  November)  of  f.O  j>er  cent. — 07  j  per 
cent.  — Stockdai.k,  Record,  4")S."). 

(NoTK. — If  these  figures  are  reliable,  why  don't  some  of  these  growling 
free  traders  go  into  the  manufacturing  bu8ines.H,  in?tea<l  of  finding  fault 
with  other  people  for  making  money  in  such  businesa. — Ko.) 

249 


MAN 

WannfiiolnrcM  ntiinnlatcd. 

.\o.  OO'J.  — lu  1^'il  tin'  people  of  this  country,  through  the  National 
Governmont,  entere<l  into  a  bupinees  arrangement  wherein  tliey  propoBfd 
to  lay  duties  on  all  foreij^n  goods  which  came  into  competition  with  our 
own  productions. 

Under  that  system  such  goods  have  gradually  grown  cheaper,  year  ))y 
year,  until  an  average  roduc' ion  in  prices  of  28  per  cent,  has  been  reached. 
Our  own  raanufac  ii.iug  enterprises  have  been  stimulated  and  developed, 
a  higher  degree  of  skill  has  been  a*'jainetl  in  every  department,  and  hh  a 
result  of  this  American  system  we  have  this  magnificent  reduction  in  the 

F rices  of  our  own  home  manufactures.  D.ire  any  man  call  that  a  tax  ? 
t  would  be  sheerest  nonseose,  and  I  have  no  better  name  than  twaddle 
for  eui'h  tirade.  It  falls  beneath  tlie  dignity  of  argument.  W»i  are  told, 
however,  that  the  reduction  in  the  prices  of  goods  is  due  to  the  invon- 
t.on  of  machinery.  Do  gentlemen  stop  to  reflect  that  the  progess  of 
lavention  is  the  result  of  a  de?ire  to  cheapen  production  rather  than  to 
secure  a  patent  ?  The  pio'ective  tariff  is  aa  great  a  stimulant  to  the  in- 
ventor as  it  is  to  the  manufacturer. 

— SvMEH,  Record,  4:n7. 

Mnniiraoliiros    Nn«ipon(Iod— I*roHi<lont    Unclianan*N    Ntato- 

lllCIlt    oCi'UIINO. 

Xo.  <»<K{. — The  tarill  of  IMii  was  left  untouched  until  1S.")7,  when,  in 
conse<iuence  of  a  temporary  Burplus  of  revenue,  it  underwent  some 
further  reductions,  resulting  in  an  influfiiciency  for  the  annual  support  of 
the  Government.  The  condition  of  the  country  wa^  graphically  described 
by  President  Buchanan  in  his  messaze  of  December  8,  1857,  as  follows: 
'"  In  the  midst  of  unsurpa.secd  plenty  in  all  the  proiluctions  and  in  all 
the  elements  of  national  wealth  we  find  our  manufactures  f-u.^pended, 
our  public  works  retarde<l,  our  private  ente-prises  of  different  kinds  aV)an- 
doned,  an  1  thousands  of  useful  laborers  thrown  out  of  employment  and 
reiluced  to  want." 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  for  the  lack  of  a  protective  tariff,  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  six  hundred  and  forty  millions  of  gold  produced  in 
California  from  1840  to  LSfiO  had  to  be  at  once  exported  to  foreign  lands, 
where  it  wonderfully  developed  and  fertilized  foreign  indu.stries  instead 
of  our  own. 

The  financial  revulsions  of  1837, 1847,  and  1857,  and  the  general  wreck  of 
business  affairs,  fairly  attributable  to  unwise  reductions  and  botchery  of 
the  tariff  by  the  p.irty  at  the  time  in  power,  are  as  ineffaceably  recorded 
in  history  as  the  political  revolutions  which  followed  in  the  overthrow 
and  rout'of  the  Democratic  party. 

— Senator  Morrill,  Record,  r.018. 

MaiiiiraotarinK  o.Htal>liNliinoiit»— IVuinbor.  men  and  rapif  al. 
Xo.  AOl. — In  the  entire  c<jnntry  there  are  about  two  hundred  ami 
sixty  thousand  manufactunnir  establishments  of  all  kinds,  employing 
two  mi'lion  seven  hundred  and  filty  thousand  people.  The  total  capital 
invciftted  in  1880  was  nearly  three  billuinM  of  dollars.  The  total  value  ff 
all  material  used  wa«  about  three  and  one-half  billion  dolhir.i,  while  the 
ajigregate  annual  value  of  the  products  thereof  was  over  Hve  and  one- 
half  billion  dollars. 

— (J.M.i.ixciKR,  Recor.l,  3080. 

.Ila:iiifa4-(iiriiis  industry's  \%Iii<-ii  rannot  live  witliont  pro- 
lerlioii     l>oni04>rati<'  advi<"«'. 

Xo.  <»<).■>.— If  you  people  in  Maryland  who  are  engaged  in  the  manu- 
facture of  window  glass  are  not  unlike  all  the  other  ci'.izenB  of  Mary- 
250 


MAR 

•  and,  when  you  toll  them  that  sixty  million  people  are  payinp  tribute  to 
these  few  plass  inanuCaitureH,  they  will  Bland  \>y  yon  in  your  vote  upon 
this  hill.  Stop  their  indu.slry?  I  do  not  believe  a  word  t-f  it.  Hut  eu|>- 
po9e  it  does  slop  it,  if  it  ha8  >;ot  to  be  subsidizcvj  with  the  blucxl  and  the 
labor  of  sixty  million  pe<:)ple,  let  it  po  ;  let  it  stop.  Tell  your  tifiy-eiirht 
mauufaclures  to  po  and  cnpago  in  Boiae  honorable  industry  that  floes  not 
have  to  be  subsidized  by  the  p*>ople  to  make  it  profitable.  Gentlemen 
talk  here  about  this  little  industrv  an-lthat  little  indust'-y  having  to  stop 
if  wo  do  not  subsidize*  them.  Ttien,  in  God's  name,  Kn  them  all  stop. 
Ijet  them  stop,  and  po  engage  in  some  honorable  busineea  that  does  not 
have  to  take  mon^y  out  of  the  pockets  of  the  res'  of  the  people  in  order 
to  make  it  profitable.  That  sort  of  argument  has  no  terrors  for  me — none 
in  the  world.  I  never  could  see  any  8en«e  in  rob')iug  one  hundred  men 
to  make  one  man  rich,  and  it  is  nothing  but  robbery. 
(How  about  the  dividends  in  No.  (501  ".' — Kn.) 

— Hatcu  (Dem.),  R^ord,  4')77. 

^larkols,  good.    (See  No.  255.) 

.Markets  oT  Amorioa— ICoyalty  on. 

\o.  60<i. — The  disrus-'icjn  of  thetariff  question  reaolves  itself  simply 
into  ttjis  in<iuiry:  .Shall  the  alien  or  foreigner,  to  whom  we  are  under  no 
legal  obligations,  who  neither  tight  our  battles  in  time  of  war  or  pay  our 
taxes  in  tiun  of  peace,  have  access  to  our  marketi'  on  the  same  terms  as 
an  American?  This  is  what  England  wants;  this  is  wh  it  the  Cobden 
Club  wan  8 ;  this  is  what  free  traders  want. 

Ah  well  mipht  the  Englishman  ask  to  r;de  on  our  railways  free  of  fare, 
or  stay  at  our  hotels  free  of  charge.  Tlie  privilege  of  sellinp  in  the 
American  markets  is  a  franchise  of  great  value,  and  belongs  as  a  matter 
of  right  on'y  to  Americans.  There  in  no  other  such  market  beneath  the 
circle  of  the  sun.  And  why?  Simply  becau-e  cur  laboring  |)eoplo  are 
better  paid  than  the  laboring  people  of  any  other  country  in  the  world. 
Go  to  any  city  or  town  or  village  and  inquire  why  the  people  buy  so 
much  and  iha  an''wer  will  bc^.  because  poor  peopK;  are  well  paid.  They 
will  tell  you  that  the  market  is  not  made  good  by  the  few  rich  men  who 
live  ia  it,  but  by  the  masses  of  poor  people  who  labor  f  )r  a  living. 

—J.  1).  TwLOR,  Record.  404S. 
MarkotH  oTtho  world. 

No.  <(07. — Of  what  ViUue  <o  the  American  farmer  are  the  marketj<  of 
the  world  in  comparison  with  his  home  market?  llow  much  of  the 
farmer's  Buriilus  products  do*  b  the  world's  market,s  require  today?  Be- 
fore dropping  the  substance  for  the  shadow  it  would  be  w^-ll  to  inquir>i 
the  extent  of  the  foreign  demand  for  the  productoof  ourfarm.  I  fa  jH'licy 
is  adopted  which  deptr)y8  the  homo  market  and  forces  the  Ameil-an 
farmers  into  the  markets  of  the  world,  when  his  vessels  are  l.iden  with 
the  products  of  his  farm,  to  what  ports  on  the  inhabitable  plobe  will  he 
direct  his  couri?e?  Not  to  South  America,  nor  Asia,  nor  Africa,  nor  Ans- 
tralafia,  nor  the  i-lands  of  the  pea,  for  in  all  the.-Je  there  is  practically  no 
<lemand  for  oiir  airricultural  products,  and  th(>re  is  no  prosixit  that  there 
<<ver  will  be,  for  Ihe^^e  countries  are  abundantly  supplied  with  agricul- 
tural laborers  an<l  surplus  lands.  Europe  is  the  only  country  which  doe« 
not  feed  its  own  p»ot>le,  and  even  there  Russia, (Jermany,  I'urKey,  Uou- 
mania,  Servia,  and  Hungary  produce  their  own  food  mpjdy,  and  <"X 'hid- 
ing Germany,  furnish  a  Huri)hH  for  the  European  markets.  Outside  of 
Great  Britain,  therefore,  there  is  practically  no  demand  for  our  aericul- 
tural  protluct:*,  and  with  trie  rich  ii"ld.«  of  India ojx>n  to  hi  r  it  is  notdilli- 
cult  to  discern  that  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  even  this  <lemand 
will  cease.  — Biurows,  K-cord,  :>4.vj. 

2"il 


MAli 


^3arli«>ts  ul'  the  world  u  dcltiNiou. 


.\o.  <IO^*.— NVlii'ii  yon  tel!  the  farmer  if  he  will  slauKhter  his  sheep 
free  wool  will  enable  our  manufacturers  to  control  the  foreign  market,  he 
retorts  that  uotton  ha«  always  been  free.  Kree  cotton  has  not  given  our 
Hpinnera  control  of  the  foreign  market,  but  with  free  wool  a  million 
flock-iuas'ers  musl  seek  other  employment. 

Since  all  foreign  countries  save  Enplaml  have  adopted  the  protective 
eystem,  free  trade  for  uh  cannot  open  a  single  i)ort  or  market  not  now 
open  to  us,  but  si.^^ply  opens  our  market  to  all  foreign  wares.  We  would 
fall  before  the  combined  efforts  of  protective  tariffd  abroad  and  foreign 
competiiion  at  home. 

Tlie  depressed  and  overcrowded  market  of  England  is  already  open  to 
U9,  and  all  the  markets  of  the  continent  of  Europe  are  protected.  How, 
then,  will  these  markets  give  us  continuing  employment?  Reside^,  if  ten 
million  workers  in  glass,  woolens,  cotton,  and  silk  in  Germany,  France, 
and  Belgium  are  working  72  hours  a  week,  including  Sunday,  at  50  per 
cent,  less  watres,  and  send  their  products  free  to  New  York  and  Boston  or 
Baltimore,  at  a  lower  rate  of  freight  than  it  costs  workmen  working  48 
liL'urs  a  week  here,  then  these  ten  million  workmen  are  competing  as  if 
they  were  all  here  alongside  of  our  workmen.  In&tead  of  free  tratle  let 
us  rather  make  more  stringent  our  immigration  laws.     [Applause.] 

— ^IcCoMAS,  Record,  .'{s:;o. 

^larkotM  of  the  world— Buy  cheap  and  nell  dear. 

\o.  009.— The  phrase,  "  Buy  where  you  can  buy  cheapest  and  sell 
wtro  >uii  can  tell  dearest,"  though  often  confuted,  is  still  current  among 
free-traders,  but  hardly  merits  respectful  attention.  In  the  moufliH  of 
the  original  prop.-igators  of  free-trade  thisf.tllar-y  put  on  a  different  shape, 
and  the  unconcealed  intention  was  that  other  peo()le,  an!  especially 
Americans,  should  nell  cheaply  and  buy  dearly.  To  achieve  thia  result, 
the  whole  world  mu^t  be  un<lerbidden  by  the  exporter,  and  the  produc'i. 
of  home  labor  reduced  lo  a  lower  cost  than  prevails  in  any  competing 
country.  The  prcc  ical  outcome  of  this  bran(;h  of  the  fallacy  ofrer.-«  little 
temptation  except  to  those  glittering  in  the  rags  of  poverty,  who  already 
live  from  hand  to  mouth  with  no  hope  of  ever  doing  more. 

— Souator  Morrkll,  December  9,  1886. 

]VlHrketN  of  the  world. 

\«».  <UO.  —  Doe^  your  mouth  water  over  the  prospect  ?  What  market 
do  yo>i  give  up  fur  ail  ihis?  Where  is  the  best  market  in  the  world? 
Where  the  people  have  the  mo?t  money  to  Hi>end.  Where  have  the  pea- 
nle  the  most  money  to  spend  ?  Right  here  in  t  he  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica, after  twenty-seven  years  of  protectionist  rule.  And  you  are  asked  to 
give  up  such  a  Loarket  for  the  markets  of  the  world  !  Why  tho  history 
of  such  a  transaction  was  told  twenty-four  hundred  years  ago.  It  is  a 
cla«cic.     Yon  wMl  find  i^  in  the  works  of  .E-<op.  «he  fabulist. 

( >n'"e  th«>re  was  a  dog.  lie  was  a  nice  little  dog.  Nothing  the  matte'* 
with  him  except  a  few  foolish  free-trade  ideas  in  his  head.  He  was  trot- 
ting along  happy  a"  the  dav,  fo'-  he  had  in  hi«  mouth  a  nice  shoulder  of 
sncculent  mutton.  By  and  by  became  to  a  s  ream  bridged  by  a  plank. 
He  trotted  along,  and,  looking  over  the  side  of  the  plank,  he  saw  the 
markets  of  the  world  and  dived  for  them.  A  minute  after  he  was  crawl- 
ing up  the  bank  the  wettest,  the  sickest  [ereat  laughter],  the  nastiest,  the 
most  muttonlees  dog  that  ever  swam  ashore !  [Great  laughter  and  ap- 
plause.] 

— Rkeu,  Record,  4069. 

252 


^arkcis  ol'liic  uorld     Uliat  llie  I  iiitetl  StutOH  bujM,    and 
I'roiii  mIioiii. 

.\o.  <H  I.— Tlie  fruits  of  the  ^janlen  ami  the  farm  como  acrosH  the  ocean 
ami  en'er  our  ui;irkeLd  and  in  coinpeti' ion  with  ub.  Cdbbajii-a  rome  to  ua 
from  Ilolhind  ;  potatoea  from  Sjollarul,  Nova  Scotia,  and  Canada  ;  rye 
from  Canada;  peas,  beans,  liav,  and  i-^i-^i  from  Deniuark  and  Norway; 
oniona  from  Spain  and  E^ypl ;  tobarco  from  Sumatra  ;  wool  from  Sjuth 
America,  Sjutli  Africa.  Australia,  and  elHOwhere.and  cattle  from  Mexico. 

We  have  imported  700,0fX)  bushels  of  po'.atoes  in  a  singl"  month,  and 
over  1S,0(XVXX'  dozenBof  evp^  in  one  year.  CanadapellF  'A  000/>0<)  bushels 
of  rye  in  our  makcts  annually,  and  last  year  our  imports  of  food  products, 
exclupive  of  eui^ir,  tea,  cofTee,  and  tob;u-co,  were  valued  at  over  $37,000,- 
OCO.  T^e  annual  increase  of  our  population  conpume  and  will  consume 
more  <j1  the  farm  product  than  we  sell  abroad.  Our  home  market  is  the 
farmer's  only  hope,  and  to  destroy  it  is  to  destroy  hifl  industry.  This 
home  market  will  expand  with  our  increasins  population,  and  immigra- 
tion alone  is  adding  to  this  from  500,000  to  700,<X>o  each  year. 

— Browne,  Indiana,  Record,  3533. 

ifarkotM  or  the  world— Kuropo'H  Miipply. 

]S'o.  <(lt2. —  Karope'.'?  Huoply  of  orchard  fruits  and  vegetAblea  is  equal 
to  its  wants.  Great  Britain  is  the  greatest  hay-producing  country  in  the 
world.  In  the  production  of  wool,  live-stoc-k,  hides,  tallow  and  pucar 
we  have  competitors  all  over  F^urope,  in  the  countrie.-!  s(.uth  of  u«,  and 
in  nearly  all  the  islands  of  the  ocean.  A  few  years  ago  we  i-upplied  8.") 
per  cent,  of  the  cotton  of  the  world,  but  to  day  we  supply  but  tj7  per 
r^nt.  of  it.  Eeypt  and  India  are  large  producers  of  cotton.  Our  hog 
proiluct  is  excludetl  from  the  markets  of  (iermany  and  France. 

—  Bkownb,  Indiana,  Record,  3533. 

.naxini  of  rroo  trade.    (.Seo  Xo.  .172.) 

Moat.    cSof.  >'o.  7IH.^ 

Mer<-liaii<lis<>.  from  a  foroiKii  country,  which  <Ioon  not  enter 
into  <-<>n«»niiiptioii  for— Operation  ol' law.  i  S<  c  l*epper- 
iiiiiit  oil.  \<».  7<>i.i 

Merchant  marine  — l>eniocrat*t  want  to  buy,  not  build. 

Xo.  out. — To  do  this  we  must  have  our  own  ships  and  bn  able  to  es- 
tablisli  ad  many  steamship  line-j  as  their  commerce  demands,  lint  we 
have  no  Hlii(ks  and  we  find  the  ocean  covered  with  the  subsidized  ships 
of  Great  Britain,  Trance,  G'-rmanv,  and  other  nations,  and  indep-ndcrit 
of  the  huhsidies  with  which  these  nations  protect  their  commercial  ma- 
rines, we  find  that  because  of  the  high  price  of  Americ.m  lal>or  we  can 
neither  build  nor  sail  ships  aa  cheaply  as  they,  and  consecjuentlv,  can- 
not compete  with  thitn  in  the  carrying  of  even  <.ur  own  tra  l«».  In  this 
situation  there  is  but  one  of  two  tilings  to  do — sit  snil  and  do  nothing 
as  we  have  been  doing  for  s-^  many  years,  or  else  by  subsidy  build  up  a 
commrn-ial  marine  as  we  have  built  up  our  system  of  infernal  trans- 
portaMon.  by  unlimited  appropriations  to  railroads  and  for  the  improve- 
mfn^  of  rivers  and  harborv- — subsidies  that  will  enable  us  to  compete 
BU(c»'8sfullv  with  other  nations  for  the  carrying  lradi<  of  the  world. 

The  only  reme<ly  the  Democratic  party  8Ugn»'8ts  to  relieve  the  tin- 
happy  condition  of  our  commercial  marine  is  what  they  call  "free 
f*hiii«;"  which  means  that  wo  shall  abandon  Hhi|>-building — let  it  be- 
come to  us  one  of  the  lost  arts — and  buy  our  Hhijw  on  the  .Mer.-'ey  and 
the  CIvde,  forgetting  that  subsidies  to  foreign  ships  still  shut  us  out  of 
the  tield  of  competition. 

— TiioMraoN,  Ohio,  lieconi.  43i;0. 
263 


mi:r-mes 

.tlor<-Iiuiit  niariue  -It  wiiiitM  <MicuiiraK('iueiit. 

\o.  Oil.— 1  would  eucoiirane  and  foHler  the  merchant  marine  by 
^ran'  in>j  iKninty  fur  every  leaifue  ateamed  or  sailed  in  carrying  the  Unilf<! 
Stales  mail.".  I  would  muko  the  bounty  soflittieutly  uinple  to  carry  our 
mail  and  ewtabliyh  our  trade  in  every  nook  and  corner  of  the  earth.  1 
am  sick  about  this  caul  about  the  lurllTdeslroyin^our  carryintr  trade  and 
thuH  our  merihanl  marine.  Our  carryinj:  trade  to-day  is, according  to  tLe 
report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treabury,  ;jl,4U0,U00,l)U0  annually,  whereuj 
it  was  but  ;}>juO,OuO,UOO  in  ISGO,  an  increase  of  nearly  ;5U0  per  cent. 

Mr.  Chairman,  tlie  carrying  trade  ia  all  rinht.  Tlie  only  trouble  is  that 
it  is  carried  in  British  vessels.  The  British  built  and  armed  and  equipped 
rebel  privateers  during  our  civil  war.  and  under  the  guise  of  Confetlerate 
cruisers  and  undtr  the  protection  oi  a  Confederate  Hag  they  burned,  or 
drove  under  foreign  tlagp,  the  whole  of  our  merchant  marine  ;  and  they 
are  now  exacting  from  this  country  $150,000,000  annually  for  having  ihus 
successfully  usurped  "ur  carrying  trade.  Mr.  (Chairman,  1  want  to  bee  the 
National  Treasury  respond  liberally  to  the  demands  made  upon  it  to 
build  up  and  fos'.er  our  merchant  marine,  which,  by  proper  encourage- 
ment, would  be  able  to  do  its  full  share  of  the  Wi^rM's  tratlic  and  secure 
its  iull  proportion  of  the  world's  wealth  and  lay  it  down  at  our  doors. 

— Sy.MESi,  Record,  1317. 

Neroliaiit  murine'— Seuincii  of  TonueMM<*c'  and  ArkaiiNaN! 

Xo.  015. — Oh,  yea,  our  friends  on  the  other  side  have  become  great 
admirers  of  our  merchant  marine.  They  want  to  see  the  Hag  of  the  Ke- 
pu!)lic  float  upon  every  nea  and  oceari.  They  are  always  ballooning,  stru);- 
gling  after  the  unattainable.  Oh,  yes,  build  up  a  erand  ruerchant  marine 
that  will  command  the  markets  of  the  world  !  AV'hy,  sir,  if  it  was  left  to 
those  gentlemen  from  the  South  on  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  to 
build  a  merchant  fleet,  if  it  was  left  to  the  States  which  they  represent, 
with  their  great  lines  of  seacoastin  Arkanses,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee, 
and  their  wonderful  harbors  and  ports  of  entry,  judging  of  the  future  by 
the  past,  it  would  take  them  about  a  thousand  years  to  fit  up  an  ordinary 
canal-boat  I  What  is  the  use  of  all  this  fooling;  whenever  we  want  a 
foreign  merchant  marine  we  will  build  it. 

— Bou.vD,  Record,  4483. 

.MoMma^*  (C'l<?velan<l'»*)  see  No.  172. 

MoNsaKc,  Cleveiand'M — EnKlinli  precis  notes. 

No.  01ft.— I  not  only  lind  that  they  assume  that  this  is  a  free-trade 
document,  but  theya.'^sert  that  the  Democratic  party,  as  a  party,  has  com- 
mitted itself  to  free  trade. 

I  will  present  for  insertion  in  the  Reoid  these  extracts  from  the 
British  press : 

[Ivondon  Tost.] 

"  We  shall  be  much  mistaken  if  the  effect  of  this  state  communication 
will  not  be  to  strengthen  considerably  the  case  of  free-traders  in  all  parts 
of  the  world.  It  will  be  regarded  as  a  step  in  the  right  direction  by  all 
who  believe  in  the  soundness  of  free-trade  principles." 

[London  Daily  New.".] 

"  Mr.  Cleveland  is  entitled  to  credit  for  having  spoken  out  and  laid  be- 
fore Congress  without  reservation  the  real  facta  of  the  case.    The  stone 
now  set  rolling  will  not  stop  until  it  has  broken  the  idol  of  protection  to 
pieces." 
254 


MES 

[London  Daily  Standard.] 

"  Mr.  Cleveland  demands,  in  effect,  that  there  Bhall  be  a  tariff  for  reve- 
nue purposes  only.  No  tinkcriuv;  witU  the  tiiritf  will  Bullice  ;  no  reH<l- 
justrat-nt  of  duties  will  do.  The  only  reform  that  common  eeusf  can  ac- 
cept is  one  which  unaffectedly  Buliwlitulea  the  principle  of  unimpeded 
imports  for  that  uf  tariff  re>;ulaiiouB," 

[Dundee  People's  Journal.] 

"  For  the  present  the  change  in  the  American  fiscal  policy  will  be 
beneficial  to  this  country,  and  the  prospect  of  it  has  diffused  freah  hope 
throughout  business  circles." 

[The  London  Time«.] 

"  In  an  article  on  '  The  coal  tratle  in  1S87,  and  its  nrospecta  for  18S8.' 
'  If  President  Clevelan<i'H  tariff  reforms  are  carried  I'.neli^h  goods  and 
iron  and  steel  largely  will  go  to  the  States  in  greatly  increased  propor- 
tions.' " 

[The  Morning  Post.] 

"Commenting  on  President  Cleveland'^  message,  says:  'The  message 
will  produce  a  profound  sensation  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  .Vmerica,  and 
will  strengthen  the  free-traders'  cape  throughout  the  world'. ' 

McMMaKC  (C'IovoIan<rN)  to  be  Ju(l;;od  hj  EhkIihIi  laii^fiiuice  h» 
spoken  au<l  tlefliied. 

No.  017. — Wo  have  seen  what  free-traders  thought  of  the  mes-saw'^', 
what  protectionists  thought  of  the  message.  Now  let  u^  judge  it  by  ilie 
record. 

What  is  free  trade?  There  is  but  one  anbwer.  Nowhere  where  the 
English  language  is  sjK)ken  has  the  word  "free  trade,"  as  used  in  refer- 
ence to  the  opt'rations  of  government,  as  used  in  rcfereuce  to  taxation, 
any  other  significance  than  that  of  anti-profectioii.  Thene  two  great  sys- 
tems stand  with  their  policie«  clearly  defined  and  mark*  d  out.  On  the 
one  side  is  prott'ction,  on  the  other  nide  is  free  trade.  Has  it  any  other 
meaning  in  that  lan«l  from  which  so  many  of  the  arguments  come  for  free 
trade?  lias  it  any  other  meaning  in  the  land  of  th*'  Colwlen  t'hil)? 
Not  at  all.  Everybody  knows  that  the  English  system  iH  the  free- trade 
system  and  that  the  .Vmeric  n  Hystem  is  tlie  protective  system.  These 
words  are  simply  the  opposites  of  each  other,  and  that  system  which 
does  not  recognize  protection  is  universally  calleil  and  rightly  called  fhe 
free-trade  system. 

— Senator  1'i.att,  IU  con.1,  1013. 

MeHNaiee(C'levelan<I'M),  FirMtoiie  1«» receive  Naiietioii  ol'llric- 
IhIi  preMN. 

\<>.  (US— It  is  the  first  message  of  a  PrHHldent  uf  this  llepublic  that 
has  received  the  universal  sanction  of  the  British  uresH,  British  slates- 
men,  an<l  British  manufacturers.  The  e<:ho  of  their  noHanna.H  in  its  honor 
has  not  yet  died  awav  on  the  other  side  of  the  .Vllantic.  It  is  certain  to 
reverberate  on  this  side  in  the  heal  of  the  coming  [M)litical  contest,  [.ap- 
plause.] 

— WooDBvaN,  Record,  400J. 
255 


ME8 

Mo«(«4nc:o  CCIevclaiidN),  How  interpreted  by  rrcc-trader»-« 
Frank  llnrd. 

\o.  Olt>. — Mr.  lliinl,  inun  interview,  which  wa8  firet  publi8he<l,  I  be- 
lieve, in  the  Chicajjo  Tribiiri'-,  in  relation  to  an  appeal  that  had  been 
made  to  him  by  the  Cobden  Club  for  a  contril)Ution,  to  which  he  re- 
spondcil  by  j»iving$5(),  had  his  attention  called  to  the  mcsaafje,  and  he 
was  asked  whether  the  Cobden  Club  would  take  any  part  in  the  cominn 
canipai>;n,  and  he  said: 

■' We  have  no  need  of  allies  since  the  President  sent  his  raessai^e  to 
<"onnreH.s.  I  shall  never  be  able  to  describe  the  joy  with  which  I  read 
that  nieHsa^e.  I  was  in  New  York.  I  was  standin)^  at  the  corner  of  Wall 
street  and  Broadway.  I  took  the  paper  mechanically  from  anewf^boy,  ex 
pecting  nothing  but  a  repetition  of  former  meesages.  When  my  eyes  fell  on 
the  pages  I  grew  suddenly  intent.  The  great  crowd  swept  by  me,  but  I 
did  not  see  it.  People  jostled  me,  but  I  did  not  feel  them.  AH  I  felt  was 
that  the  is'^ue  of  tree  trade  was  now  deciaivelv  brought  before  the 
American  people,  and  that  its  cause  was  more  than  half  won." 

The  interviewer  then  said:  "  How  do  you  suppose  the  President  ar- 
rived at  his  present  views?"  and  Mr.  Ilurd  replied  : 

"He  came  to  Washinj^ton  predisposed  to  free  trade,  There  he  met 
Carlisle;  he  met  Morrison;  he  wa3  in  daily  intercourse  with  the  oppon- 
ents of  protection.  He  saw  his  duty  clearly  ahead  of  him,  and  when 
duty  beckons  to  President  Cleveland  no  power  on  earth  can  turn  him 
aaitle  from  it." 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1011. 

Mossage  (Cleveland's),  How  interpreted  by  ftree-traders- 
.11  r.  WatterMon. 

"So.  020.— P''rhai)8  the  next  most  conspicuous  representative  of  free- 
tradf'senHtnent  in  the  country  outside  of  Congress  may  be  said  to  be  Mr. 
Henry  Watterson.  He  spoke  only  so  lately  as  January  21,  in  New  York, 
and  th*i  toast  to  which  he  spoke  was  "The  platform  and  the  outlook.' 
He  said : 

"The  platform  is  the  message — the  Presidf^nt's  message. 

"  The  outlook  is  mopt  encouraging.  Considering  how  the  painted  bar 
lot  of  protection  i.swhistling  to  keep  her  courage  up  as  she  stalks  across 
the  graveyard  of  fals*'  vows  and  broken  promises  she  has  made  mainly 
to  the  work-pp'>plp,  I  phonld  call  it  a.s.snred. 

"  For  more  than  a  year  my  fear  has  been  that  we  might  not  be  able  in 
advance  of  onr  national  convention  to  close  ranks  and  move  in  a  solid  col- 
umn against  the  enemy  on  distinct  lines  of  our  own  deliberate  choosing.'' 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1011. 

JfessaRe    CC'lovelaudN),  How  interpreted  by  frce-trader»— 
Henry  dJeorge. 

Xo.  031.— Mr.  President,  I  think  there  will  be  no  question  made  but 
that  lltury  George  is  a  free-trader.  He  thinks  the  President's  message 
was  a  froe-tratle  message.  Only  so  short  a  time  ago  as  Saturd  ly  evening, 
in  an  interview,  published  in  this  city,  he  is  represented  aa  writing  a  tele- 
gram when  he  was  found  by  the  interviewer,  and  he  said  : 

"  If  the  Democrats  fight  on  the  plain  issue  of  free  trade,  and  make  it 
strong,  I  think  the^  will  win.  But  they  must  go  into  it  boldly.  It  won't 
do  to  be  '  man  'fraid  of  his  horse.'  If  Mr.  Cleveland  sticks  to  his  message 
he  will  be  eloctrd." 

He  turned  to  translate  his  dispatch  to  the  oi>erator,  and  then  added: 

"  They  must  make  the  issue  free  trade." 
256 


»  MES-MIL 

'  You  look  upon  the  President's  message  as  a  free-trade  iloonnient  ?  " 
vi'.'i,'('3ted  the  Star. 

•  Certainly,"  wag  the  reply.    "  Don't  you  ?    If  they  stand  by  that  it  will 
f      130  all  ripht." 

Not  only  Democrats  but  Republicans  took  it  in  that  sense. 

—Senator  Plait,  Record,  1012. 

3fc*iNaec  (ClcvoIaiKlN;^  iKuoros  all  qiiestioiiN  but  ouo. 

.\o.  02U.— He  Hent  to  Ci>ni;re.Hsat  itH  oncniiiL'  the  most  remarkable 
paper  evtr  Huhmitted  to  Con^ct^s  by  the  Chief  Executive  oflicpr  of  the 
Tsation.  He  did  it.  I  euppow,  in  what  he  thought  was  the  d'scharpe  of 
his  constitutional  duty  to  communicate  to  Congress  from  time  to  limo 
*'  information  of  the  S'ate  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  con- 
sideration such  measures  as  he  shall  judpe  necessary  and  expedient." 
Uiit  no  President  preceding  him  ever  omitted  to  pive  Conpress  fill  infor- 
mation as  to  the  sute  of  the  Union.  No  other  Presidenl  ha^  iL'mrid  all 
questions  but  one.  In  our  darkest  days,  in  all  our  warp,  in  tiie  war  of 
IS  12,  and  in  our  recent  war  of  the  rebellion,  a  ['resident  of  the  United 
States  never  hesitated  and  never  failed  to  communicate  to  Conpr««8  full 
information  relating  to  all  tlie  departmentd  of  Government  such  as  he 
thought  Congress  needed  to  receive. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1011. 

]VIeHi>i«KO  (Cleveland's)  roatlM  like  speech  of  John  ISriKlit. 

No.  033. — They  declare  that  his  message  reads  like  an  ex'raot  from 
some  old  speech  of  John  Bright;  that  it  is  good  new.s  for  P^ngland  and 
means  an  increased  woolen  and  iron  trade.  Tney  claim  thit  the  "'  Mills 
bill"  will  put  into  the  Briii-<h  treasury  an  extra  hundred  million  of  dol- 
la'^s  per  annum,  and  that  its  passaze  will  insure  the  reduction  o(  the  Irish 
hibnrer's  wapes  and  cripple  his  linancial  ability  to  aid  hi^  countrymen  in 
their  struiigle  for  parliamentary  independence.  The  folio  winii  is  a  recent 
dispatch  lo  the  New  York  Herald  from  a  distinguished  member  of  the 
Bri"i«h  Parliament  : 

"  To  convert  the  United  S*»*es  is  indeed  a  triumph.  The  Cobden  Club 
will  hen(;eforth  set  up  a  special  shrine  for  the  worwhip  of  President  Cleve- 
land and  send  him  all  its  publications  gratis.  Cobden  founded  free  trade  ; 
<Jleveland  saved  it." 

— WooDBDRN,  Record,  4002. 

Milk.     (Soo  Xo.  571.) 

JtlillinK  -Wheat  in  transit. 

Xo.  021.— After  the  law  plicing  a  duty  upon  wheat  was  enacted 
wluatbuyer?<  of  Minnesota,  Mdwankee,  Ciicjijo,  and  other  plices  ap- 
plied to  toe  Treasury  Department  of  the  United  StaU>8  for  permission  to 
ship  wheat  purc;ha8e<l  in  Manitoba  an<l  intended  f  )r  Kumpe  thrini«h  the 
irnite<l  Sta'ee  free  of  duty  and  as  a  ma'ter  of  conveni"nct»  to  them.  This 
favor  was  granted  to  them  by  the  then  S'»Tetary  of  the  Treisnry.  Sub- 
se(]upntly,  and  afer  th»  city  of  Minne.ijKilis  became  the  pr*»a'  (l'>iir  man- 
ufa<"uring  city  of  .\iuericA  and  the  ciHtom  of  what  we  term  there  "  mill- 
ing in  tran  it  "  i-ame  to  prevail,  another  api'llation  was  maile  lo  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasu'-y — who,  if  I  re<v)Ilpct  riiiht,  was  the  Hon.  William 
Windom,  of  our  own  State — to  allow  the  wheat  purchast*<l  in  Manitiba 
intended  for  the  Kuro{>ean  marknt.  to  be  alno  "  milled  intr.»n-li"  in 
Minneapolis  in  the  H.irne  manner  as  wheat  bought  in  Dakota  Territory 
and  Minnesota  was  done. 

xvii  257 


MIL 

Here,  perliape,  I  ought  to  explain  what  is  meant  by  "milling  in  tran- 
pit."  It  is  the  result  of  railroad  competition.  The  diirfrenl  railroade 
which  convey  wheat  entirely  over  their  own  lines  from  points  alx)ve  and 
beyond  Minneai)oli8  and  Sf.  Paul  toChicaa;o  or  Md  waiikee  orother  points 
eastward  contract  with  millers  and  with  buyers  to  haul  the  wheat  pur- 
chased by  them,  from  the  points  where  purchased,  to  the  eastern  termi- 
nus of  their  road,  and,  as  a  matter  of  convenience,  permit  them  to  unload 
wheat  at  Minneapolis  or  8t.  Paul,  or  wherever  it  is  to  be  manufaciurtd 
into  Hour  and  milled  ;  and  then  they  are  allowed  to  ship  the  like  num- 
ber of  pounds  in  the  form  of  (lour  that  they  broujiht  to  the  millinu 
point  in  the  Ibrm  of  wheat.  In  this  way  wheat  can  be  ptirchased  at 
points  in  the  Nortliwest  and  brou£;ht  to  onr  mills  in  Minnesota  and  be 
manufactured  into  Hour,  and  then  reloaded  and  shipped  to  the  eastern 
terminus  of  the  railroad  which  brought  it  to  the  mill,  and  all  for  one 
single  and  agreed  rate  of  freight. 

This  is  what  is  known  in  Minnesota  as  "  milling  in  transit." 

— Macdonald  (Dem.),  Record,  3945. 

IVIills,  R.  Q.— A  free-trader  by  IiiN  own  words. 

"So.  d'Hi. — God  grant  that  the  day  may  soon  come  when  American 
ships,  freighted  with  American  commerce,  shall  again  g)  to  sea  under 
the  shadow  and  protection  of  our  own  lUg.  But  if  that  day  is  to  come,  it 
must  be  preceded  by  a  reversal  of  the  policy  of  commercial  restriction. 

We  must  remove,  both  by  legislation  and  diplomacy,  every  hindering 
cause  that  prevents  the  free  exchange  of  the  products  of  our  labor  with 
all  the  markets  of  the  world.  We  must  unfetter  every  arm  and  let  every 
muscle  strike  for  the  highest  remuneration  for  its  toil.  We  must  let 
wealth — the  creation  of  labor — grow  up  in  all  the  homes  of  our  people. 
Then  every  industry  will  spring  forward  at  a  bound,  and  wealth,  pros- 
perity, and  power  will  bless  the  land  that  is  dedicated  to  free  men,  free 
labor,  and  free  trade. 

—Record,  Ist  sess.,  48th  Cong.,  2991. 

]tlill8,  R.  41.,  deception  of.    (See  No.  252.)    • 

M illH,  R.  <t.,  false  reasoning  of.     ^ 

'So.  <>!26. — Mr.  Chairman,  it  has  often  been  said  that  words  aresome— 
times  uttered  to  reveal  thought  and  sometimes  to  conceal  the  same,  but 
language  never  ought  to  be  us^d  to  deceive  those  to  whom  it  is  addressed.. 
I  cannot  think  for  a  moment  that  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Texas 
[Mr.  Mills]  intended  to  deceive  this  House  when  he  used  the  following 
language,  but  that  his  language  is  misleading  in  substance  and  in  fact 
there  can  be  no  question.     He  says  : 

"  Here  is  a  coarse  wool  suit  of  clothes  such  as  onr  working  people  wear 
in  their  daily  toil  in  the  shop  and  lield.  The  whole  cost  is  $12.  The 
labor  cost  };2.  The  tariff  duty  Is  40  cents  per  pound  and  35  per  cent,  ad 
valorem.  As  the  weight  is  not  given,  we  c-innot  get  the  exact  tariff,  but 
the  duty  on  woolen  clothes  imported  last  year  averaged  54  percent.,  and 
at  that  rate  the  taril!  standri  $»j.4S  to  cover  $2  of  labor  cost." 

Any  one  not  familiar  with  the  gentleman's  statements  would  suppose 
from  this  language  that  the  expense  of  all  the  labor  in  producing  such, 
suit  of  clothes,  including  taking  the  wool  from  the  sheep's  back,  washing 
and  scouring  the  wool,  spinning  the  yarn,  weaving  the  cloth,  and  cutting 
and  making  the  suit  was  but  $2,  when  as  a  matter  of  fact  I  suppose  he 
means  that  the  cost  of  labor  in  simply  making  the  suit  was  only  $2.  I 
am  not  familiar  with  the  actual  cost  price  to  the  wholesale  clothier  for 
the  making  of  Buch  suit ;  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  if  he  had  in- 
quired of  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Morse],  who 
258 


MIL 

is  familiar,  I  dare  say,  with  tlio  matter,  be  would  find  that  $2  for  the 
making  waa  lees  tt-an  the  averaiju  price.  l)ut  the  jientleraan  from  Texas 
eays  tliat  the  duty  upon  the  auit  of  clothes  would  amount  to  ^'G.4S.  I>et 
us  examine  the  matter  an  1  see  if  any  such  statement  is  warranted.  The 
gentleman  has  been  too  lonir  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and 
Means  to  be  unfamiliar  with  the  manner  of  levyinj^  duties  on  foreij,'n  im- 
ports. He  certainly  must  know  that  the  duty  is  levied  upon  the  actual 
market  value  of  the  article  in  the  place  and  country  where  purciiased  or 
])ro  luced,  and  not  upon  the  actual  market  value  of  the  article  here,  yet 
l)e  li^ures  the  rate  of  duty  upon  the  market  value  of  the  article  here  and 
the  retail  price  at  that,  and  lie  impliedly  says  to  this  House  and  the  coun- 
try that  such  is  the  law  and  the  practice  in  levying  duties  upon  foreign 
imports. 

If  this  suit  of  clothes  retailed  at  $12,  the  wholesale  price  was  probably 
f  10,  and  not  over  that.  Now,  if  the  duty  on  the  imported  suit  is  added  to 
the  cost  price,  as  claimed  by  our  Democratic  friends,  let  us  see  what  the 
suit  would  have  cost  in  Europe.  The  suit  of  clothes  would  have  cost  in 
Kurope  $10  at  wholesale  price,  less  the  rate  ofduty.  In  other  words,  the 
suit  of  clothes  in  Europe  at  wholesale  market  price  would  have  co.st  $().")2, 
and  if  the  suit  weighea  3  pounds,  the  average  weight,  the  duty  would  be 
$8.48,  making  $10.  We  see  from  this  that  the  duty  would  have  been  $.'i  48 
instead  of  $0.48,  as  stated  by  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Texas.  The 
real  facts  are  but  little  or  no  clothing  of  this  price  and  description  is  im- 
ported, because  the  same  can  be  bought  in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Bos- 
ton, and  Washington  nearly  or  quite  as  cheaply  as  in  Paris,  Berlin,  or 
IjOndon.  The  language  used  by  him  in  the  other  illu^frations  which  he 
gave  touching  the  duty  and  cost  of  labor  is,  so  far  as  I  have  examined, 
equally  as  misleading  as  this  which  I  have  given. 

—Brewer,  Record,  3607. 

nUlH,  B.  Q.,  Sincerity  of. 

Xo.  027.— If  Mr.  Mills  is  sincere  in  his  argument,  it  is  certain  that 
the  evident  purpose  of  the  bill  that  bears  his  name  is  to  put  the  shoe- 
makers of  New  England  upon  the  deplorable  level  of  the  shoemakers  of 
London.  If  he  succeeds,  tie  will  have  acquired  a  claim  to  immortality 
akin  to  that  of  the  gentleman  that  applied  the  torch  to  the  Ephesian 
temple.    [Applause.] 

A  general  application  of  the  rule  he  has  invoked  means  that  every 
time  he  runs  the  Democratic  dagger  into  the  tariff  schedule  and  cuts  off 
the  duty  on  an  article  of  foreign  importation  it  strikes  down  an  Ameri- 
can industry  that  never  can  be  revived,  unless  the  artisans  it  employs 
are  reduced  to  the  pitiable  level  of  hi.s  foreign  shoemaker. 

— WoonnuKN,  Record,  4004. 

.MillN  bill— A  lone  Ntrido  townrdw  free  frttdo. 

Xo.  OUS. — This  hill  is  a  long  stride  in  the  flirection  of  free  trade,  and 
is  the  inauguration  of  a  tarilf  policy  that  must  eventually  prove  ruinous 
and  disastrous  to  many  important  industries  in  which  my  people  are 
largely  interested ! 

Sir,  the  President  of  the  United  States  haa  boldly  demanded  tariff  re- 
duction in  his  annual  message,  and.  no  matter  how  serious  the  bnsineas 
interests  of  the  country  may  be  affected  thereby,  commands  his  Demo- 
cra'ic  followers  to  see  that  his  wishes  are  complied  with. 

Sir,  I  am  glad  of  one  thinir,  ami  thank  the  I'r«^i<lont  for  tearing  the 
mask  from  the  faces  of  his  Democratic;  free-tra<ie  followers. 

Our  esteemed  colleague  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  K'andnll]  will  hanlly 
have  the  effrontery  to  jmradn  this  free-trade  banner  in  the  great  manu- 
facturing States  of  New  Y»rk,  New  Jersey,  and  Connecticut  before  the 

259 


MIL 

workin)i;nQen  as  the  ponfalon  of  protection  to  American  iniiuetry.  He 
cannot  apain  with  any  (•onBi8ten('y,  nor  without  belying  his  paet  record, 
even  try  to  t^ave  thcisu  Slates  lo  the  Democratic  parly  next  fall,  as  he  di*l 
four  years  a^o!  If  the  Democratic  party  intends  to  commit  politicid 
hari-kari  by  patsing  the  Mills  tarill"  bill,  1  feel  very  sure  that  brother 
Randall  will  hardly  be  one  of  the  chief  mourners  at  the  sad  obfceqiiiea! 

— Bound,  Record,  4182. 

9lills  bill— Ainerioan  workmen,  20,000  coudcnin  ill 

iVo.  G2V. — The  clerk  read  as  lollowe: 

"  PiTTsnuRO,  June  13. 

"The  national  convention  of  the  Amalpamate<l  Association  of  Iron 
and  Steel- Workers,  representing  over  twenty  thousand  skilled  iron 
workf  rs,  to  day  took  a  decided  stand  on  the  tarifl  question  by  the  unani- 
mous adoption  of  the  following  resolution: 

"Jirsolved,  That  we  are  most  emphatii^Uy  opposed  to  any  reduction  of 
the  present  tariff,  and  we  hereby  expreps  our  unqualified  condemnation 
of  the  provisions  of  the  Mills  bill,  believing  as  we  do  that  its  adoption 
as  a  law  would  be  detrimental  to  the  interestfl  of  the  American  working- 
men,  and  we  respectfully  call  upon  our  representatives  in  Congrebs  to 
vote  against  it." 

— Buchanan,  Record,  5713. 
.llill!*  bill,  amend  title  of*. 

Xo.  <»;{<>. — The  peveuty-eight  millions  of  reduction  contemplated  by 
the  Mills  bill  are  taken  from  the  American  people  and  given  to  the  for- 
eign exporter.  It  means  the  destruction  of  the  American  factories  unless 
their  owners  will  put  their  employes  on  the  labor  level  of  Europe  ;  and 
when  they  are  extinct  the  price  of  foreign  goods  is  Rure  to  advance. 

It  is  a  direct  ansault  on  labor.  At  the  proper  time  a  motion  should  be 
made  to  amend  its  title  by  entitlini;  it  an  "An  act  to  destroy  American 
industry,  degrade  labor,  and  to  introduce  the  sweating  system  into  the 
country,  and  for  other  pur{>08fe3." 

— WooDBCRN,  Record,  4004. 

MillH  bill  and  tree  trade  accounted  Tor. 

X«.  0;H.— Tlic  Democratic  party  are  here  as  free-traders  by  reason  of 
unfair  elections  of  members  upon  that  side  of  tlie  House.  If  the  people 
of  these  Uniteil  States  were  permitted  to  put  their  ballots  into  the  boxes 
and  have  them  honestly  counted,  to-day  there  would  be  no  danger  of 
free  trade  in  this  CciUgress.  When  Mr.  Cripp,  of  Georgia,  comes  here 
with  1,702  votes;  when  Mr.  Blount,  of  Treorgin,  comes  here  with  1,724 
votef,  and  when  I  come  here  representing  37,422  voters,  this  proves  that 
one  man  in  twenty  votes  in  the  South,  while  every  man  votes  in  Ohio. 
T^at  is  the  reason  why  these  genilemen  are  here  in  behalf  of  free  trade. 
Tlie  tfn  districts  of  (Jeorgia  elect  ten  representatives  to  this  Chamber, 
and  the  entire  ten  districts  cast  nearly  i:>,000  votes  less  than  are  cast  in 
the  one  district  I  have  the  honor  to  represent,  and  yet  you  have  the  as- 
surance to  tell  me  it  is  a  matter  which  does  not  concern  the  people  of 
Ohio  and  the  North. 

— KENNEor,  Record,  4.361. 
MillM  bill  and  the  present  law. 

\«».  tlJlU.— What  has  become  of  this  farmers'  list  of  duties  in  the 
Mills  bill?  "  Gone  where  the  woodbine  twineth,"  every  one  of  them, 
except  the  following  : 

"  Kice.     Rice  flour.     Paddy,  or  rice  having  outer  hull  on.     Peanuts." 

There  is  nothing  mean  about  this;  is  there?    Oh,  no ;  every  iirain, 
all  meats,  vegetables,  potatoes,  hay,  and,  in  abort,  everything  the  Nortti- 
200 


.    "Mil. 

ern  farmer  raisop,  dropped  quietly  out  of  (he  present  dutiable  list,  while 
the  presit  rit-e  an(i  leps  important  peanut  cropie  duly  cared  for.  (See  aI»o 
Agricultural  products.) 

— Struble,  Record,  4323. 
.^LiilM  bill— A  party  lueasarc. 

\o.  (Kt:t. — Mr.  (Jhairman,  in  some  remarks  which  I  had  the  honor 
to  submit  during  (he  general  debate  on  tliis  bill,  on  the  2J  ol  Mty  la-t,  I 
declared  my  jmrpose  to  oiler  or  support  an  amendment  to  re<luce  the 
duties  on  the  manufacture^  pnxlucta  of  wool  to  an  average  ad  valorem  of 
2o  per  cent.  I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  these  duties  ou<;ht  to  be  re- 
duced, and  under  ordinary  circumstances  I  would  faithfully  execute  the 
intention  then  expres-sed.  It  was  done  in  advance  of  the  authoritative 
action  of  the  conventions  of  my  party,  both  in  my  own  State  and  at  St. 
Louis,  and  before  the  Democratic  Representatives  in  Congress  had  held 
anv  conference  with  reference  to  the  line  of  policy  to  be  pursued  upon 
this  bill. 

In  pood  faith  I  submitted  and  urged  before  our  party  council,  held  in 
this  Hall,  the  amendment  mentioned  ;  and  while  I  believe  it  ouv'ht  to 
have  been  adopted,  still  in  the  judgment  of  a  majority  of  my  political 
associates  it  was  deemed  inexpedient  to  disturb  in  this  respect  the  meas- 
ure reported  by  the  majority  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means. 

This  bill  has  received  the  sanction  and  approval  of  the  Democratic 
party,  and  has  become  essentially  a  party  measure.  And  in  keeping 
with  its  councils  and  declarations  I  shall  yield  for  the  time  being  my  p»'r- 
eonal  inclinations  to  its  aggregate  wisdom  and  decline  to  break  its  ranks 
in  favor  of  any  individual  committal  or  conviction. 

— Lanham,  Record,  6753. 

]*IillM  bill— A  Ncctional  combine. 

3^0.0:11. — Talk  about ''combines  "  in  Congress  to  reduce  the  tariff 
wherever  it  can  be  done!  It  mmt  result  in  free  trade  for  Western  farm 
proilucts  and  protection  to  those  of  the  South  and  E-ist. 

What  reason  is  there  for  the  .\merican  people  paying  fifty  millions  to 
protect  a  sugar  industry  only  worth  all  tol<i  about  six  millions  per  annum? 
What  jus'ice  is  there  in  the  Northern  f.irmer  or  8to<'k-rai.«er  paying  tin- 
rice-raiser  and  cotton-grower  a  triitute  and  getting  nothing  in  return  .' 
We  pee  here  the  result  of"  the  combine  to  reduce  taxation."  This"  com- 
bine "simply  proposes,  in  its  hupreme  seltishnes.",  to  strike  down  the 
weak  and  bolster  up  the  strong,  as  represented  in  this  Ilou-e. 

Castor  beans  and  oil,  a  Southern  pro<luct,  is  protected  amply  ;  Northern 
beans  and  peas  are  duty  free,  upon  the  principle,  I  snpp'»se,  that  babies 
Cxinnot  tell  the  difference  between  high-priced  oil  and  cheap  peas  and 
beans. 

— Morrow,  Record,  5791. 

.MillH  bill— A  Hoctional  tnrifT. 

No.  A!{<5. — Why,  gentlemen,  you  raise  the  sectional  question  your- 
selves in  llie  bill  which  you  have  submitted  to  the  House — make  a  dis- 
tinction between  the  sections  of  the  cjuntry  in  (renting  onewTtion  to 
free  trade  and  low  duties  and  the  other  to  high  duties.  I  simply  stated 
the  fact.  That  fact  came  out  mostclearlv  in  tliefliHcuHsion  of  thearnend- 
nient  of  my  colleajjue  from  Maiim  [Mr.  hinuh'v]  this  afternoon.  WImmi 
he  proposed  to  reduce  the  dutv  on  sugar  to  41  [xt  cent. — a  duty  eipial  to 
the  average  duty  ufxin  articles  in  the  duti.ibie  list — how  readily  <iur 
friends  on  the  other  ."ide  voted  that  proposition  down  and  insisted  on 
(18  per  cent. 

If  you  look  at  the  schedule  yon  will  find  that  while  the  duties  on 
Northern  productions  are  to  day  not  morcttian  an  average  of  27  per  cent., 

20 1 


MIL 

tho  duty  on  iSouthom  productions,  including  the  high  diitiee  upon  supai* 
and  rice,  ifl  more  than  75  per  cent.  Still,  when  we  ask  for  something 
like  a  fair  ciiualization  of  duties,  you  say  we  are  raising  a  sectional  ques- 
tion. 

— MiMJKKN,  Record,  656G. 

>IillM  bill— A  Koutheru  purtiMau  measure. 

Xo.  O:i0.— It  is  cunfeseedly  a  partinun  measure,  and  was  framed  in 
the  interest  of  a  party  whose  leaders  appear  to  be  oblivious  to  the  over- 
whelming social  and  economic  changes  wrought  by  the  abolition  of 
slavery.  The  bill  is  an  anachronism;  it  lias  no  relation  to  this  era ;  it 
belongs  to  the  saddest  epoch  in  our  national  history,  the  period  between 
1S24  and  1801.  Daring  that  period  slavery  dominated  our  national  coun- 
cils and  guided  the  ailmiuistration  of  our  national  alfairs,  in  hostility  to 
national  interest*),  and  in  tho  interest  of  free  trade  twice  threatened  war. 

"The  opposition  to  the  protective  tariff  by  the  South  arose  from  two 
caupcs,  the  lirst  openly  avowed  at  the  time,  and  the  second  clearly  de- 
ducible  from  the  policy  it  pursued  ;  the  one  to  secure  the  foreign  market 
for  its  cotton,  the  other  to  obtain  a  bountiful  supply  of  provisions  at  cheap 
rates.    *    *    * 

"  A  manufacturing  population,  with  its  mechanical  coadjutors,  in  the 
midst  of  the  provision  growers,  on  a  scale  such  as  the  protective  policy 
contemplated,  it  was  conceived  would  create  a  p)ermanent  market  for 
their  products  and  enhance  the  price,  whereas  if  this  manufacturing 
could  be  prevented  and  a  system  or  free  trade  adopted,  the  South  would 
constitute  the  principal  provision  market  of  the  country  and  the  fertile 
lands  of  the  North  supply  the  cheap  food  demanded  for  its  slaves."  *  *  * 

— Kklley,  liecord,  3104. 

JVlillM  bill  as  pasMcd. 

Xo.  0:t7. — The  total  reductions  on  the  revenues  derived  from  im- 
ports by  the  bill  as  amended  amounts  to  $')0  'y'MM'M],  of  which  $30,8:-!2,7'.tl 
are  redactions  on  the  dutiable  list  and  ^l'.»,7.")S,S4.")  are  reductioun  from 
articles  placed  on  the  free-list.  These  are  small  reductions,  exceedingly 
moderate,  yet  this  bill  has  been  stigmatized  as  a  free-trade  measure. 

— MiLM,  Record,  7342. 

Mills  bill— Canada  wants  it  badly. 

>o.  0:i*^. — This  is  not  the  only  forum  where  the  Mills  bill  is  being  dis- 
cusstd.  It  is  being  discussed  V)y  our  neighbors  In  Canada  quite  as  much 
as  here,  and  perhaps  more  ably.  In  his  speech,  Mr.  Tupper,  in  answer- 
ing to  Parliament  for  his  doings  at  Washington,  explaining  the  conces- 
sions made  to  the  United  States  and  why  made,  said  : 

"  We  have  made  concessions,  as  I  have  said,  but  we  have  made  them 
with  the  avowed  ol)ject  of  })lacing  all  our  people,  not  only  the  fishermen, 
but  the  acriculturalists,  the  lumberman,  every  man  in  this  country,  in  a 
better  relation  with  the  TJnited  States  than  he  was  before.  *  *  * 
What  is  the  result?  The  ink  is  barely  dry  aj)on  this  treaty  before  Mr. 
Mills,  as  the  representative  of  the  (lovernment  and  chairman  of  the 
Ways  and  Mean?,  bring-t  forward  a  measure  to  do  what?  Why,  to  make 
free  articles  thai  (!anada  sends  into  the  United  States,  and  upon  which 
last  year  $l,8C0,O00  of  duty  was  paid." 

— Allen,  Michigan,  Record, 4983. 

.Mills  bill— F^n£;lishoniissariesaud<,'alhoun  «lisciplcH  arc  itM 
supporters. 

Xo.  <>:tl>. — Pe  itions  come  here  from  the  men  in  the  mills,  the  facto- 
lics,  ami  workshops  of  the  ountrie?,  frnm  the  mnimfac'urers  who  qive 
them  employment,  from  the  farmers  and  stock-raisers,  from  the  lumber- 
202 


J 


MIL 

Often,  and  from  the  miners,  aakin^  for  the  preservation  of  this  policy,  and 
for  the  defeat  of  the  Mills  bill  afl  the  forerunner  of  itH  destructidn  ;  hut 
where  arnthe  petitions  from  the  people  anywhere  in  all  the  lan<l  a-«kin>c 
for  a  reduction  of  tarill  diitits?  Who  ia  it  that  inspires  this  crneade 
Anainst  the  industries  or  the  country  ?  Not  the  farmers,  not  the  inanu- 
fjiclurers,  not  the  workinjjiuen  ;  no,  not  these,  but  would-be  polilieal 
eeonoraistH,  with  learning'  enoni;h  to  be  dangerous;  disciples  of  Calhoun, 
who  have  never  l)een  charvred  with  the  nspfjnsilMlities  of  ^'oyernment 
until  within  the  lawt  three  years,  ami  whose  knowled^je  of  any  industrial 
system  is  of  one  that  is  dead,  and  into  which  the  question  of  waj?es  never 
entered,  and  lCn^'ii-<h  emissaries  of  free  trade,  organized  for  the  conquest 
of  the  American  market. 

— Thompson,  Ohio,  Kecord,4321. 

MLilK  bill— EflTect  on  buNiuoNN  of'conntry. 

S*i.  010.— Now,  Mr.  Chairman.  I  h'^ard  my  colleaj?ue  from  Pennsyl- 
vania [Mr.  Scott]  say  in  debate  the  other  evening;,  in  his  colloquy  with 
niv  other  colleague,  Jud^^e  Kelley,  that  this  bill  disturbed  the  Dusiness 
interests  of  the  country.     He  said  : 

"  I  believed,  sir,  that  it  was  my  duty,  as  a  member  of  this  House,  in 
behalf  of  the  business  men  of  this  country,  whose  interests  are  more  or 
less  atTected  by  even  the  discussion  of  this  bill  [derisive  crias  on  the  He- 
publican  side],  to  make  every  endeavor  to  get  a  vote  on  the  bill  at  the 
■earliest  possible  date,  so  that  the  country  would  know — so  that  the  busi- 
ness men  of  the  country  would  know — what  they  have  to  do  to  manage 
their  own  affairs.  I  hail  no  other  interest,  Mr.  Chairman,  and  no  other 
object  iu  view,  because,  as  a  business  man,  and  I  claim  to  be  one,  I  know 
that,  whether  this  bill  may  be  for  the  best  interests  of  the  country  if  it 
should  become  a  law,  or  whether  it  may  be  detrimental,  during  its  agi- 
tation no  merchant,  no  manufacturer,  no  businessman  atfected  by  it  can 
tell  from  one  day  to  the  next  what  he  can  do  or  ounht  to  do  in  the  man- 
agement of  his  business."     [Derieive  laughter  on  the  Republican  side.] 

Now.  sir,  inasmuch  as  we  are  sure  this  bill  will  pass  the  House  sub- 
stantially in  its  present  form,  what  must  be  thought  of  the  confession  of 
that  business  representative  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  that 
the  mere  agitation  of  this  bill  is  disturbing  the  Ijusiness  of  the  country, 
and  that  ni>  merchant,  no  manufacturer,  no  busine^ss  man  knows  what 
he  nliould  do  orcein  do  until  the  fate  of  the  bill  shall  be  determined  ?  If 
the  agitAtion  of  this  mea.sure  causes  detriment  to  the  business  interests 
of  this  country,  what  will  the  passage  of  the  bill  do? 

— Baynb,  Record,  6GG7. 

niilla  bill— FarniorH  don't  \tnnt  it. 

!Vo.  Oil.— .Vnd  I  now  and  here  charge  that  not  a  single  petition  from 
a  single  fanner  in  all  the  Cnited  States  can  be  fouml  in  the  Mom  of  the 
Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  lu^kin^  for  the  pansageof  the  "  Mdlsbill" 
or  for  "  free  w.x)l."  In  the  silence  of  that  committee-room  to-day,  un- 
read, "unwept,  unhonored,  and  unsuntr,"  are  {)etition8  signed  by  tliou- 
ean-'s  of  farmers  asking  that  this  bill  be  not  pa«»ed,  or  at  lea.'<t  ttiat  the 
tarilFon  wo<d  be  not  removed.  These  petitions  have  gone  there,  and 
there  they  slumber.  They  have  not  been  hear<l  of  here  oHicially  as  yet. 
These  "gentlemen  in  the  rural  di-*tricLs"  and  tln»se  "  deluded  gramrers" 
have  sent  their  petitions,  innocently  supposimj  they  would  be  read  and 
that  pome  attention  w  tid<l  be  paid  to  them  ;  but,  in  the  language  of  Pat- 
rick Henry,  the  petitions  and  the  petitioners  have  been  "spurned  with 
contempt  from  the  foot  of  the  throne." 

— Allks,  Record.  4fl.si, 
2rv; 


MIL 

Mills  bill  -Foreign  i>ro])arations  For  its  passage. 

]Vo.  042.— Foreign  producers  are  already  preparing  for  the  new  or- 
der of  things.  They  are  already  establishing  agencies  in  the  United 
States  preparing  to  invade  and  occupy  this  market. 

I  have  among  my  notes  a  letter  Irom  Andris  Jochams,  of  Charleroip 
Belgium,  proprietors  of  the  La  Providence  Rolling  Mills,  which  gives 
unmistakable  evidence  of  preparation  for  the  passage  of  this  bill. 

"  Charleroi,  le  14th  March,  1888. 

"Dear  Sirs:  I  beg  to  taVe  notice  that  we  have  appointed  Messrs. 
Weir,  Smith  and  Rogers  as  our  sole  and  general  agents  in  the  United 
States  of  America  for  the  sale  of  our  architectural  iron,  as  per  circular 
inclosed,  and  you  will  oblige  us  in  addressing  your  demands  to  them  in 
future. 

'•  With  the  prospect  of  a  reduction  in  duties  on  architectural  iron  and 
steel  in  your  country  we  will  soon  be  ready  to  offer  you  such  advantages 
in  prices  and  quality  thaty<^u  will  find  a  nice  profit  in  importing  from  us." 

The  American  public,  it  will  be  observed,  is  assured  that  "  with  the 
prospect  of  reduction  of  duties  on  architectural  iron  and  steel  in  your 
country  we  will  be  soon  ready  to  offer  you  such  advantages  in  prices 
and  quality  that  you  will  find  a  nice  profit  in  importing  from  us."  Re- 
duced duties  are  to  increase  their  profit  which,  for  the  time,  at  least,  is 
to  be  divided  so  as  to  give  to  the  American  importer  a  "nice  profit." 

— McKiNLKY,  Record,  4756. 

Mills  bill,  gross  inequality  of. 

No.  643. — And  while  seeking  to  retain  this  high  rate  of  duty  on  so 
necessary  an  article  of  food  as  sugar,  the  same  Democratic  majority 
place  on  the  free-list  the  products  of  the  lumber  manufacturing  industry, 
of  the  grain-bag  manufacturing  industry,  of  the  brick-making  industry, 
of  the  rough  building-stone  industry,  and  in  the  original  bill  as  indorsed 
at  St.  Louis,  the  lime  and  wood-pulp  industries,  and  such  products  of 
the  farm  as  wool,  peas,  beans,  vegetables,  encumbers,  tomatoes,  milk, 
meats,  and  poultry  ;  and  seriously  reduce  the  duty  on  manufactured  ar- 
ticles, articles  such  as  we  can  produce  in  this  country  to  the  extent  of 
our  wants,  and  on  which,  for  that  reason,  the  import  duty  is  not  a  tax 
which  increases  the  burden  of  our  people,  but  a  benefit  to  all  classes. 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  6554. 

Mills  bill— How  the  babe  eame  to  be. 

IVo.  644. — I  may  pause  a  moment,  however,  in  passing,  to  say  of  thi&» 
measure  as  a  whole  that  in  its  inception  and  presentation  to  this  House 
it  stands  without  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  American  legislation.  Con- 
ceived in  darkness,  brought  forth  in  secrecy — its  parentage  carefttlly  con- 
cealed— it  was  at  last  laid  at  the  door  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and 
Means  [applause],  where  the  majority  took  it  up  as  tenderly  as  though 
it  were  their  legiiimate  offspring  and  hurriedly  broughtthe  ''lumpof  de- 
formity "  into  this  House,  to  be  adopted  by  the  Democratic  party  and. 
nursed  by  the  harlot  of  free  trade.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  Butwhat- 
ever  its  parentage,  whether  British  free-trader  or  the  Cobden  Club- 
either  of  whom  are  capable  of  the  outrage — ^justice  compels  me  to  state 
that  public  suspicion  does  not  attach  to  any  member  of  the  majority 
[laughter]  ;  and  in  further  vindication  of  their  high  character  it  will  be 
no  violation  of  the  secrets  of  the  committee  room  to  state  that,  whert: 
pressed  upon  this  point,  there  was  no  member  of  the  majority  so  lost  tC'. 
all  sense  of  personal  pride  as  to  admit  the  parentage.     [Applause.] 

{  See  also  No.  654.) 

— Burrows,  Record,  3447. 

264 


MIL 

Mills  bill.  ineonsi«iitency  ot*. 

No.  645. — Thf  se  gentlemen,  therefore,  irf  voting  to  put  lumber  on  the 
free-list  as  a  lu.ans  of  preserving  ourforests,  voted  to  diminish  the  supply 
of  fuel  lo  thesak  works  of  the  Saginaw  Valley.  They  therefore  voted  to  in 
creasethecostof  making ealtin  the  United  States.  They  therefore  votedin 
favor  of  increasing  the  cost  of  making  caustic  soda  in  the  United  States. 
They  also  are  bound  by  caucus  decree  to  retain  the  duty  on  caustic  soda. 
They  therefore  vote, according  to  their  own  reasoning,  in  favor  of  increas- 
ing the  cost  of  making  soap  and  crude  glycerine  in  the  United  States. 
Yet  as  soon  as  I  shall  have  finished  my  remarks  they  will  probably  vote 
^ith  alacrity,  if  not  with  understanding,  in  favor  of  putting  soap  and 
crude  glycerine  on  the  free-list.  With  equal  alacrity  and  without  the 
slightest  regard  for  consistency,  they  will  probably,  when  we  come  to  tlie 
dutiable  list  of  this  bill,  vote  to  retain  the  duty  on  refined  glycerine.  In 
short,  there  is  no  consistency  whatever  in  the  pending  bill. 

— Adams,  Record,  5731. 

Mills  bill— Reduction;*. 

]Vo.  040. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  bill  under  consideration,  named  hy 
compliment  the  "Mills  bill,"  proposes  a  reduction  in  our  national  reve- 
nue of  §53,720,447,  based  on  importations  of  1 887.  The  value  of  these  im- 
portations was  $79,879,108  on  the  free-list  and  $178,329,048  on  the  du'ia- 
ble  list,  or  a  total  of  $258,208,157.  The  bill  also  proposes  an  internal -reve- 
nue tax  reduction  of  $24,455,607,  which,  added  to  the  reduction  of  import 
duties,  gives  a  total  proposed  reduction  of  $78,1 76,054. 

— Fabquhak,  Record,  4484. 
Mills  bill  increasing  revenue. 

]Vo.  047. — But  this  "  Mills  bill  "  is  in  other  respects  a  most  remark- 
able docament.  Regarded  simply  as  a  device  for  reducing  revenue,  with- 
out acknowledging  the  principle  of  protection,  this  bill  is  entirely  inade- 
quate. It  should  go  much  farther,  for  under  the  most  liberal  construc- 
tion of  its  most  ardent  admirers  too  small  an  amount  will  be  saved  to 
the  country  to  give  it  credit  as  a  revenue  bill.  Yet  it  is  quite  susceptible 
of  proof  that  it  would  not  only  not  reduce  the  revenue,  but  under  its 
operation,  should  it  become  a  law,  it  would  increase  the  revenues  by  more 
than  $11,000,000  over  the  present  receipts,  so  that  as  a  bill  to  reduce  the 
revenue  it  is  an  utter  and  complete  failure. 

— Allen,  IMassachusetts,  Record,  3841. 

Mills  bill— Its  sectional  character. 

Xo.  048. — I  want  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  farmers  out  in 
the  Western  country,  when  they  buy  hoop-iron  to  put  on  their  barrels, 
or  for  any  of  the  various  purposes  for  which  hoop-iron  is  used,  if  they 
should  import  that  hoop-iron,  would  have  to  pay  under  this  bdl  a  duty 
of  1  cent  per  pound,  or  at  the  rate  of  $22.40  a  ion,  while  those  who  buy 
hoop-iron  in  the  Sou. hern  States,  the  cotton-growing  States,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  baling  their  cotton,  if  they  should  import  that  hoop>-iron,  will  get 
it  free  of  duty. 

Mr.  AVEBKR.    The  same  kind  of  iron? 

Mr.  BAYNE.  Precisely  the  same  kind  of  iron — the  same  quality,  the 
same  in  every  respect.  In  the  one  case  the  declaration  that  this  hoop- 
iron  is  to  go  upon  a  cotton-bale  admits  the  iron  free  to  tie  farmer  or 
agricultural  producer  of  the  South,  while  the  declaration  of  the  firmer 
in  the  West  that  he  needs  this  hoop-iron  for  putting  on  a  barrel  or  for 
the  other  purposes  for  which  the  farmer  of  the  West  may  require  it> 
subjects  this  iron,  if  it  be  imported,  to  the  payment  of  a  duty  of  1  cent 
a  pound. 

— Baynk,  Record,  6419. 
2n5 


MIL 

9IillM  bill  iucrea»ieN  revenue. 

No.  649. — Mr.  Chairman',  I  will  not  vote  for  this  bill.  1  trust  it  will 
not  become  a  law.  It  is  entitled  ''A  bill  to  reduce  taxation  and  simplify 
the  laws  in  relation  to  the  collection  of  the  revenue."  In  my  opinion, 
should  it  become  a  law  it  will  not  reduce  taxation,  it  will  not  decrease 
tlie  revenue,  nor  will  it  simplify  the  manner  of  collecting  it.  It  will 
change  the  articles  on  which  revenue  is  collected,  but  it  will  increase  in 
the  ajrgregate  the  revenue  therefrom  so  far  as  customs  duties  are  concerned. 
In  other  words,  the  reduction  occasioned  by  the  transfer  of  articles  now 
on  the  dutiable  to  the  free-list  will  be  overcome  by  the  increased  importa- 
tion of  those  articles  on  which  the  rates  have  been  reduced.  Our  experi- 
ence of  the  past  few  years  demonstrates  this  to  be  true.  That  we  have 
a  surplus  revenue  and  that  it  should  be  reduced  all  will  concede.  How 
is  the  reduction  to  be  made?  That  is  the  controversy.  I  would  make  it 
in  a  spirit  of  fairness  to  all  our  interests  and  with  a  desire  to  protect  our 
agricultural,  mining,  and  manufacturing  industries  and  the  labor  and 
capital  employed  therein,  and  not  with  a  declaration  of  war  againptthem 
all,  as  I  find  in  the  Mills  bill,  now  under  consideration.  This  reduction 
should  be  made  by  the  friends  of  the  protective  system,  not  by  its 
avowed  enemies. 

— GoFF,  Record,  3613. 

Mill.>4  bill— Labor  ori;auizations  ags^ainst  it. 

^To.  650. — Whereas  it  is  now  apparent  to  every  workingman  that  the 
prevailing  agitation  of  the  tariff  question  and  the  proposed  reduction  of 
duties  are  destroying  confidence  in  business,  reducing  wages  in  some  oc- 
cupations and  stopping  altogether  the  wages  in  others  ; 

Thereff^re,  we,  the  workingmen  of  the  city  of  New  York,  in  mass  meet- 
ing afsembled,  earnestly  protesting  against  the  passage  of  the  Mills  tariff 
bill  and  against  any  and  all  measures  of  a  similar  character  which 
threaten  the  labor  and  industry  of  our  country  and  propose  to  lower  the 
American  standard  of  wages,  do  hereby  declare  and  proclaim  the  follow- 
ing resolutions : 

"Resohed,  That  we  call  upon  our  fellow-workingmen  in  all  parts  of  the 
land  to  rise  up  and  denounce  the  Mills  tariff  bill  as  a  menace  to  our  wel- 
fare and  to  our  rights  as  citizens,  which  threatens  to  deprive  us  of  the 
opportunities  of  education  afforded  by  the  American  system  of  high 
■wages,  and  we  denounce  as  a  fraud  the  free-trade  argument  that  the  cost 
of  living  in  this  country  is  increased  in  proportion  to  the  rates  of  duty  on 
imports,  except  as  we  choose  and  are  able  to  live  better  here  than  our 
unfortunate  rivals  in  foreign  countries. 

"Resolved,  That  copies  of  these  resolutions  be  s°nt  to  the  President  and 
every  member  of  Congress." 

— Farquhar,  Record,  448-7. 

Jlill*^  bill— No  demand  for  it. 

]Vo.  651. — This  measure  is  not  called  for  by  the  people ;  it  is  not  an 
American  measure,  is  inspired  by  importers  and  foreign  producers,  most 
of  them  aliens,  who  want  to  diminish  our  trade  and  increase  their  own. 
■who  want  to  decrease  our  prosperity  and  augment  theirs,  and  who  have 
no  interest  in  this  country  except  what  they  can  make  out  of  it.  To  this 
is  added  the  influence  of  the  professors  in  some  of  our  inptitutions  of 
learning,  who  teach  the  science  contained  in  books  and  not  that  of  prac- 
tical business.  I  would  rather  have  my  political  economy  founded  upon 
the  every-day  experience  of  the  puodler  or  the  potter  than  the  learning 
of  the  professor,  the  farmer  and  factory  hand  than  the  college  faculty. 
Then  there  is  another  class  who  want  protective  tarifTs  overthrown. 
"They  are  the  men  of  independent  wealth,  with  settled  and  steady  in- 
2G6 


MIL 

«-omes,  wbo  want  everything  cheap  but  currency,  the  value  of  everything 
clipped  but  coin — cheap  labor  but  dear  money.  Those  are  the  elements 
which  are  arrayed  against  us. 

— McKiNLKY,  Record,  4751. 

Itlills  bill— No  petitions  for  it,  many  against. 

Xo.  65:2- — I  do  not  recall  that  a  single  petition  has  been  presented 
asking  for  the  passage  of  the  Mills  bill.  Wiien  the  American  people  are 
interested  they  let  that  interest  be  known.  If  the  people  of  these  United 
States,  or  any  considerable  number  of  them,  desired  the  passage  of  the 
Mills  bill,  think  you,  sir,  they  would  have  remained  so  long  silent?  Has 
not  nearly  every  gentleman  on  this  floor  received  many  petitions  in 
reference  to  the  copyright  bill,  the  pension  bills,  the  educational  bill,  the 
swamp-^and  bill,  the  direct-tax  bill,  and  numerous  otber  measures  now 
pending  before  the  House?  Have  we  not  all  received  protests  against 
this  bill?  If  petitions  have  been  sent  here  favoring  its  passage  they 
have  been  smothered  in  obscurity. 

—Sherman,  New  York,  Record,  4321. 

Mills  bill— No  protection  to  rarmers. 

Xo.  653.— I  have  noticed,  however,  that  of  the  classes  of  people  sin- 
gled out  in  this  discussion,  the  farmer,  laboring  man,  and  manufacturer 
■Are  those  receiving  the  most  attention.  The  free-trader  in  profession  is 
the  devoted  friend  of  the  farmer,  likewise  of  the  laboring  man.  Oh, 
how  he  loves  them  !  As  the  soul  of  Jonathan  was  knit  to  that  of  David, 
so,  if  you  will  let  him  tell  it,  is  the  soul  of  a  free  trader  knit  to  the  farmer 
and  laboring  man  ;  but  these  being  thus  knit  together,  according  to  the 
free-trader's  imaginings,  the  manufacturer  is  the  hated  and  detested  Saul 
who  is  ever  seeking  to  destroy  them.  I  think  I  have  shown  how  the 
Southern  free-trader's  soul  in  this  case  is  "  knit"  to  that  of  the  farmer. 
The  "  knitting  "  is,  in  so  far  as  every  product  of  the  farm  is  concerned,  to 
the  neglect  of  the  farmer  and  pinning  him  to  the  free-list.  Not  in  an 
open,  frank,  manly  way,  but  by  quietly  dropping  him  out  of  sight  as  to 
practical  benefits,  while  holding  him  up  before  him  to  smile  upon  and 
deceive,  as  matter  of  fact. 

— Strdble,  Record,  4326. 

Mills  bill— Parentage  and  birth  of.    (See  also  No.  64 1.) 

No.  G51. — Yet,  with  all  your  boasted  promitjes,  you  have  produced, 
after  three  years  of  labor,  this  ghastly  abortion,  and  hope  it  may  be  the 
saviour  of  your  party.  But,  sir.  it  is  the  last  kick  in  the  dying  struggle 
of  Bourbonism.  It  is  cowardly  in  ita  birth,  sectional  in  its  essence,  par- 
tisan in  its  purpose,  and  destructive  in  its  effect.  It  was  conceivfd  in 
•disloyalty,  delivered  in  envy  of  the  prosperity  of  your  brothers  of  the 
Nortii  and  West,  cradled  in  the  interest  of  Wall  street.  The  wfiisky 
ring,  (jreat  Britain,  and  the  aristocracy  of  the  South,  nui-sed  at  tiie  ma- 
licious breast  of  conquered  rebellion,  ami,  serpent-like,  it  strikes  with 
venomed  fangs  at  the  innocent  children  of  the  fathers  that  punished 
your  treason. 

— Brumm,  Record,  5221. 

Mills  bill— On  the  free-trade  road. 

i¥o.  6t!»*$. — The  first  cry  for  free  trade  in  England  was  made  precisoly 
as  is  now  presented  in  this  bill — free  raw  material  and  a  slight  reduction 
in  manufactured  goods.  The  average  reduction  in  the  duty  on  gotxis  in 
this  bill  is  7  per  cent.,  and  40  |>er  cent,  is  retained,  while  nearly  all  raw 
material  pro(iuced  on  the  farm  is  dul}'  free. 

The  moment  this  policy  was  adopted  in  England  the  farmer  there 
commenced  to  sutler.     Rents  were  reduced  and  tenants  would  not  meet 

L'07 


MIL 

the  reduction  even.  Millions  of  acres  were  turned  into  pasture  or  other 
jjrouuds,  simply  becau^-e  the  farmer  could  not  sell  his  product  "  in  the 
free  marker,  of  the  world  "  for  sutDcient  to  pay  expenses.  The  misery  in 
Ireland  rpfuUinp  from  free  raw  material  became  oppressive  and  intoler- 
able, and  in  Ivigland  the  farmers  and  peasantry  became  so  reduced  finan- 
cially that  their  condition  is  no  better  than  the  "shilling-per-day  hand  '' 
in  the  coal-pit. 

— GiFFORD,  Record,  5791. 

JUillN  bill— Partisan  and  sectional. 

No.  050. — A  majority  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  allowed  no 
moditication  of  the  bill  unles.?  it  was  suggested  by  the  majority.  So  the 
bill  is  dirttinctivfly  a  partisan  measure — more  exclusively  partisan  than 
any  measure  presented  to  any  United  States  Congress. 

The  bill  is  al'^o  sectional  in  it#  character.  It  is  framed  in  the  interest 
of  the  South  and  Southwest  as  against  the  North  and  Northeast.  In  ad- 
dition to  its  sectionali!?m,  it  raids  the  manufacturing  sections  of  the  conn- 
try  to  divide  booty  with  the  purely  agricultural.  It  is  legalized  commun- 
ism in  the  form  of  national  legislation. 

— Fabquhar,  Record,  4484. 

Mills  bill— Prepared  in  secret  and  enforced  in  cancns. 

No.  6o7. — I  cannot  help  thinking  that  whatever  the  fact  and  what- 
ever th<^  argument,  it  will  be  of  no  avail ;  and  I  cannot  help  feeling  that 
I  speak  to  a  court  which  has  alrea^ly  made  its  decision. 

How  can  I  feel  otherwise  when  I  recall  the  facts?  The  Committee  on 
Ways  and  Means  refused  to  let  any  laborer  or  any  manufacturer  tell  them 
about  the  facts,  refused  to  let  any  representative  make  to  them  any  argu- 
ment, and  then  withdrew  into  the  dark  privately  to  prepare  the  Mills 
bill,  a  code  of  decisions  which,  like  the  laws  of  tne  Medes  and  the  Per- 
sians, altpreth  not.  This  was  the  first  step  in  their  great  drama,  which,  if 
it  is  successfully  carried  to  the  end,  will  be  a  tragedy  to  the  interests  of 
American  industry.  For  their  nextstep,  confronted  with  the  parliament- 
ary necessity  of  taking  their  iron  codes  out  into  the  sunlight  of  the 
House  and  into  the  dangers  of  a  discussion,  forced  to  take  it  into  the 
House,  where  the  sacred  personnel  of  their  own  bench  needed  to  be  en- 
larged by  the  admission  of  the  whole  of  the  Democratic  majority,  there 
waa  but  one  step  left,  and  in  their  desperation  they  had  the  nerve  to  take 
it.  They  summoned  their  majority  and  imposed  an  oath  upon  everyone 
of  them  that  no  Democratic  member  should  vote  in  favor  of  any  amend- 
ment not  adopted  by  the  caucus,  no  matter  how  glaring  was  the  mistake,, 
the  folly,  or  the  injustice  which  the  discussion  in  the  House  might  re- 
veal. 

—Phelps,  Record,  6684. 

mills  bill— Progress  to  IVee  tratle. 

No.  6o>». — You  have  iniugurated  free  trade  as  to  industries  that  have 
far  more  labor  in  them  in  the  Northern  States,  or  in  Republican  States 
or  districts,  than  in  many  industries  in  the  South,  or  the  Democratic  dis- 
tricts or  States,  which  you  still  retain  on  the  dutiable  list.  And  I  desire 
to  call  the  attention  of  gentlemen  to  the  far;t  that  there  is  a  policy  it  this. 
I  aeked  a  gentlemen,  a  member  of  this  House,  a  day  or  two  ago  why  he 
voted  to  place  on  the  free-list  an  induf-try  in  the  Northern  States,  or  a 
Republican  district,  in  which  there  was  a  very  large  proportion  of  labor, 
while  in  another  industry,  in  a  Democratic  State  or  district,  there  was 
noattempt  to  putother  industries,  with  a  less  proportion  of  laborin  them 
on  a  similar  basis?  "Oh,"  said  he,  "  we  will  get  to  the  other  States  and 
.districts  soon." 
263 


MIL 

AV'e  have  got  to  approach  this  thing  by  pteps  in  whatever  we  can  g»t 
the  votes,  and  we  will  have  those  of  you  that  we  put  on  the  free-trade 
liht  to-day  to  help  us  two  vears  hence  to  place  other  articles  on  the  free- 
list. 

— DiNGLKY,  Record,  6417. 

MillN  bill— Kopudiatcil  by  150,000  laburiiiK  nicu. 

]Vo.  050. — 1  send  to  the  Clerk'n  de^^k  to  be  read  within  my  time  a 
protest  against  the  pasbage  of  the  Mills  bill,  signed  by  over  eight  hundred 
manuiacturera  of  the  cuy  of  Philadelphia  and  vicinity,  representing 
150,000  employes : 

"  As  the  tariff  bill  prepared  by  the  majority  of  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee,  and  commonly  known  as  the  Mills  bill,  iscoustructed  in  com- 
plete disregard  of  all  the  conditions  of  safety,  equity,  and  prosperity  for 
American  people  indicated  by  the  above  propositions,  we,  the  under- 
signed manufacturers  of  the  city  ot  Philadelphia  and  vicinity,  do  most 
earnestly  protest  against  its  approval  by  Congret-s." 

— Hahmkb,  Record,  6215. 

Mills  bill— Six  Confederates  made  it. 

3fo.  ttOO.— The  committee  consists  nominally  of  thirteen  members* 
live  of  wtiom  are  Republicans  and  eight  Democrats,  but  six  of  the  latter 
■come  from  States  recently  under  the  thraldom  of  slavery,  namely,  Texas 
Arkansas,  Kentucky,  Georgia,  and  West  Virginia— these  States  thus  fur- 
nishing six-eighths  of  this  important  committee;  and  I  say  this  ad- 
visedly, for  while  there  are  nominally  live  Republican  members,  the  bill 
comes  solely  from  the  eight  Democratic  members,  not  one  of  the  Rupub- 
licnns  having  been  permitted  to  see  the  bdl,  or  even  to  know  a  single 
syllable  it  was  to  contain  until  it  had  been  published  to  the  country. 
Every  Republican  on  that  committee  might  as  well  have  been  at  their 
homes  as  dancing  attendance  at  the  committee-room  while  this  bill  was 
being  formulated.  It  is  adelusion  to  think  that  there  were  thirteen  mem- 
bers on  that  committee;  there  were  but  eight,  the  five  appointed  from 
manufacturing  States  and  favoring  protection  were  absolutely  ignored; 
they  were  not  permitted  to  participate  in  the  work  of  the  committee,  and 
were  not  recognized  as  having  any  right  to  act  or  to  have  a  voice  iu  its 
deliberations ;  and  of  the  eigbt  practically  constituting  the  committee, 
six,  as  1  have  shown,  come  from  a  particular  section. 

— Plumb,  Illinois,  Record,  4924. 

.Hills  bill-Yotes  for. 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  as  well  to  be  honest  about  this  matter.  Certain 
States  raise  rice.  Their  Kepresentatives  wanted  it  protected.  Their 
votes  were  necessary  to  securo  the  pahsage  of  the  Mills  bill.  This  was 
the  "  condition  "  that  confronted  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means. 
A  duty  of  over  100  per  cent,  is  put  on  rice  to  secure  votes.  A  like  condi- 
tion conlrontedthecommit'ee  on  the  sugir  qutsiion,  and  it  was  met  and 
solved  in  ihe  same  simple  and  practical  way.  Tnis  will  explain  a  remark 
made  in  the  Democratic  caucus  by  an  emintnt  statesman,  who  is  always 
frank : 

*'  That  in  the  preparation  of  this  bill  the  committee  was  as  honest  as  it 
could  afford  to  be." 

Votes  were  needed  ;  to  8«  cure  them  any  and  every  principle  of  protec- 
tion, revenue  relorm,  and  free  trade  were  viola'e*!. 

It  was  upceesary  to  ilu-m  that  under  the  new  leatiership  there  wassufli- 
cieni  cohesive  quality  in  the  Democratic  party  to  pass  m  i  he  Houi-e  a  reve- 
Jiue  bill ;  consislen  y  and  principle  were  of  Icbs  ronsecjuence  than  v<  tea. 

(See  also  Mo.  10«7.)  —  W.\knkr,  Missouri,  Record,  6623. 


MIL 

iniillM  hill  will  not  ro<ln(*o  tariU'rovonno. 

\^*.  <>U'2. — Now,  .Mr.  <  'hairiiKin,  this  is  ii  l)ill  ostensibly  to  reduce  th© 
reveiioe.  It  will  ii<>i  do  if.  lake  from  tliiH  hill  its  internal  revenu* 
features,  its  reduction  of  twenty  four  and  a  lialf  million  dollars  from  to- 
bacco and  frcnn  hiMcial  licenseB  to  dealers  in  Hpirits  and  tobacco,  elimi- 
nate these  from  Hie  liill  and  you  will  no*,  necure  a  dollar  of  reduction  to 
the  Treafeury  under  its  operation.  Your  ?l-'7,(XJi)00()  of  j>ropoaed  reduc- 
tion up<in  the  free-list  will  be  more  than  otiset  by  the  increased  revenues 
which  shall  come  from  your  lower  duties  ;  and  I  venture  the  prediction 
here  to-day  that  if  this  bill  should  become  a  law,  at  the  end  of  the  liscal 
year  188!)  the  dutiable  list  under  it  will  carry  more  money  into  tJie  Treas- 
ury than  is  carried  into  the  Treasury  under  the  present  law,  because  with 
every  reduction  of  duties  upon  foreign  imports  you  stimulate  and  in- 
crease foreien  importation  ;  and  to  the  ext'^nt  that  you  increase  foreign 
importations,  to  that  extent  you  increase  the  revenue. 

— McKiXLEY,  Record,  4749. 

nniH  bill— Who  fVainod  it? 

2V<».  (IOCS. — Who  frame<l  the  Mills  tariff  bill?  That  is  a  conundrum 
whicli  no  one  as  yet  has  solved,  to  my  knowled^;e.  It  was  char^'ed  that 
many  of  its  provisions  were  framed  by  "Parsee"  Moore,  an  a^ent  for 
iar^ie  importing  firms  in  New  York.  When  the  charjje  was  made,  there 
was  a  flush  of  rightous  indignation  hovering  over  the  features  of  the 
gentleman  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Breckinridge],  and  interrogation  aft<r 
interrogation  fiom  him  followed  fast  and  followed  faster,  but  there  wa>- 
no  denial. 

— Pktkbs,  Record,  4714. 

.11  illH  hill-WhoHO  work  In  it  ? 

\o.  Ott  1. — This  bill  is  generally  believed,  in  its  taxing  provisions,  to 
have  been  the  work  of  an  alien-bom  resident  of  the  United  States,  him- 
self engagetl  in  no  productive  industry  or  labor  whatever,  a  mere  repre- 
sentative of  middlemen  interested  in  the  importation  of  foreign  goods. 

It  is  further  understood  that  the  majority  of  the  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means  adopted  his  propositions  with  only  the  modifications  neces- 
sary to  get  puflicient  Democratic  support  to  pass  the  bill.  But  whatever 
its  origin  or  manner  of  completion,  it  is  nothing:  else  than  a  bill  to  in- 
crease the  (juantity  of  foreign  goods  imported  and  used  in  this  country. 
This  also  means  a  leps  amount  of  American  goods  manufactured  and  used 
here.  This,  in  turn,  means  lees  capital  employed  here  in  industry, 
fewer  laborers  findiug  employment,  more  money  sentabroad  in  payment 
for  imported  goods,  less  money  accumulated  at  home,  and  a  serious  check 
to  American  enterprise  and  development.  For  agriculture  it  also  means 
fewer  mouths  to  feed  or  less  waire-money  to  buy  wiih  and  diminislied 
home  consumption  ;  less  money  for  wool  and  death  to  the  sheep. 

The  bill  has  already  had  the  effect  of  diminishing  by  one-half  the 
number  of  operatives  employed  in  one  of  the  largest  carpet  manufactories 
in  the  State  of  New  York. 

—  Kkan,  Record,  4255. 

MillN  bill  worNO  than  the  two  Morrison  billH. 

A'o.  0<M. —  lint  the  Mills  l>ill.  worse  than  its  two  predecessors  in  the 
Forty-eighfh  and  Forty-ninth  Congresses,  is  formen  upon  a  different 
theory.  The  two  Morrison  bills  were  fair  in  one  respect  at  least,  that 
they  reduced  the  duties  in  all  parts  of  the  country  alike.  They  sur- 
ren<lered  the  profits  of  our  industries  and  the  wages  of  our  workmen  to 
to  the  foreigner,  as  this  bill  does,  but  they  treated  all  to  the  same  dose  of 
jx)iflon. 

270 


MIL— MON 


The  Mills  bill,  however,  Beeks  to  reduce  oar  revenues  not  only  by  eur- 
remlering  the  vantage  ^Touml  which  AiuericanH  o<:ciipy  in  the  fields  of 
labor  and  industry,  I>ut  it  uelecta  certain  sections  of  the  country  for  par- 
ticularly severe  i)unisliiiK'nt. 

Ix)ok  at  my  own  State,  Maine,  for  instance.  That  is  neither  a  Demo- 
cratic nor  a  doubtful  Stale  ;  and  the  Mills  bill  aims  a  fatal  blow  at  almoat 
all  its  ^'reat  industries. 

Now,  what  do  vou  j:entlemen  leave  to  Maine  after  making;  sure  the  de- 
struction of  her  lumber,  stone,  wool,  potatoes,  and  starcU  industries  ;  her 
fisheries  and  her  ship-yards  ? 

— MiLLiKKN,  Record,  4251. 
.MillH  bill. 

Xo.  ««G.— See  Aipkndix,  No.  12r>4. 

JVlills  bill— Vote  on.    (See  No.  1087.) 

Jniiiers  and  lurniQrN  made  to  Hufror  in  rodnctionH. 

Xo.  067. — Tlie  President  and  hi^  party  claim  that  their  special  object 
is  to  reduce  tlie  revenue  without  injuring  any  of  the  great  industries  of 
the  country.  If  all  the  dutiable  articles  now  imported,  generally  referred 
to  as  raw  material,  were  put  upon  the  free-liHt  it  would  reduce  the  reve- 
nue only  about  twelve  millions.  The  following  table  shows  the  aiuuunt 
of  duties  collected  on  the  different  dutiable  raw  materials  imported  dur- 
ing the  year  1880 : 


Ooal-tar  dyee. $63:2,680 

Potaab UH.710 

Soda _ l,M8,.>ti.3 


Ooal. 
Copper  ore , 

Hemp ~. 

Manila 

Jute.  _     

Slual-graas-. 
Hay , 


b8l,(H)U 
11>8,<.U0 

194, no 

C'J6,895 

2y:<,78« 

4V:i.7Jl 
184,351 


Hops 

Iron  ore . 
Marble... 

Salt „, 

Lumber. 
Zinc 


a7.91T 

_ fOS.VjS 

:  SJ9.C72 

_  ii'O,;!-.'* 

t5t.".H4tf 

8S  '.HO 

Wool.  — .S.lJG.liiK 


Total _.aj,4l9.C«» 

— Symks,  Record,  430(»-7. 

Money— Parchawint;  pojver  of  a  dollar. 

i¥o.  06S. — I  addressed  a  letter  to  John  W.  Wimer,  Burnettsville, 
Ind.,  who  li;i9  been  a  merchant  since  IHnd,  an<l  asked  him  to  pivt>  me 
fro.u  his  books  the  priite  of  certain  domestic  articles  in  18.'xS,  and  the 
price  of  the  same  quality  of  goods  at  this  time,  I  naming  the  articles.  I 
submit  the  list  and  prices: 


Artletee. 


^onb  In 

Worth  In 

18S8. 

1888. 

•0.1CV 

•O.IO 

.l*^ 

.06'i 

•I'i^ 

.07 

.10 

.U7 

.«6 

.40 

.40 

.KH 

ft.00 

4.00 

One  pound  lUo  ooffe** _ 

Ono  |xiuud  jtiMxl  br<iwn  sugar.- 

Unit  }  aril  |.»-i.  •.,   ,-,,  I'-.i  

One  yar.l  w:  

Ono  yarl  J  ,  wiol  ailing- 

One  yard  lU....  .,  .   ,.    .mco,  iwUlod  _.„ 

Five  pound  bl&aiiai,'«>U  wool 


*8ee  the  reaaun  tor  Uie  advance  In  price  ot  oo(n>e  elnewbere. 

The  price  of  the  necewaries  of  life  in  'M\  por  cent.  rlieai>er  in  Indiana 
than  they  were  in  \SoH.  Afcer  twenty-seven  y<Mry  of  a  i>r<)t«^(tive  tariir 
the  laborer  gets  his  goods  :{<•  per  cent,  cheajx-r  than  under  free  trade,  and 
also  gets  higher  wages.  The  result  in,  he  lives  M»  i>er  cent,  better  under 
protection  than  he  dnl  under  free  trade. 

—Owes,  Record.  .'ir>44. 
U71 


MON 

ITIoiiopoHoM— tiroat  Critaiii  the  KToatoKt. 

Si*.  633.— Mr.  Ctiairm  lu,  I  hear  from  the  other  hMo  of  this  Chambor 
nufli  said  about  mouopnlios  I  have  heard  that  simesong  for  more  than 
a  half  wore  of  years.  In  fact,  the  ^host  of  monopoly  is  always  with  the ui, 
on  all  occasionH  and  for  all  purposes,  ready  to  aid  and  assist  them  when 
rea-on  Ih  dethroned  and  arguments  will  not  prevail.  And  yet  no  one 
here  ar;.ses  to  defend  or  excuse,  but  all  are  ready  to  condemn  them.  I 
know  of  no  connection  between  a  protective  taritf  and  monopolies.  In 
fact,  the  very  object  of  a  tariff  i«i  to  protect  the  weak  until  they  become 
f>trong.  No  country  in  the  world  has  more  monopolies  than  free-'rade 
England.  Hut  I  can  imagine  no  monopoly  ho  widespread  and  dieaatioug, 
and  60  humiliating  to  witness,  none  that  would  so  crueh  out  the  spirit  of 
our  people,  as  the  monjpolv  of  Great  Britain  upon  the  markets  and  in- 
dus<tripe  of  this  country.     [Applause.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  when  I  travel  through  this  country,  from  one  end  to 
the  otb.er,  and  see  the  thrift  an<l  industry  of  the  people,  when  I  eee  the 
sdiool-houses,  the  churches  and  col! eyes,  the  learning  and  intelligence, 
when  I  see  the  cultivated  fiirms,  witti  the  seeders  and  mowers  moving  in 
all  directions,  as  the  seed  time  and  harvest  come,  when  I  see  factories  and 
workshops  in  the  villages  and  citiep,  I  see  something  for  every  willing 
hand  to  do.  I  see  comfortable  homes  and  hou-'e^  for  all  classes  of  our 
pt'ople,  which  I  kno  v  to  be  the  fruits  of  well-paid  labor,  and  I  contrast 
this  country,  in  its  grandeur  and  glory,  with  the  countries  where  free 
trade  abounda  with  a  pride  and  satisfaction  which  1  cannot  describe. 
£Api)lau=e.] 

<to  to  En'4lnnd,and  you  will  find  her  streets  and  public  places  thronged 
wich  a  badly-fed,  badly-clothed,  and  destitute  people,  seeking  a  few  hours 
of  work  to  buy  bread  for  hungry  wives  and  children. 

— Caswell,  Record,  3891. 

rvioiiopolioN  not  protected. 

Xo.  070. — You  say,  sir,  that  the  protective  system  fosters  monopoly. 
I  point  you  to  coal  oil,  the  telegraph,  the  railroad  ;  to  anthracite  coal,  to 
block  in.  to  whieky.  Wtiich  of  the^^e  interests  is  protected?  Whoever 
lieard  of  laying  an  impost  duty  on  a  telegraph,  railroad,  coal-oil,  anhra- 
cite  coal  ?  tShow  me  a  monopoly  that  is  more  exacting  than  any  other, 
more  powerful,  more  damnable  in  its  evil  effjctn  than  any  other,  and  I 
will  show  you  that  it  is  of  a  product  that  is  not  imported  atall,  and  there- 
fore not  Bubjecf  to  any  tariff  duty. 

No,  sir!  Wall  street,  with  its  sto-k-jobbing  ;  the  railroad  combines  of 
the  country,  wi'h  their  transportation  tyranines  ;  the  unlimited  franchises 
and  unbridled  license  of  corporations,  and  the  internal-revenue  monster 
are  the  sources  of  yonr  monopolies.  J3ut,  sir,  if  we  are  to  liave  monopoly, 
let  il  be  our  o  \n,  within  our  reach,  under  our  own  laws,  and  of  our  own 
kith  and  kin,  rattier  than  under  the  merciless  heel  of  the  foreigner,  be- 
yond our  reach,  not  under  our  control,  not  subject  to  our  laws,  not  inter- 
ested in  our  Wf-lfare,  sharing  none  of  our  blessings,  b^-aiing  none  of  our 
burdens,  enj')>ing  none  of  our  gicitness,  feiri'ig  our  competition,  antag- 
onizine  our  progrt-HS,  and  hating  our  free  institutions.  If  we  must  liave 
p.  d  vil  let  it  be  one  that  we  know  and  that  we  may  in  time  subdue, 
rather  than  one  we  do  not  know  and  that  is  entirely  beyond  our  reach 
and  control. 

— Bbumm,  Record,  5220. 

^nonroe  (Pren.)  for  protection. 

^'o.  071. — .Monro.i  was  just  as  decided  in  his  utterances.    In  his  in- 

augnrul,  .Miirch  5,  1.S17,  he  says: 

"  Our  mauufaci ures  will  likewise  require  the  syntematic  and  fostering  care  of. 
272 


Moi: 

die  Gwemment.  Posaeseing,  as  we  do,  all  the  raw  materialn,  the  fruit  of 
onr  own  soil  and  industry,  we  ou;;ht  not  to  depend  in  the  degree  we  have 
4lone  on  supplies  from  other  countries. 

'       "  Equally  important  is  it  to  provide  at  home  a  market  for  our  own  ma- 
terials, an  by  ex'endinp  (he  (•oiii{)etition  it  will  enhance  the   price  and 

>  protect  the  cultivator  against  the  casualties  incident  to  foreign  markets." 
And  in  his  tirst  annual  message,  December  2,  1817,  he  reiterates  these 
views: 

"Our  manufactures  will  require  the  continue<i  attention  of  Congress. 
The  capital  employed  in  them  is  conpiderable,  and  the  knowledge  re- 
Kjnired  in  the  machinery  and  fabric  of  all  tho  most  useful  manufactures 
ia  of  great  value.  Their  preservation,  which  depends  on  due  en'ourage- 
ment,  is  connected  with  the  high  interests  of  tho  nation.  Under  this 
•impression  I  recommend  a  review  of  the  tarifTfor  the  purpose  of  alford- 
ingsuch  additional  protection  to  thof>e  articles  which  we  are  prepare*!  to 
manufacture,  or  which  are  more  immediately  connected  with  theclefense 
-and  independence  of  the  country." 

— James  Monbob. 

JIortsaKOH — Attacks  on  WcNtern  credit. 

Xo.  672. — The  constant  parade  on  this  floor  of  the  indebtedness  of 
the  West  to  the  East  is  both  8illy  and  unbusinesslike.  If  you  alarm  the 
Dastern  investors,  you  cut  off  the  supply  of  capital  that  is  necessary  to 
the  opening  up  o!"  a  new  country,  and  then  you  are  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Western  banker.  I  trust  for  your  own  interests,  this  part  of  your  asper- 
tions,  calculated  to  inflame  one  section  against  another,  will  cease.  With- 
•out  credit  Western  lands  are  comparatively  valueless  to  the  poor  man. 
In  order  to  carry  out  your  mad  schemes  of  free  trade  in  this  country  you 
-are  ready  to  rob  him,  first  of  his  credit,  then  of  the  fruits  of  his  labor, 
reducing  him  to  a  level  with  the  peasantry  of  France,  Russia,  Germany 
4md  Ireland. 

— Darunqton,  Record,  4423. 

MortKHKCM  In  IVIiclilKan. 

Xo.  07;i.— But  let  Uri  v!0  back  to  the  subject  of  mortgages  in  Michi- 

Kn,  for  the  whole  has  not  yet  been  told;  one  phase  of  the  pubject  has 
en  overlooked  or  forgotten.  Th.'re  are  in  .Michigan  about  2")  Ok)  farm- 
€r8  who  came  from  forei'^n  climes,  most  of  them  from  lands  where  free 
trade  is  the  law.  They  left  their  native  phices  solelv  with  the  purpose 
of  bettering  their  condition,  inspired  with  the  hope  and  <leHire  of  owning 
the  soil  they  were  to  till,  believing  that  under  o>ir  laws  all  true  wealth 
comes  from  the  kind  earth.  They  are  fruijal,  indu.strions  citizens;  they 
"brou'^ht  to  the  State  their  savings,  and  the  L'"),00<)  added  to  our  wealth 
f4,5r>3,188.  This  money  they  investe<l  in  Michitrun  f.irin  landp,  borrow- 
ing$ll,H)l,714,  making'  a  total  inveptment  of  f  1."),sl>4,'.»0l'.  To-<lay  their 
farniH  are  worth  at  a  low  valuation  $(M,(MtO,(XM).  Tliese  adtiptcd  citizens 
have  atlded  J"i(),O0O,0(X)  to  their  own  po.sHespions,  aiignn-ntiiig  tiie  wealth 
of  the  Commonwealth  that  sum,  all  from  an  inveHtiut-nt  of  lep«  than  f  16 - 
00(),()0  >.  three-fourths  of  wliich  was  oritrinHliy  in  iiioriiruvres.  Ix-t  nw  add. 
in  concluding  this  refereni^e  to  farm  inortgagfH  in  Michiirun,  that  the  re- 
port from  which  I  quote  ptates  that  during  the  last  liw.il  year  but  1,6<17 
mortgages  were  foreclosed  for  non  payment,  and  part  of  the  lands  sold 
•were  redeemed. 

— 0'DoNN«ix,  Record,  fiS33. 
xviii  273 


MOR— NAT 

Mortgages— Why  tlxey  exist. 

'So.  674. — The  a^'gregate  number  aud  amount  of  the  mortgages  rest 
ing  upon  the  farms  of  the  Western  States,  which  have  been  so  absurdly 
exaggerated  by  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Bland],  do  not  indi- 
cate that  the  farmers  of  that  region  have  been  growing  poorer.  People 
who  are  connected  with  the  loaning  of  money  to  the  farmers  of  the  Nortti- 
west  and  the  West  will  state  very  promptly  to  any  gentlemen  who  in- 
quires of  them  that  90  per  cent,  of  the  money  which  they  loan  is  loaned 
either  for  the  purpose  of  improving  property  already  owned  by  the  bor- 
rower, or  for  the  purpose  of  buying  out  his  neighbor,  who  has  decided  to 
go  West  and  settle  in  some  of  the  great  Territories  west  of  the  Missouri 
River. 

The  Ohio  farmer  taken  with  this  fever  decides  to  sell  his  farm  and  does 
sell  it.  Now,  who  buys  that  farm  ?  I  undertake  to  say  that  of  the  farms 
sold  under  such  circumstances  in  the  great  agricultural  States  of  this 
country  during  the  last  ten  years  98  per  cent,  have  been  bought  by  other 
farmers,  either  adjoining  or  in  the  immediate  neighborhood,  and  in  order 
to  pay  the  money  "  cash  down,"  so  that  the  emigrant  can  have  it  on  hand 
to  speculate  or  to  buy  a  home  with  when  he  reaches  his  destination,  the 
purchaser  borrows  the  money  and  places  a  mortgage  upon  both  farms, 
and  pays  it  off  at  his  leisure. ' 

— Gkosvenor,  Record,  4652. 

N. 

National  banking  system  aud  workingmen.    (See  No.  67.) 

National  contentment. 

3fo.  675. — Employment,  not  cheapness,  is  the  mainspring  of  national' 
contentment.  Internal  production  and  internal  consumption  are  the  best 
tests  of  national  prosperity. 

— Mc€oMAs,  Record,  3839. 

National  debts  contrasted.    (See  No.  159.) 
National  and  industrial  prosperity  and  tariff. 

Xo.  676. — It  is  a  fact  from  which  there  is  no  escape  that  under  our 
tariff  legislation  there  has  been  a  steady  cheapening  of  the  product  of  the 
factory  ;  of  cotton  and  woolen  goods ;  of  all  kinds  of  textiles  ;  of  furniture, 
household  ^roods,  iron,  steel,  pottery,  tools,  glass  and  glassware,  machinery, 
and,  in  fact,  every  manufacture  furnished  by  our  home  industries.  But, 
sir,  it  is  said  that  our  tariff  legislation  robs  the  farmer  ;  that  it  impover- 
ishes his  industry,  although  it  is  admitted  that  our  national  growth  and 
progress  is  the  marvel  of  the  age.  The  prosperity  of  the  nation  is  but  the 
sum  of  the  individual  prosperity  of  its  people.  How  could  the  nation 
secure  this  wondrous  development  if  it  be  true  that  its  greatest  industry, 
one  in  which  one-seventh  or  9,000,000  of  its  people  are  directly  concerned : 
one  that  is  the  very  bed-rock  of  ita  social,  political,  and  industrial  system, 
is  plundered  of  its  substance  by  clas?  or  unjust  legislation  ? 

Has  the  nation  prospered?  Durng  the  ten  years  preceding  1880  our 
increase  in  manufactures  more  than  equaled  that  of  France  and  Germany 
and  Great  Britain.  In  a  period  of  twentv  years  the  valuation  of  our  real 
and  personal  property  advanced  from  $16,159,6!  6,000  to  $43,642,000,000 
and  in  the  same  period  our  money  circulation  was  quadrupled.  In  the 
meantime  we  built  railroads  sufficient  in  length  to  more  than  five  times 
encircle  the  globe.    All  this  has  been  done  under  protection. 

— Browne,  Indiana,  Record,  3535. 

274 


ii 


.NAT 

National  loan<«. 

No.  ti77.—Naticmal  loans,  from  July  4, 1776,  to  June  30,  1880. 

Title  of  loans.  Issues. 

Loan  from  farmers-general  of  France $181,500  00 

French  loan  of  l8,0(Xi,ooo  ilvres ^ 3,267,fKio  00 

Loan  from  Spain  In  1781 » 174.017  13 

l=Yench  loan  of  10.000,000  livres l,8l5,ii(M)  00 

Frpuc-h  loan  of  6,000,000  Uvros l,ii8'J,000  00 

Holland  loan  of  1782 •2,(K)O.000  00 

Holland  loan  of  178i SfWiOOO  00 

Holland  loan  of  1787 400.000  00 

Holland  loan  of  1788 400,000  00 

Debt  duo  foreign  officers 184,988  78 

Uowiud  l»an  of  1790 - 1,200,000  00 

Hollaed  loanuf  Ma-ch,  1791 1,0<X),000  00 

Holland  loan  of  September,  1791 2.400,000  00 

Antwerp  loan  of  1791. 820,(.KX)  00 

H' (Hand  loan  of  Docembor,  1791 l,200,O0u  00 

Hol'ftnd  loan  of  1792 l,18!i,000  OO 

Holland  loan  of  179:i 4(K),tM»0  00 

UolUnd  iDanot  1794... 1.200,000  00 

Temporary  loan  of  1789 191,6'.;8  81 

Temporary  1  an  of  1790 55  0(Ki  00 

Subscription  loan  of  1791 2.000.000  00 

Temporary  loan  from  Bank  of  North  America 166,595  56 

Temporary  loan  of  1792 400,000  00 

Temporary  loan  of  1793 800,000  00 

Temporary  loan  from  Bank  of  New  York 200,000  00 

Temporary  loan  of  Mareb,  1794 1,000,000  00 

Temporary  loau  of  June,  1794 l.OOO.CKK)  00 

Temporary  loan  of  December,  1794 2,000,000  Oo 

Temi)orary  loan  of  February,  1795 „ 800,000  OO 

Temporary  loan  of  March.  1795  (A) 500,000  Oo 

Temporary  loan  of  March,  1795  3) 500,000  00 

Tempoiary  loanof  March,  1795  (C,. 600  000  00 

Flve-.ind-one  half  per  cent,  stock  of  1795 1,848  900  00 

Four-and-onehalf  percent,  stock  of  1795 ITO.OitO  00 

Temporary  loau  fr.,m  Bank  of  New  York 320,000  00 

Temporary  loau  of  1708 200,000  00 

Six  per  cent,  loan  of  179C 80,0(K>  00 

Navy  glx  per  cent,  stock  711,700  00 

Eight  per  cent,  loans  of  1798andl800 6,481,700  00 

Louisiana  0  percent,  stock 11,250,000  00 

Exchanged  0  per  cent,  stock  of  18<J7 6.294,051  1*2 

Convened  0  per  cent,  stock  of  1807 1  859.850  70 

Six  percent,  loanof  1810 2,750.0(X)  00 

Sx  per  cent,  loau  of  1812 8,l.i4,700  00 

Temporal  y  loan  o:  1812 2,150  000  00 

Treisury  notes  of  1812 6,01X1,000  00 

Exchanged  6  per  cent,  stock  of  1812 2,984,740  72 

Slx'een  million  loan  of  1813 ]8,109,:i37  43 

Treasury  notes  of  1813 6,0tX),000  00 

Sevon-and  one  half  million  lodn  of  1813 8,498,581  or, 

Treasury  notes  of  March,  1814 10,000,iX)0  00 

TenmlUk.n  l-^n  of  1814 9,919,476  25 

Slxrallll.mloanof  1814 6,38l,l;l4  83 

Oudeslgnaied  6  per  cent,  loanof  1814 746  403  37 

Mississippi  stock 4,282,l>3«')  91  , 

Temporary  loanof  18U 1,450,0(ki  02 

Treasury  notes  of  December,  1814 8,318,400  tO 

Direct  tax  loan  of  1815 200,000  00 

Temporary  loan  of  February,  1815 225  000  (K) 

Seven  percent  loanof  1815 9,070,386  00 

Tieaaury  notes  of  1815 4,969,4tK)  00 

Small  treasury  notes  of  181') :i,392  994  00 

Treasury-note  stock  of  1815.„ 1,606,342  10 

Temporary  loan  of  March,  1815 1,160,0(X)  08 

Blx  percent,  loan  of  1815 12,286,147  60 

Five  percent,  loanof  inio 7,000,000  06 

Five  percent,  loan  of  ISJO 999,909  10 

Six  per  cent,  loanof  1820 2,000,000  03 

Five  percent,  loanof  1821 4,736,296  30, 

Exchanged  6  per  cent,  stock  of  1822 „ i..  66,704  70 

275 


NAT 

No.  077. — yntiatml  loans,  etc. — Continued. 

Title  ot  loans.  loaues. 

Four  and-abalf  per  com.  loan  of  May  24,1824 6,0(X),0»X»  ifl 

Esi!hanfte<l  fou'-auda-halt  percent  stock  of  1824 4,4'>4,7J7  5)0 

Four-and  a  half  per  ceni    loan  ot  May  26, 1824 6,0(Kt,()00  Oft 

Esi-hauged  four-and  a.Ualf  per  cent,  stock  ot  1825 I,5:i9,:t36  10 

Trea'^ury  no  ea  prlorloltwe, 47.002.yoo  06 

Loan  of  1341 6,6'?2,a'6  80 

Loan  of  1812 ^.,  8,343,886  08 

Txjanof  18»3 ^ 7,(KM,2tl  33 

Treasury  notes  ot  1846.... 7,6'<7,8')0  06 

L  an  of  1846 4,999.149  40 

Moxicau  Indemnity  suwk 303.573  95 

TreaHurv  i oieeot  1847 ,  26. 12^.100  02 

L>auof  1817. 28,2.JO,3«i  00 

B  'uuty  la'd  scrip 2  3  075  00 

L^anof  1»48 ~ 16,aM)  000  00 

Texts  liidemcliy  stock. 6,000,000  00 

Trensury  notes  of  1857... 62,778,900  00 

L>an  of  1858 20,000,000  00 

loan  of  1S60 ^.  7,022.0m  cfl 

Treasury  notes  ot  li'.B lO.Olo.OiM)  00 

L'>au  of  February,  1861 .'. 18,415,0<^i  tO 

Treatiurv  notesot  1861 „ ».. »....^ 35,:!64.4.')0  (xi 

O  cgou  War  debt l,09i»,g.->0  On 

L-mn    f  .July  and  August,  1861 189,321  3  i)  ()0 

Oldie'iiand  notfs 6(),()3im.k)o  M 

Seven-thirties  of  1861 , 139,999,750  00 

Five-twenties  of  lh62 614,771,6fK)  00 

Legal  tonder  notes 1,640,659,947  00 

T.xnporary  I'lan 716,099,247  16 

Certlfliaies  of  indeotedness 501,763,241  65 

Fraci  lomil  <-urreiicy 368  720,079  SI 

Loan  of  1803 75,000,000  00 

One-yeaf-  notes  of  1863 „ 44,520,000  00 

Two  year  n.  tesof  1863 106.48  i,(K)0  do 

Coin  cert  Oca! es 981,1(4  MO  46 

Compound  Interest  noes 266,595,440  00 

Ten  fort  es  of  1804 _ l'.H5,118,3(H)  00 

Flvetwenl'osof  March,  1864 3,882,500  00 

Flv.'-lwentlesof  June,  1864 12.i,561,3i)o  00 

Sov  n  tiilrt'esof  1><64  and  186.'> 826,992,500  00 

Navy-ponslon  fund H,(MX),i^()0  (K> 

Flve-'WHUiiesof  1805 .....^  203,327,250  (Xi 

Consols  of  1885 332,9'.»8,950  Oo 

Cons  .isot  1867 379,018,000  0(1 

Convolsof  18C8 42,519,350  00 

Turee  {)er  cent,  certificates 8J,155,0fHl  00 

Cert!fli«iesor  Indeotedness  ot  1870 678,162  41 

Five  pe-- cent,  loan  of  1881 617,994,150  00 

C.»rtifl'^ie8of  deposit 601,600,000  00 

Fourand-ft  hair  percent.  K)an  of  1891 250.000,000  CK) 

Four  per  cent,  loan  of  1907 739,480,800  00 

Refunding c«rllflc\l«« A »i',orJ,750  00 

Silver  cerllflca  es _ 21,018,0(X)  00 

Six  per<-enl.  60<-k  of  1790 3). 088.3.17  75 

Deferred  6  per  cent,  s  ock  ._ 14,019,328  76 

Three  percent,  stock 19,7l".i,237  '39 

$10,090,055,968  J2 

— From  McKee's  Hand  H  )ok,  ISS.5. 

National  movement  moHt  go  forward,  cannot  go  back. 

Xo.  07S. — This  nation  cannot  stand  still  and  will  not  rntrograde.    It 
has  hii  herto  gone  forward  upon  the  ImcH  marked  for  it  by  Xew  Eng'and. 

The  S  )uth  ha.s,  reluctantly  it  may  be,  adopted  many  of  her  id-'ae,  and 
the  S'iuth,  if  she  ever  ex|>ect8  to  become  rich  and  greal,  will  have  to 

adop-  more  of  them.  The  firnt  jrun  at  Lexington  told  of  the  patriotism 
of  New  England's  sons  when  her  liberties  were  in  danger,  and  her  re- 
spon.xe  to  the  President's  mepsagft  will  equally  show  her  loyalty  and 
courage  when  her  industrial  prosperity  ia  threatened. 

— Gallingek,  Record,  3693. 
276 


NAT— NEW 

National  prosperity. 

\o.  071). — Mr.  ("hairman,  we  will  change  the  scene  now.  AfUr  Bu- 
chanan came  the  grandest  statesman  of  our  civilization,  he  who  did  bo 
much  for  his  country,  for  liberty,  and  the  Union — Abraham  Lincoln — 
and  with  him  came  the  Republican  party,  and  with  it  protection  to  our 
industries,  our  homep,  our  ting;  ami  pintp  then  we  have  prospered  as 
never  before  has  nation  prospen'd.  We  will  prove  it  from  the  pages  of 
our  census  reports.     l-«t  them  tell  the  niaLrical  story. 

In  IHtiO  the  value  of  our  real  estate  was  $(;,'.t73,000,049;  in  1880  it  was 
J!l 3,030,5 12,952,  an  increase  of  nearly  100  i)er  cent.  In  1800  we  had  in 
the  United  States  103,110,720  acres  of  improved  land,  while  in  1880  we 
had  287,211,845  acres,  an  increase  of  70  per  cent.  In  IstU)  our  farms  were 
valued  at  f 3,200,000,000  ;  in  1880  at  f!10,lii7,000,0()0,  an  increase  of  over 
300  per  cent.  In  18G0  our  farmers  raised  173,101,924  bushels  of  wheat — 
in  tariff- for- revenue  timts — and  found  comparatively  a  poor  market  for 
it;  while  in  1880  they  raised  49S,549,S08bushel!J  of  wheat— in  protective- 
tariff  times — and  every  peck  of  it  was  in  demand  at  a  good  price.  In 
1800  they  produced  838,794,742  bushels  of  corn,  while  in  1880  they  raised 
of  corn  1,717,434,543  bushels.  These  figures,  relative  to  our  grain  are 
actually  bewildering — an  increase  exceeding  the  entire  production  of 
1800.  A  magnificent  showing  for  our  agriculturists.  And  they  had  a 
splendid  home  market  for  it.  Destroy  that  market  and  where  wdl  they 
sell?     Foreign  countries  bought  all  they  wanted,  all  they  needed  of  us. 

— GoFF,  Record,  3<J15. 

Now  KuKlaud  capital. 

Xo.  (JSO. — Of  the  total  capital  invested  they  employ  within  theirown 
borders  over  six  hundred  and  fifty  millions,  more  than  one  fifth  of  all ; 
of  the  total  value  of  material  used  they  consume  nearly  seven  hundred 
million.^,  ovr  r  one-sixth  of  the  whole;  and  thev  yield  in  products  of 
manufacture  nearly  twelve  l.undred  millions  of  ilol'ars,  about  one-fifth 
of  all  And  yet  it  is  coolly  proposed  by  hostile  legislation  tostrikedown 
this  yreat  wealth -producing,  lax-paying  section  of  our  country,  the  sec- 
tion from  which  came  the  money  to  bind  the  Eastern  States  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean  with  bands  of  iron,  which  outof  her  ahundhiico  has  built  Western 
railroads  and  Western  cities,  and  which  to-day  stands  with  open  hand 
and  generous  purse  r^aly  to  help  rehabilitate  the  South  whenever  in 
good  faith  she  is  invued  so  to  do. 

— Gallinqkr,  Record,  3689. 

Kew  Knerland  can  stand  fVcc  trade  better  than  the  Nouth 
and  WcNt. 

Xo.  OSI. — I  tell  the  men  who  are  seeking  to  destroy  the  protective 
tariff  that  they  must  not  delude  themselves  with  the  ifiea  that  they  are 
aiming  their  blows  against  New  England.  The  New  England  manufac- 
turer is  the  man  who  has  least  interest  of  all  other  classes  of  men  in  the 
preservation  of  the  prote<;tive  system.  He  is  interested  in  it,  indeed,  but 
others,  and  all  others,  are  interested  more.  If  I  were  to  name  the  order 
in  which  the  tlitlerent  dasnes  are  interested  in  the  maintenance  of  a  pro- 
tective tariff,  I  would  say,  first,  the  laborers  everywhere,  in  whatever  field 
they  wipe  the  sweat  from  their  brow  ;  more  than  any  mannfaoturen*  are 
the  wage- receiving  men  f)f  this  country  interested  in  it**  preservation. 
The  blow  hits  them  first,  and  it  may  a.s  well  he  understood,  and  they  are 
coming  to  understand  it  all  over  the  laml.  First,  the  men  who  work  in 
manufactories,  the  artisans,  are  hit  ;  next,  agriculturalists  and  the  men 
who  work  on  farms  ;  next,  manufacturers  in  other  sections  of  thecounlry 
where  they  are  not  as  well  established  and  where  the  industries  may  in- 


NEW 

deed  be  said  even  now  to  be  infant  industrieB;  next,  those  engaged  in 
tianBportation  ;  next,  those  engaged  in  merchandiae  ;  and  last,  and  least, 
if  you  please,  the  manufacturerfl  of  New  Enplaml. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1018. 

Kcw  KiiKlaiid  c'Ottoii  factories.    (See  No.  149.) 

Kow  KiiKlaiid  K^'tiiiiK  too  rich. 

\».  0S2. — Yes,  they  say  we  are  getting  too  rich,  and  that  our  manu- 
factures are  giving  tco  good  marketa  to  our  farmers,  who  are  getting  too 
profitable  returns  for  their  producis;  that  our  farm  lands  are  becoming 
too  valuable;  that  our  workingmen  are  receiving  too  great  wages;  that 
our  tnanu factories  are  building  up  too  many  beautiful  and  thrifty  towns ; 
too  many  comfortable  and  cozy  homes ;  erecting  too  many  public  ecbool- 
houses  for  poor  and  rich  alike;  affording  too  many  opportunities  for  in- 
dustrious hands  and  busy  brains  to  convert  the  fertility  of  our  soil,  the 
power  of  our  rivers,  the  treasures  of  our  forests,  and  all  our  manifold 
resources  into  that  which  gives  comfort  and  joy  to  mankind;  and  that 
all  this  thrift  and  happiness  must  be  blasted  by  the  smiting  hand  of  free 
trade  because,  forsooth,  the  laggard,  the  slumberer,  and  the  scoflfcr  have 
not  entered  into  their  enjoyment. 

— MiLLiKEN,  Record,  4253. 

Xcw  England  prosperity.    (See  No.  69.) 

New    Eny^land    protective    prosperity    vs.    Southern    Irec- 
trade  poverty. 

Xo.  6S3.— The  triumphs  of  New  England.  They  speak  for  them- 
selveH  and  need  no  defense  at  my  hands.  This  little  rock-ribbed,  ice- 
bound section  of  our  country  has  thirty-two  thousand  manuficturing 
establishments,  with  six  hundred  and  twenty-five  millions  of  capital 
invested  in  them,  paying  annually  in  wages  to  employes  the  enormous 
sum  of  three  hundred  and  four  millions,  expending  for  material  six 
hundred  and  sixty  millions,  and  furnishing  a  net  manufactured  product 
of  over  eleven  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
twelve  Southern  S'ates  have  thirty- five  thousand  manufacturing  estab- 
lishments of  all  kinds;  they  have  invested  in  them  one  hundred  and 
eighty  millions  of  capital ;  they  pay  lees  than  fifty  millions  yearly  for 
wages,  and  the  total  annual  value  of  their  producfcipn  is  only  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty  millions. 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3688. 

New  England  thrift. 

No.  OS  1.— I  am  free  to  confess  that  the  present  agitation  of  the  tariff 
question  has  alarmed  New  England  manufacturers.  Why  should  it  not? 
I  know  it  is  fashionable  for  Democratic  orators  on  this  floor  to  denounce 
New  England  manufacturers  as  '•  robbers,"  "  thieves,"  etc.  But  the  men 
who  talk  thus  have  not  taken  the  trouble  to  inform  themselves  regarding 
the  innumerable  wrecks  of  business  enterprises  that  mark  the  history  of 
manufac'.uring  in  New  England,  nor  to  mention  the  vast  amounf;  of 
capital  invested  in  these  enterprises. 

Three  hundred  and  twenty  of  the  largest  manufactures  in  New  England 
have  sent  a  petition  to  Congress,  which  gives  unanswerable  reasons  for 
opposing  the  fallacious  plea  for  free  raw  materials.  The  petitioners  repre- 
sent the  cotton,  woolen,  paper,  carpet,  hardware,  boots  and  shoes,  f-ilk, 
worsted,  lumber,  hosiery,  machinery,  and  nearly  fifty  other  leading  New 
Englanrl  industries,  and,  as  a  leading  New  f^ngland  journal  says — 

"  It  would  be  hard  to  find  a  parallel  to  this  paper  as  an  expression  of 
the  position  of  the  industrial  forces  of  New  England." 
278 


NEW— NOR 

Probably  this  petition  has  not  been  read  by  the  majority  of  tlio  Ways 
and  Means  Committee,  but  notwithstanding  this,  its  expressions  are 
those  of  experts  who  understand  the  practical  workings  or  legislation 
affecting  their  interests,  and  as  such  they  have  a  right  to  be  heard.  The 
petition  points  to  the  astounding  fact  that  while  the  increase  of  free  im- 
ports in  twenty  years  haa  been  from  twenty-nine  million  dollars  to  two 
hundred  and  thirty-three  millions,  or  about  700  per  cent.,  the  increase 
of  dutiable  imports  in  the  same  time  has  been  only  from  three  hundred 
and  twenty-nine  million  dollars  to  four  hundred  and  fifty  millions,  or  37 
per  cent. 

— Gallinoeb,  Record,  3688. 

IVcw  EiiKlaiid  vs.  The  South.    (See  No.  369.) 

Now  EiiKlaiid  will  vote  for  protection. 

Xo.  0!*5.— 1  have  enumerated  most  of  the  leading  industries  of  New 
England.  To  them  might  well  be  added  the  manufacture  of  stra-v  goods, 
of  lurab^r  in  various  forms,  and  other  products  of  our  fields  and  forests', 
all  of  which  are  threatened  with  annihilation  by  the  Mills  tariff  mill! 
That  is  the  part  New  England  takes  in  the  field  of  industrial  pursuits. 

Her  prosperity  is  indissolubly  connected  with  tarilf  legislation,  and 
the  message  of  the  President  has  sent  a  thrill  of  distrust  and  fear  through 
her  people.  Did  they  believe  that  the  nation  would  indorse  that  mes- 
sage the  factories  and  workshops  of  New  Englaml  would  be  for  sale,  and 
the  South  would  have  an  opportunity  to  invest  in  that  kind  of  property 
at  a  bargain. 

— Galunokr,  Record,  3690. 

New  York  Sun  and  Mills  bill.    (See  No.  169.) 

NewNpaper  exponent  of  public  opinion— Nobody  deceived 
by  Nuch  NtateuientN. 

No.  OSO. — Newspapers  are  the  exponents  of  public  opinion.  You 
may  take  the  newspapers,  except  some  published  in  some  manufacturing 
districts,  and  you  cannot  find  any  paper  published  in  any  village  or 
hamlet  or  city  of  this  country  which  for  the  last  two  years  has  not  been 
appealing  to  Congress  to  grant  relief  from  this  odious  and  oppressive  sys- 
tem of  taxation,  which  is  grinding  the  people  to  desperation. 

— Raynor  (Dem),  Record,  3675. 

(The  papers  ought  to  be  named. — Ed.) 

NouMonMO,  black  rot,  deception. 

No.  0H7. —  I^t  me  for  a  moment  refer  to  the  black  rot  which  some  of 
your  men  attempt  to  palm  ofi'on  the  people.  The  ctiairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Ways  and  Means  stated  that  the  coat  of  labor  to  produce  a 
blanket  was  thirty  cents,  while  the  tarilf  was  $  I.  oO.  Here  there  is  nothing 
said  about  the  cost  of  material,  nothing  about  the  cost  of  labor  in  mate- 
rial, etc.  I  could  have  given  him  a  far  better  example.  Take  dressed 
beef,  for  instance,  which  trosts  eight  or  ten  dollars  a  hundred.  Now,  the 
cost  of  killing  that  beef  is  only  ten  cents  per  hundred,  and,  according  to 
the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  ami  Means,  the  butcher's  work 
is  all  that  is  to  be  considered  as  labor.  (July  constituents  like  yours  could 
beguiled  by  such  nonsense.     [Laughter  and  applause.] 

— Bbumm,  Record,  5222. 
"North  and  Nontli,  intercNlN  of. 

No.  OHS. — In  reply  to  the  u'cntk'man  from  South  Carolina,  who  says 
Maryland  is  not  a  Southern  State,  I  wish  to  say  in  1S<>1  your  people,  im- 
bued with  the  poison  of  the  subtle  and  able  Calhoun,  the  virus  from  the 

279 


NOR 

fangs  of  secession,  sent  her  commissioners,  who  came  to  the  people  of 
Maryland  and  plead  with  her  us  a  Southern  State  to  go  with  tnem  into 
se<'es8ion,  hankriiptcv,  and  ruin.  You  called  her  then  a  Southern  State. 
Although  lying  on  the  Potomac,  and  although  a  slave  State,  she  vindi- 
cated her  ritrht  to  come  farther  North  when  she  sent  4G  000  Union  soldiers 
to  defend  that  (lag  which  hangs  over  the  Speaker's  chair  upon  the  Geld 
of  battle,  when  your  war-cry  was  free  trade  and  slave  labor,  and  ours 
was  protection  to  white  labor  and  freedom  to  slave  labor  in  this  country. 
[Great  applause  on  the  Republican  side.] 

The  gentleman's  own  ignorance  is  narrow  indeed  when  he  restricts  and 
limits  the  South  to  South  Carolina.     It  was  so  once,  but  is  no  longer. 

But  when  you  say  we  are  to  be  likened  to  the  North  and  West,  we  in 
Maryland  begin  to  rival  their  glowing  activity.  I  thank  thee,  Jew,  for 
that  word.     [Applausd.] 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3840. 

North  and  South,  iutorcstN  or,  compared. 

\o.  ttS9. — Mr.  Chairman,  a  glance  at  the  provisions  of  this  bill 
would  indicate  that  this  wonderful  production  of  star-chamber  gestation 
had  been  conceived  in  malice  and  brought  forth  in  hatred  of  the  institu- 
tions and  the  manufacturing  establishments  of  the  Northern  States.  I 
find  by  a  careful  perusal  of  the  bill  that  as  far  as  it  was  pospible  to  do  so 
the  framers  of  this  wonderful  measure  have  maintained  the  protection 
which  the  tariflf  affords  to  the  principal  industries  of  the  S</Uth,  and 
have  allowed  the  Northern  States  to  whietle  for  the  breeze  of  protection. 
In  the  original  bill,  concocted  by  the  majority  of  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee,  the  tariflf  on  sugar  was  out  quite  severely.  Then  came  a  <  ry 
from  Louisiana,  "  We  shall  lose  the  State." 

The  State  election  was  close  at  hand,  and  fears  were  entertained  of  the 
effect  of  the  lirst  step  towards  free  trade  upon  the  future  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  There  was  a  conference,  and  as  a  consequence  when  the 
bill  appeared  in  the  House  again  we  find  that  the  f-ugar  schedule  has- 
been  fixed  up  so  as  to  be  less  objectionable  to  the  Louisiana  sugar- 
planters.  Here,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  a  tax  which  is  borne  directly  by  every- 
housetiuld  in  the  land.  It  is  a  direct  tax  U{X)u  the  consumer  and  has 
absolutely  nothing  to  commend  it,  aside  from  the  protection  which  it 
affords  to  the  few  planters  of  I^ouisiana  who  are  trying  to  fly  in  the  face 
of  Providence  and  to  force  from  the  soil  of  the  United  States  what  it  is 
incapable  of  producing,  namely,  a  sufficient  quvniity  of  cane-supar  to 
supply  the  home  demand.  — Belden,  Record,  4202. 

North  and  Nonth— Sectional  methods. 

"So.  690. — I  will  now  submit  a  proposition  that  in  itself  may  appear 
sectional,  but  if  it  doea  the  fault  lies  with  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic 
party  and  not  with  us.  As  is  well  known,  the  Committee  on  Ways  and 
Means  is  considereil  the  leading  committee  of  the  House.  They  have 
the  sole  power  of  drafting  revenue  bills  to  raise  the  money  upon  which 
the  Government  is  to  be  snppor'ed.  The  chairman  of  that  committee, 
by  reason  of  his  position,  is  assigned  to  the  leadership  of  the  majority. 
We  can  well  suppose  the  Speaker  selected  that  committee  for  the  pur- 
pose of  having  a  revenue  bill  drafted,  voicing  the  sentiment  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  as  he  understands  it.  That  committee  is  made  up  as  fol- 
lows : 

I)emocrat8 — Roger  Q.  Mills,  of  Texas;  Benton  McMillin,  of  Tennessee  ; 
Clifton  R.  Bre<kinridge,  of  Arkansas;  W.  C.  P.  Breckinridge,  of  Ken- 
tucky; Henry  G.  Turner,  of  Georgia;  W.  T.  Wilson,  of  West  Virginia; 
W.  T.  Scott,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  William  D.  Bynum,  of  Indiana,  represent^ 
ing  a  voting  population  of  181,207. 
280 


occ 

Republicane — William  D.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  Thomaa  M.  Browne^ 
of  Indiana ;  Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine  ;  William  Mc-Kinley,  Jr.,  of  Ohio  : 
JnliuH  C.  Burrows,  of  Michigan,  ri-preBcnting  a  voting   population  of 

I7i»/)',)rt. 

It  will  be  observed  that  six  of  the  Democrats  are  from  Southern  States, 
having  no  particular  interest  in  the  raanu''arturefl  of  the  country — n-pre- 
senting  a  voting  population  of  lOtS.lIti,  leaving  Mr.  Bynura  and  Mr.  Scott 
out,  who  represent  manufacturing  districts.  The  six  Southern  Demo- 
crats won  in  a  minority  by  63,000  votes. 

— Johnston,  Indiana,  Record,  6961. 

o. 

Occupations. 

Xo.  001. — Number  of  people  employed  in  each  branch. 

Agriculture - - 7,«0,493 

AThluyjts ~ ..^.....^^......^ 3.375 

Anlsis  and  toacbers  of  art „ ^ 9,104 

Auciloueers. ~ 2,331 

Bakers 41,3i.'J 

BarlxTs  and  hair  dreaeera 44,851 

Blacksmtihs. Wi.'.M 

Boarding- house  keepers ly.c'.g 

Botttmeu  and  watermen "/n.SOS 

Book  k<'e pern  In  Btoree 5y,';9«t 

Brick  and  atone  mations 1(^,473 

Brlok  and  ti;e  makers 36.t.'ii 

Br!d)?e  builders - 2  587 

Buichern ~ 76,J4l 

Canal  men ~ 4.3.8- 

Carmakors 4,708 

Carpon-f>r8  and  Joiners 37:i,14< 

Oharcoal  and  lime  burners 6  Wl 

Civil  euRineera 8,'.101 

Clergy  men 6».ty8 

Oierks  acd  copjrlsls •i5,4C7 

Cierkfc  In  expri-aa  oomt>anle9 1,856 

aerks  In  bot«ilB lO.'Jlfl 

•lerks  In  loBurajce  offlcea •J,83<» 

OiorkH  In  railroad  ofllces 12,^'l 

Olerka  In  Btorea 3i;i,U-4 

Commirclal  travelera 28  1  8 

Oo<iper» 49.138 

Dealers  In  books  and  btaUonery- «,'.8'i 

Dealertttn  dry  goods. 45,831 

D^alorsln  khk-.tIch lOl.HIt) 

Dealers  In  hides 2  38'J 

Deal«"r»  In  Iron  and  iln \5,(i76 

Dealer*  In  lumlx-raiid  marble 12,068- 

De  Itir.-*  In  pains  and  olla 1.940 

Dealers  In  iiapor l,e6'J 

Dea'ePH  In  nowspapera -..  1/19- 

Deiilers  In  rwil  ps'aie 11,251 

Dealer*  In  provlMlons 35  1.9- 

Dentists 12.311 

Domi'silceervant*! 1  fTi5,CW 

Draymon  and  teamslera .....^  177,586 

Druggists at7t«l 

Employes  In  warehouaoa 6,02"i 

Emplojosof  holds 71,4l:< 

imiiloyea  of  railroad  companies. 336,058- 

Englneers  and  Qremen 19,6V8 

Engri  vers «,577 

FIstiermen  and  oysiermen 41.:i62 

Hdst'ors 81,697 

Hotel  keepers 3i,4W 

H0U81  bu  4der8 _ _-. 10  804 

Journalists 12.3(* 

Laborers l.B6»,2a2- 

281 


OH  I— ORE 

Ho.  691. — Numhtr  of  people  employed  in  eaeh  branch — CJontinaed. 

Xaandreosee lil.om 

Lftwyen 64.13T 

LI  very-stable  keepers - 14. 'ill 

McmerKers ~ 13,W5 

Milkmen  aod  women - 'J.'iV' 

Millers ~ 53.4t(> 

Miners   23*,'.>28 

Musicians 30.477 

Newspaper  carriers - 3,374 

Ntirsea 13,183 

on  well  laborers 7,34o 

Pa.kor8 4  178 

PalD'crs - 128,550 

Paper  hangers 5.013 

PeUdlers M.4'Jl 

Pho  ofiraphcri" il.'.xO 

Physicians  and  surgeons 85.()71 

Pilots 3,770 

Plastt-rers 'ii,(«J 

porters  i  nd  labor,  rs 3J,iy2 

Printers  and  ttereoiypers 72  723 

Private  waiohiuen 13.3H4 

Quarry  oien IS.ltStt 

Quartz  sla;ers 4,026 

J!>?8;auraul-keep<-r8 13  074 

Sailors 60,070 

Salesmen  and  saleswomen - 32.V79 

Sextons 2,44tf 

Stave- makers 4,0f.l 

Steamboat  men  and  women 12,105 

Siew.irds  aud  stttwardessee „ 2,2ftt 

Street  railroad  employee ;. 11,92* 

Tea'^Uers  and  sciouilflc  {Arsons 227,710 

Telfgraph  employes 22,80v* 

Telephone  employes 1,U)G 

Toll  gate  keepf^rs , 2,201 

Traders 114,8:i« 

Traders  In  boota  and  shoes 9,993 

Traders  In  cof.on  ai.d  tobacco 22,00o 

Trad>i!s  In  wo-.d  and  coal 11  871 

Undertakers B,113 

Vo  erlnary  surgeoiis 2,1 '<» 

"Weigh  rs  and  gaugers 3,3(« 

Whliewashers 3,316 

"Wofjd-choppers „ 12,7;U 

All  classee  engaged,  total 17,392,099 


1) umber  engaged  In  manutactutlng  and  sale  of  splrttuons  and  malt  liquors  who 
paid  Uie  special  tax  of  the  Uiat«d  Stat  s  In  1880 183,322 

— Ceneus  Report,  1880. 

Ohio,  Doiiio4TH<'.v  and  wool  in.    (See  No.  174.) 

OraiiKO  B4>xes.     (Sec  .\o.  Hi.) 

4>r4-liar4l  product— >'<'H  I^iiKlaiid. 

\o.  093.— of  the  tifty-ono  million  dollars'  worth  of  orchard  products 
in  the  countrj'  New  England  produces  four  million  two  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  dollars' worth,  while  the  eunny  South,  with  her  warm 
climate  and  superior  faclities,  produces  a  yield  of  only  six  mil  ions 
value.  Of  the  twenty  two  million  dollars' worth  of  market  garden  pro- 
ducts of  the  country  New  Kn^rland  produces  two  million  six  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  dollars'  worth,  as  against  two  million  eight  hundred 
and  forty-six  thousand  dollars  in  the  South. 

— Gallinoer,  Record,  3680. 
OroKon  <'lo<*tion  and  free  trade. 

\o.  V»iV,t  — It  is  thus  the  people  of  the  nation  are  thinkine  to-day  and 
quietly  revolving  in  November  next  to  administer  such  a  rebuke  to  free 
trade  and  by  Buch  a  vote  as  has  never  had  an  equal  before  it. 
2S2 


OST— PAK 

Why,  eir,  what  better  illustration  of  popular  condemnation  of  the 
pendinj^  meaeure  c^n  be  foiin<l  than  in  the  vote  recently  caRt  in  my  own 
State?  About  one-fourth  of  the  opposition  evidently  united  with  the 
Kepublicane  to  Btorm  free  trade.  Krom  a  Kepublican  plurality  of  l.G.'^.'S 
two  yeara  ago  it  is  7,"i04  plurality  now.  ( >ver  «>(),(KX)  votes  were  cast.  It 
is  humorou.sly  asserted  that  even  the  sheep  voted  on  our  side,  for  as  it  is 
said  in  Holy  Writ:  *'  A  stran^^er  will  they  not  follow,  but  will  (lee  from 
him,  for  thev  know  not  the  voice  of  strangers." 

The  issue  between  the  parties  was  eharpiv  made.  Shall  the  radical 
changes  proposed  in  the  Mills  bill  bo  approved  ?  Shall  the  future  polii  y  of 
this  Government  be  protection  or  free  tra<le  ?  Shall  .\mericAn  induHlries 
and  American  labor  and  American  homes  be  protected  ?  This  was  the 
rallving  cry  all  along  the  line.  The  battle  ended,  and  such  a  victory  on 
a  fair  vote  and  an  honest  count  was  seldom  before  witnesseil  in  our  State 
elections.  It  took  the  place'of  an  angry  uprisingofun  indignant  people. 
They  re8olve<l  to  administer  Ruch  ii  rebuke  as  should  rebound  throughout 
the  nation.  In  defiant  tones  they  roll  back  their  answer:  "Our  in- 
dustries and  property  shall  not  be  destroyed." 

— Hi;k.mann,  Record,  ()943. 

ONtricli  foathcrN— .4.  liLxury  on  the  froo-liMt. 

Xo.  <»1)1. — Well,  we  found  ostrich  feathers  with  a  tax  of  $2r>.07. 
There  are  no  ostriches  in  this  country.  This  is  not  yet  an  infant  indus- 
try in  the  United  States.  Cstriches  are  not  found  on  the  Wtst<.'rn 
fjrairies,  nor  in  the  Northern  woods,  nor  along  the  Gulf  coa.st,  but  our 
adies  want  to  wear  the  ostrich  feathers  sometimes  in  their  bonnets,  and 
we  do  not  need  the  monev,  and  why  should  we  not  let  them  come  in 
free? 

When  we  again  inaugurate  Grover  Cleveland  on  the  4th  of  March  next 
we  will  want  all  the  ostrich  feathers  to  adorn  the  hats  and  bonnets  of 
our  ladies  as  they  join  in  the  procession  and  keep  up  with  the  band- 
wagon.    [Applause.] 

— Mills,  Record,  7345. 

P. 

PartioH,  poHition  of. 

No.  09tl. — Our  tariti  on  imports  to-day  confessedly  protective  in  that 
it  is  levied  not  with  a  view  to  raising  "  revenue  only,"  but  to  protect 
American  labor  and  encourage  American  industries.  The  Ik-nirKratic 
party,  or  at  least  one  wing  of  it,  under  the  leailership  of  Presid<iit  Cleve- 
land, assail.s  this  system,  denouncing  it  as  "vicious  and  illogiirtl,"  and 
declares  It  to  be  not  only  unwise  but  unconstiMitional ;  tliat  duti»««  on 
imports  should  be  levied,  in  the  language  of  the  liust  national  I>eniocratic 
platform,  for  "revenue  only,"  subtnitting  of  course  to  such  flnidentul 
protection  as  may  be  incident  thereto  as  an  evil  to  1)r  ondured  rather 
than  an  end  to  l>p  attained.  On  the  contrary,  the  Kepublic.ui  party  l)P- 
lieves  in  a  protective  tarifl':  that  in  iinposinj  duties  ui)on  imjMirt^,' rev- 
enue is  not  the  only  consitleration,  but  that  thcRe  duiies  should  l>e  fo 
adjusted  as  to  give  enc  )Urai;i-mcnt  to  .\mcrican  enterprise,  invistmenf  to 
American  captal,  and  em{)loyment  to  .\nu*ricHn  lab^r  ;  and  the  Hepuhli- 
can  party  insists  that  our  present  protective  system  sluill  not  he  dis- 
turbed except  so  far  as  it  may  be  nu<^\sHary  to  corre<-t  its  incongruities 
and  harmonize  its  provisions. 

—Burrows,  Record,  3447. 

I'nrtiNan  iiicuNiiro.    (Sco  No.  686.) 

283 


PAR 

Party  onpaoity.    (See  No.  235.) 

Party  diUVrt'iico— Fundamental. 

Xo.01>0. —  Mr.  C'hairuaan,  the  difference  between  the  Republican  pna 
Detnoi-ratic  parties  on  the  Buhject  of  the  tariff  is  radical,  fundamental, 
irrectmcilablo.  If  is  not  a  mere  question  as  to  the  adj  list  ment  of  a  pchidulc 
of  dutiet  on  foreij^n  importations  under  a  well-established  povernaientiJ 
poli(!y,  but  a  question  as  to  the  policy  itself.  If  it  were  a  question  of  ad- 
justment it  could  and  thould  be  removed  from  the  domain  of  party  poli- 
tics to  that  of  business,  and  be  settled  with  reference  to  the  demands  of 
the  revenue  and  of  the  business  of  the  country  for  the  time  being.  The 
ever-changing  conditions  of  trade  and  commerce  and  of  industrial  pro- 
duction necessarily  require  from  time  to  time  a  readjustment  of  these 
duties,  in  order  to  promote  and  enforce  the  policy  under  which  they  are 
laid,  and  such  adjustment  should  be  left  to  the  wiedom  of  Congress,  un- 
embarrassed by  party  strife. 

Bui  the  question  here  is  one  of  governmental  policv,  and  is  this :  Shall 
dutie"  be  .laid  for  the  purpose  of  revenue  only  or  shall  they  be  laid  not 
only  for  the  purpose  of  revenue,  but  also  with  a  direct  view  to  the  en- 
couragement of  home  industries  and  home  labor. 

— TuoMi*soN,  Ohio,  Record,  4317. 

Party  masque  toru  oir.    (See  Xot  182.) 

I*arty  pledi^eM  nothing;  with  the  present  party  in  power, 

N«.  697. — If  the  great  American  parties  shall  be  permitted  without 
rebuke  to  violate  the  faith  pledged  to  the  American  people,  our  free  in- 
stituiic-ns  will  be  in  danger;  for  nothing  so  greatly  tends  to  their  safety 
as  theresponsibility  of  parties.  Notwithstanding  these  declarations  from 
the  Democratic  platform,  the  Democratic  President  of  the  United  States, 
in  his  political  address  to  the  American  Congress,  with  the  approval  of  a 
large  part  of  his  party,  has  deliberately  ignored  the  pledges  of  the  plat- 
form  on  which  he  was  elected  to  power. 

— Kkrr,  Record,  3639. 

Farfy  pledges— Who  keep  them  ?—KepubIicans  anxious  to 
redeem. 

No.  01>W,— The  centleman  from  Tennessee  [Mr.  Richardson]  quotes 
that  section  (>f  the  Republican  platform  of  1884  which  declared  that — 

"The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  correct  the  inequalilies  of  the 
tariff  and  to  reduce  the  surplus." 

And  adds: 

"  T!iey  admitted  the  irregularities  and  promised  to  correct  them.  This 
wa.s  four  years  ago.  When  and  how,  gentlemen,  do  you  intend  to  redeem 
that  pledge?" 

Mr.  Chairman,  we  will  redeem  that  pledge  whenever  we  have  control 
of  this  House  so  that  it  is  in  our  power  to  do  so.  We  are  ready  and 
anxious  to  do  so  now.  We  have  already  had  some  experience  in  bills 
tei.ding  to  reduce  the  surplus.  A  njajority  of  this  House  were  in  favor 
ofrefucding  the  direct  tax,  and  endeavored  to  overcome  Southern  ob- 
Htruction  during  a  legislative  day  of  over  200  hours,  but  the  Democratic 
party  for  some  reason  determined  to  keep  that  117,000,000  of  the  surplus 
in  the  Treasurv  out  of  reach  of  the  people. 

—Post,  Record,  4346. 

Party  siibservieney. 

>'o.  699- — But  the  decree  has  gone  forth  from  those  who  are  to-day 
the  real  masters  of  the  party  that  Democrats  must  support  the  free-trade 
284 


PAU 

bill,  willing  or  unwilling.  As  the  gentleman  from  MiBsouri  (^.Mr.  Hatch] 
cays  every  Democ-ratic  knee  must  bow  to  the  bill ;  and  I  await  with  seme 
anxiety  to  see  what  Democratic  speakers  will  eav  in  Pennsylvania  this 
fall.  I  have  no  doubt  the  plan  of  1SS4  to  deceive  the  people  will  he  a;rain 
attempted.  In  fact,  it  is  already  openly  avowed  as  the  policy  in  leading 
Democratic  papers,  as  will  appear  by  the  following  extract  which  1  will 
ask  the  clerk  to  read  : 

[From  the  Atlanta  Constitution.] 
"The  CJonstitution  disagrees  with  the  tariff  policy  laid  down  by  the 
President  in  his  message.  We  do  not  believe  there  is  sound,  economic, 
or  political  s^^nse  beneath  it.  It  endangers  success  in  New  York,  Nhw 
Jerpey,  and  Connecticut,  where  success  was  certain,  and  lends  only  the 
highest  hope  for  gains  in  Minnesota  and  Wisconsin,  where  smress  is 
hardly  possible  under  anv  circumstances.  It  will  check,  if  it  does  not 
permanently  stop,  the  industrial  growth  of  the  South,  without  which  the 
Bouth  can  never  have  even  or  general  prosperity.  Ttiese  are  our  views 
•earnestly  and  profoundly  held.  Whenever  and  wherever  there  is  oppor- 
tunity to  promote  them  without  endanj^ering  more  essential  interests  we 
chall  give  all  that  in  u.-<  lies  to  their  promotion.  But  if  by  a  single  word 
we  could  convert  the  Georgia  Democracy  to  our  views  on  the  tariff  we 
ehould  decline  to  do  so." 

— Jackson,  Record,  470&-7. 

]>auperM  craving  political  power  and  protection. 

Xo.  700. —  V\'e  say  to  the  Government :  Call  upon  ihe  people  and  tell 
them  how  mut-h  you  want  to  support  an  honest,  economical,  administra- 
tion. We  will  give  you  what  you  want  for  that  purpose ;  we  will  give  it 
to  you  cheerfully ;  but  we  are  not  going  to  be  standing  around  as  paupers, 
craving  the  protection  of  political  power,  when  our  own  intellects  are 
superior  to  the  intellecta  of  any  people  on  the  globe.  [Applause.]  We 
cannot  only  manufacture  all  these  woolen  goodw,  but  we  can  manumcture 
our  own  cotton,  two  thirds  of  which  we  are  now  exporting  to  foreign 
couufries  for  manufacture  and  then  buying  back  a  large  amount  of  it  in 
the  shape  of  cotton  goods.  — Mili^,  Record,  7344. 

Van  per  labor.    (See  No.  1003.) 
T*anpor  labor. 

'So.  701. —  Do  not  misunderstand  me.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  the  im- 
porta  i')n  of  pauper  labor  or  contract  labor,  but  here  is  the  Dem<KTatic 
party  which  undertake-i  to  oppose  the  imjxjrtation  of  pauper  labor  and 
yet  propf)ses  to  admit,  in  competition  with  American  products,  the  pro- 
<luct8  of  f 'reign  panp  r  Libor.  I  say  there  is  neither  logic  nor  statehinan- 
ehip  nnr  sound  jHjlicy  at  the  bottom  of  any  scheme  wliich  perinit.w  the 
products  of  pauper  labor  to  be  shipped  to  this  country  free,  while  rcfu-ing 
to  admit  the  paup^'r  laborer  hinir-elf  upon  our  foiI.  Tlie  Dt'iuocratic 
policy  18  to  let  the  pauper  remain  abroad  and  consume  Eoktlish  supplies 
in  hin  living,  but  to  admit  free  all  the  products  he  can  manufacture  under 
the  shadow  of  the  Knglish  flag. 

What  gO'xl  does  it  do  to  exclude  the  pauper  and  still  let  his  handiwork 
blot  the  prosperity  of  American  indu.itry  by  coudngin  competition  with 
our  laboring  class. 

—Hoik,  Record,  41(>4. 

Pauper   labor— !raaM<iachnMett#i     people     al»le     to    compete 
with  it. 

]V«».  7<>!2. — Mr.  f'luiirman,  a  great  deal  has  In'cn  said  on  this  floor 
about  '■  pauper  labor  "  and  about  the  workingnien  of  New  F.nglaud — of 
^assachusetta,  for  instance— being  unable  to  compete  with  it. 

285 


PA  U— PEP 

Sir,  I  Bcom  that  arpument.  My  people  can  compete  with  the  labor  of 
any  part  of  the  world  if  they  have  a  free  field. 

—  Kl'sskll  (Dem.),  Massachufletta,  Record,  3653. 

Pauper  produrtN  of  Enropo  iu  1780. 

>o.  70;i. — And  here  is  a  fact  I  v,\di  to  call  particular  attention  to, 
and  I  want  you  to  oiark  it:  Under  that  condition  of  affairs,  beginning; 
with  Virginia  and  followed  up  by  Maafcachueetts  and  the  other  Statew, 
the  people  of  our  country'  maue  an  earneBt  appeal  to  Conpretw — for  what  V 
I>id  they  ask  for  a  tariff  for  revenue  only  ?  No,  sir ;  not  a  bit  of  it.  Did 
they  ask  to  have  a  tariff  for  free  trade  ?  Not  a  word  of  it.  Did  they  aek 
to  have  a  tariff  only  for  the  purpose  of  paying  the  running  expenses  of 
the  Government  ?  No,  sir.  But  the  resolutions  of  178(j  of  Virginia  and 
Massachusetts  and  Maryland  and  the  petitions  sent  up  to  Congress  were 
to  the  etlect  that  some  action  should  be  taken  whereby  an  end  should 
be  put  to  the  influx  of  the  pauper  products  of  P^urope.    And  for  what 

{)urpose?     Why,  sir,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  protection  to  our  own 
abor  and  industries. 

— HouK,  Eecord,  4102. 

I*opperiuint  oil  a  farm  prodnct. 

Xo.  701. — Mr.  Chairman,  as  the  law  now  stands  dutiable  merchan- 
dise may  be  broup^ht  into  our  country  from  a  foreign  country,  and  if  these 
goods  do  not  enter  into  the  trade  or  consumption  of  this  country  they 
may  be  shipped  out  of  the  country  again,  and  all  this  accomplished  with- 
out paying  the  duty,  or  any  part  of  the  duty,  by  law  imposed  on  thd  im- 
portation of  such  property. 

This  looks  like  a  very  innocent  and  harmless  law,  and  if  carried  out 
in  its  full  spirit  and  intention  can  do  no  harm.  The  usual  practice  on 
the  part  of  the  customs  authorities  in  this  country  in  regard  to  dutiable 
good  coming  here  which  are  intended  to  be  shipped  abroad  again  is  not 
lo  allow  such  goods  to  be  repacked  or  rewrapped,  rebottled,  or  in  any 
way  changed.  S3  long  as  this  regulation  is  adhered  to  it  is  quite  difficult 
to  see  how  harm  can  come  from  such  practice.  The  law  governing  thesci 
matters,  however,  does  not  provide  that  such  goods  shall  not  he  changed 
into  other  packages  and  wrappings.  This  being  the  fact,  frauds  have 
occurred  and  are  likely  to  occur  under  this  law  in  this  way. 

Peppermint  oil  is  made  largely  in  this  country.  The  mint  is  grown 
and  the  oil  distilled  by  farmers.  This  industry  is  carried  on  largely  in 
the  State  of  New  York  and  in  the  State  of  Michigan.  One  county  in  the 
Congressional  district  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  here — I  refer 
to  Wayne  County,  Yew  York — yearly  for  many  years  had  made  f400,00" 
worth  of  this  oil. 

More  than  10,000  acres  of  land  in  this  one  county  are  used  to  grow  pep- 
permint, and  more  than  two  thousand  farmers  are  interested'  in  the  in- 
dustry. The  farmers  not  only  grow  the  mint,  but  they  distill  the  oil  as 
well.  This  section  of  the  county  has  become  noted  for  the  superior  oil 
made.  One  man,  Mr.  Hotchkiss,  has  for  twenty  years  handled  all  the 
oil  made  in  thin  county.  He  has  ma<le  a  careful  study  of  the  business  ac! 
has  used  good  judgment  and  honest  effort  to  make  a  success  for  himself 
and  for  the  people,  and  has  succeeded.  Jle  haa  all  this  time  put  thin  oil 
in  bottles  of  uniform  size  and  had  them  carefully  branded  and  marked, 
lie  has  insisted  on  handling  only  the  very  best  and  purest  oils.  He  not 
only  has  supplied  the  markets  here,  but  has  shipped  his  oils  abroad  and 
sold  them  largely  in  Europe. 

Tlie  Hotchkiss  brand  of  peppermint  oil  hasgained  a  reputation  at  home 
and  abroad  for  purity  and  strength  which  no  other  oils  of  the  kind  ever 
gained.    The  importers  in  New  York  knew  of  the  excellent  reputations 
286 


riii-PiG 

of  these  oils  and  desired  to  profit  by  it.  So  these  importers  last  Novem- 
ber procured  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  make  an  order  allowing 
iheni  to  bring  into  tlie  jwrt  of  New  York  Japanese  peppermint  oil  of  an 
inferior  ^rade  (worth  no  more  whan  ".")  cents  a  {K)und,  while  the  Wuvne 
County  oil  was  worth  nearly  ortjuite  ^'.i  per  iX)und),  then  to  change  that 
Japanese  oil  out  of  the  Japaneno  bottles  anu  put  it  into  bottles  of  the 
size,  shape,  and  appearance  of  the  bottles  in  which  the  Wayne  ("onnty 
oil  was  put  up,  and  tlien  this  cheap  Japanese  oil  so  changeii  in  packages 
was  sent  abroatl  into  the  mark»*t8  where  the  llotchkiss  brand  of  oil  had 
gained  a  reputation.  This  Japanese  oil  paid  no  duty  at  all,  though  there 
was  a  duty  by  our  law  upon  such  oil  whf-n  imported. 

The  trick  waa  discovered  by  Mr.  ^(ltchki^^H  and  the  Wayne  County 
farmers,  and  through  their  representations  the  order  of  ttjo  Treasury 
Department  was  revoked  and  the  fraud  stopped.  But  the  business  had 
been  injured  ;  Mr.  Ilotchkieshad  been  frightened  and  so  had  the  farmers. 
And  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  ofTerthis  amendment  to  prevent  a  recurrence 
of  any  such  practice  in  the  future.  This  resolution  will  prevent  this 
practice  not  only  with  the  peppermint  oil,  but  with  all  other  property 
shipped  in  here.  Why,  in  this  instance  you  see  the  cheap  lalxir  of  Japan 
in  the  8hai)e  of  inferior  distilled  Japanese  oil  come  in  competition  with 
American  farmers  and  an  American  product.  This  was  dune  \>y  a  trick 
and  a  fraud,  and  this  amendment  will  put  a  stop  to  such  practice. 

— Nutting,  Kecord,  708y. 
Ptiiludelphia— Labor  and  wa^oN  in. 

Xo.  705. — Mr.  Chairman,  let  me  state  a  fact  for  the  information  of 
the  members  present,  for  many  of  them  may  not  know  it,  as  men  natu- 
rally look  principally  to  their  own  localities  ;  I  want  to  state  to  this  com- 
mittee that  within  the  city  of  Philatlelphia,  with  its  population  of  a 
million  of  people,  200,000  and  over  are  engaged  in  manufacturing  estab- 
lishments, making  a  good  living  for  themselves  and  their  families. 

Mr.  McKINldOY.  And  buying  the  products  of  the  farmersat  good  prices. 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  of  Pennsylvania.  .\nd,  as  my  friend  from  Ohio  sug- 
gests, buying  the  products  of  the  farmers  at  good  prices.  In  that  city 
there  are  turned  aut  every  day — and  you  may  count  every  day  of  the 
three  hundred  and  sixty-five  in  the  year — more  than  a  million  dollars' 
worth  of  products  from  manufacturing  establiHhments.  The  product  of 
these  establishments  is  indeed  amazing,  tlie  aggregate  being  nearly  $4(»0,- 
000,000  a  year.  lA>t  me  add,  sir,  that  within  my  recollection  tlie  jnipu- 
lation  of  that  city  has  grown  from  less  than  L*()0,€U0  to  be,  as  I  am  sure 
will  be  shown  by  the  census  that  we  are  going  to  take  in  a  year  or  two, 
over  1,000,000.  — O'Neill,  Pennsylvania,  Record,  ;U>45. 

PilC-iron,  coMt  of. 

No.  700.  — Mr.  Mills  says  further  in  reference  to  pig-iron  :  "One  ton 
of  foundry  pig-iron  costs  $11  ;  the  labor  costs  fL'J-l ;  the  tarill'  is  f»i  72." 

I  want  to  give  the  wages  of  laborers  and  cost  of  a  t<inof  pig-iron,  conipiltHl 
by  Mr.  Jolin  (tritiin.  formerly  of  Phnnix  (Pa.)  Iron  Works,  now  deceased, 
one  of  the  most  capable  and  pain"takingiron-masters,  it  issaid,  in  America: 

Wugcf*  ciinioU  in  iniuliiK  oni>ii);li  oro  f.ir  1  ton  plR  Iron fS  18 

WBj?<»rt  oarn<vl  In  niliiintc  fii'.UK'ti  llineMt->no  for  1  uin  plK-tron 83 

Wa«es  eartitil  In  roluiiiK  •'1i<>iik)>  '"""l  f^r  1  ton  I'lRlron -..      l."l 

Wa»ro«  cftrucil  in  inlnli  ,•  •  i.-   i_-ii  '-'ko  fop  1  ton  pltflrou. „ .2S 

WnucB earned  In  irnii .'6 

WAK<'8  0Aru(><l  In  irni.  -^toa^.^^^ ~ OC 

WaKO-t  (virned  la  tnm-  .  .1 4& 

W«m-H  »wrno<I  In  trnus^.  i;.ii^  viko W 

Waged  oarncU  by  rurnacc  liomls  mAklnp     ton  plg-troo «. 2.11V 

•n.M 

Add  laxee,  loeurance,  interesl,  freight,  »(& '>.3u 

Total » %lf>* 


PIG-PLA 

Here  is  a  total  of  $16.74  for  a  ton,  as  against  Mr.  Mills's  assertion  that 
It  costs  but  $11,  and  sells  in  the  markets  at  from  $17..'^)  to  $20  per  ton. 

— Kknneia',  Record,  43oU. 

Vig-iron— .1  loaf  f  roui  history  showing  why  protection  Is 
noceNMary. 

No.  707. — That  a  country  possessing  so  much  inherent  vigor  as  our 
own  should  need  protection  frona  the  competition  of  any  other  people, 
has  been  denied  by  a  large  body  of  men.  That  such  necessity  there  be, 
however,  is  proven  by  the  fact  that  every  ''free  trade"  i>eriod  in  our 
history  has  ended  in  almost  universal  bankruptcy  of  the  people,  with 
bankruptcy  of  corporations,  and  State  and  general  governments;  and 
that  the  only  way  in  which  we  have  recovered  from  these  misfortunes 
has  been  by  a  re-adoption  of  the  protective  policy.  That  our  industry  is 
not  able  to  sustain  itself  under  the  peculiar  "  warfare"  of  Great  Britain, 
is  a  fact  patent  to  every  man  who  will  see  the  truth. 

Under  the  protective  tariff  of  1S42,  the  production  of  iron  in  the 
United  States  rose  from  230,000  tons  in  1842  to  76",000  tons  in  1846.  In 
the  latter  year  the  "  free  trade  "  policy  was  inaugurated,  and  by  1852,  a 
large  proportion  of  the  American  producers  had  been  ruined,  and  the 
production  fell  to  500,000  tons. 

Under  the  protective  policy,  the  prices  of  "pig  "iron  in  New  York 
were  as  follows : 

1843 per  ton...     24.07  1 1818 - I)erton...     »2  6a 

1844 „ -      ••      ...      a-I.CT  I  1&4«_ ^> "      ...      80.42 

showing  an  average  of  ?^28.14J. 

After  the  ruin  of  a  large  body  of  the  American  producers  had  been  ac- 
complished, with  a  demand  for  railroads,  and  a  decreased  supply  of 
American  iron,  the  prices  of  "  pig  "  in  New  York  were  as  follows : 

1853 ^ — per  ton...      34.81  1 1855._ „ per  ton...      31  981 

1854 "       ...      38.66  I  1856 "      __      32.68^ 

showing  an  average  of  $31.20,  or  $6.C'5J  higher  than  it  had  been  under 
the  protective  tariff  of  1842.  • 

— H.  Cakby  Baird. 

Platrorm,  Democratic,  of  1844.    (See  No.  168.) 

]*latrorni«t,  national  Democratic,  and  the  tariff. 

Xo.  708. — The  first  declaration  of  principles  which  can  be  called  a 
platform  for  the  party  was  that  of  a  Congressional  caucus,  which  was 
known  as  Republican  at  that  day  as  distinguishing  it  from  Federalist, 
adopted  at  Philadelphia,  on  which  Jefferson  was  first  elected  to  the  Pres- 
idency.    It  declared  for — 

"  G.' Free  commerce  with  all  nations,  political  connection  with  none, 
and  little  or  no  diplomatic  establishments." 

18o8  :  The  next  Democratic  platform  was  that  of  1838,  adopted  bv  our 
first  national  convention  for  nominating  candidates  for  the  Presidency 
and  Vice  Presidency.  It  was  the  platform  on  which  Van  Buren  waa 
elected.    It  declared — 

"  Hostility  to  any  and  all  monopolies  by  legislation,  because  they  are 
violations  of  the  equal  rights  of  the  people. 

"  The  true  foundation  of  republican  government  is  the  equal  rights  of 
every  citizen  in  his  person  and  property  and  its  management." 

1840:  Ttie  next  Democratic  platform  was  that  of  1840,  adopted  by  the 
Presidential  convention  at  Baltimore,  which  contains  these  resolutions: 

"4.  Resolved,  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  Federal  Govem- 
288 


PLA 

^M'n^  to  foster  one  branch  of  iniJustrj-  to  the  detriment  of  another,  or  to 
tlicrish  the  interesta  of  one  portion  to  the  inj\iry  of  another  portion  of  our 
r-omni'^n  country. 

'  5.  lirsoivfd.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  Governmpnt  to 
enforce  and  pra<;i ice  the  most  riiiid  economy  in  conduc.tinj^  our  piihhc 
4itl.iirB,  and  tuat  no  more  revenue  oujiht  to  be  raised  than  is  required  to 
defi-ay  the  necceary  expenses  of  the  Government." 

The  Dt^mocratic  convention  of  1884  reaffirmed  the  fourth  and  fifth  reso- 
lutinns  of  the  convention  of  1840. 

1848:  Ttie  Democratic  national  convention  of  184S — 

"  Iif»olvfd,  That  the  fiuits  of  tlje  ^reat  political  triumph  of  1844  have 
fultilled  the  hnpesof  the  Democracy  of  tlie  Un'on  in  thn  noble  impulse 
piven  to  the  cause  of /r-e  trade  by  the  repeal  of  the  tariif  of  1842  and  the 
crr-ation  of  the  more  equal,  honest,  and  protective  tariff  of  184(1,  and  that 
in  our  opinion  it  would  be  a  f.ital  errur  to  weaken  the  bands  of  apjlitical 
orjianiEalion  by  which  these  great  reforms  have  been  achieved  and  risk 
then  in  the  hands  of  their  known  adversaries,  with  wha'ever  delusive 
appeals  they  may  solicit  our  burrender  of  that  vigilance  which  is  the  only 
saiVgnard  of  liberty." 

1852:  The  Democratic  convention  of  18-52 — 

"  K^Kolred,  Tnat  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  Government  to 
enforce  and  practice  the  most  rigid  economy  in  conducting  our  public 
afl"air9,  and  that  no  more  revenue  ought  to  be  raised  than  is  required  to 
defray  the  necepsary  expanses  of  the  Government  and  for  the  gradual 
but  certain  extinction  of  the  public  debt. 

'  Resolved,  And  to  tusiain  and  advance  among  them  constitutional  lib- 
erty bv  continuing  to  resist  all  monopolies  and  exclusive  legislation  for 
tliH  br'nefit  of  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many." 

'[^^■.^'Henobifd,  That  there  are  questions  connected  with  the  foreign 
policy  of  this  coun'ry  which  are  inferiortonodomestic  question  whatever. 
The  time  hai-  come  for  the  people  of  the  Unite<l  States  to  declare  theniPel  ves 
in  favor  of  free  seas  and  progreseivo  free  trade  throughout  the  woiM  by 
solemn  manifestations  to  place  their  mural  influence  at  the  side  of  their 
successful  example." 

18C0:  In  18(i0both  the  DouglaH  and  Breckinridge  platforms  reaffirmed 
the  rrHol'itimis  of  185(3,  quoted  al)ovi-. 

1872:  In  1872  the  DemotTati  ■  convention  (so-called)  at  Baltimore — which 
"wasiii  fact,aGree'ey,andnotaDemo  raticconvention  atall — diil  not  adopt 
any  Democratic  resolutions,  but  indorsed  the  plat:orm  of  the  lJl)er.il  lie- 
puDlican  conven'ion  held  at  Cmctnuaci,  which  containe«i  th'^  following 
-curious  dulara' ion,  making  thn  tariff  a  "  local  iesue:"  «  ♦  »  -'Wo 
remit  the  discussion  of  the  suly 'ct  [proteciou  and  free  trade]  to  the 
people  in  th-ir  Cjngre-isional  districts  and  the  d>cisii)n  of  Congress 
thereon,  wholly  free  from  executive  interference  or  dictanon." 

Tnis  is  the  only  hi.\tus  in  the  oiai  i  of  a-ieertions  by  the  Dprnf^crntic 
party  of  the  do  trine  d  a  tariff  for  revenue  only.  Itresuind  in  the 
shameful  defeat  of  a  c.indidate  supported  by  the  party  in  defiance  alike 
-of  piini  iple  and  of  j^wjlicy. 

1^7(»:  In  1870 1  he  D<  mocratic  convent  ion  spokewith  no  uncertain  voice: 

''We  den<»unce  the  present  tarifl',  levied  upon  nearly  four  thousand 
articles,  as  a  m  vsterpiec;.i  of  injustice,  inecjjaliy,  an  1  false  prett  UHt\  It 
yields  a  dwindling,  not  a  yearly  rising  revenue.  It  hiw  impiverishcd 
many  industries  to  subsidize  a  few.  If  proh'hiiH  import.s  that  might  pur- 
chase the  proilucis  of  American  l.il)or.  It  has  degraded  Auiericau  com- 
merce from  the  first  to  an  inf<rinr  rank  on  the  high  hets.  It  bandit 
dtjwu  the  salt  8  of  American  mauutac'iin  s  at  home  ar.d  Hbroa<l,  :ind  de- 
pleted the  returns  of.Vmericjn  airri.ultu  e — an  industry  foil  )vr((l  i>,half 
our  people.  It  costs  the  people  five  times  more  tuun  it  produces  to  the 
xix  2.S'> 


rL\-PLU 

Treasury,  obstructs  the  processes  of  production,  and  wastes  the  fruits  of 
labor.  It  proTQotes  fraud,  fibsters  Bmivirjlinp,  eniichep  dishonest  ofliciids, 
and  bankrupts  honest  merchants.  We  demand  that  all  custom  bouee 
taxation  shall  be  only  for  revenue." 

18S0:  In  the  Democratic  platform  of  18S0  th^  old  doctrine  was  tersely 
reproclairaed. 

"  Home  rule,  honest  money,  consisting  of  gold,  silver,  and  paper^coi:- 
vertible  on  demand  ;  the  strict  maintenance  of  the  public  faith, Siate  at-l 
national,  and  a  tarifl'  for  revenue  only." 

— TowNsHKNi)  (Dem.),  Kecord,  424!t. 

Flatforuis  (State >  and  tarifl— Deinooratic. 

\o.  709. — Now  read  the  platforms  of  the  Democratic  conventions  in 
the  Spates,  and  I  call  the  special  atti^ntion  of  certain  Democrats  in  soiik' 
of  those  States,  who  have  not  only  departed  from  the  faith  of  thR  fathers 
on  this  great  question  but  also  from  the  authoritative  declarations  of  the 
nation.  Democratic  conventions  and  of  the  conventions  of  their  own 
States.     We  will  beyin  with  Maine. 

Maine. — 1869.-  "We  reaffirm  our  adherence  to  the  doctrine  of  free 
trade."  1870 :  ''  Free  trade  is  the  right  of  the  people."  1875  :  Tarifl  for 
revenue. 

I^ew HampKhire. — 1876:  "We  favor  a  tariff  for  revenue  only."  187S: 
Simple  revenue. 

Vifrmoni. — 1S7G:  "  A  tariff  for  the  purpvose  of  revenue  only." 

Massachusttts. — 1870 :  ''  Except  so  far  as  the  Ip^itimate  wants  of  the 
Government  may  require,  free  trade  is  the  only  true  policy  of  the  coun- 
try." 1871:  "  We  demand  a  tariff  for  revenue  onlv."  1877:  St.  Louis 
platform.  1SS4  :  Reaffirms  Cincinnati  platform  ISSO.  *  *  *  "  Be- 
lieving that  the  present  enormous  surplus  in  the  national  revenues  is 
demoralizinz  and  dangerous  ;  that  it  should  be  cut  down  without  further 
delay,  not  by  increasing  public  expenditures,  but  by  lessening  the  bur- 
den "of  taxation  ;  that  the  burdens  should  be  removed  from  the  neses- 
sariea  of  life  and  not  from  whisky  and  tobacco,  and  that  the  policy  of 
taxing  imports,  not,  fir  the  purpose  of  raising  revenue  but  of  obstructing 
trade,  is  unsound  and  must  ultimately  be  abandoned." 

Connecticut — 1870:  "A  tariff  for  purposes  of  revenue  only."  1871: 
Denounces  the  Republican  party  "  because  it  has  failed  to  reform  the 
abuses  of  the  tariff,  permitting  still  the  principle  of  protection  and  favor- 
itism to  override  the  idea  of  revenue."  1874  :  Declared  it  was  "  oppose<l 
to  unjust  and  unequal  systems  of  taxation,  which  tend  to  favor  one  clnss 
at  the  expense  of  other  classes  of  the  people,"'  »  *  *  and  to  all  mo- 
nonolies,  which  operate  to  the  benefit  of  privileged  persons  and  classes. 
187():  "The  tariff  law  should  be  adjusted  for  the  jnirpose  of  revenue 
only."  1884:  Call  for  the  Democratic  convention,  iesued  by  Connecticut 
State  central  committee,  April  2,1884,  "'who  are  opposed  to  a  contin- 
uance of  war  tariir  in  time  of  peace." 

— TowNSHKND  (Dem.),  Record,  4249. 
IMiish. 

\o.  710. — "  Plushes  composed  wholly  or  in  part  of  wool,  worsted, 
hair  of  the  alpaca,  goat,  or  other  animals,  ('>0  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  comparatively  a  new  industn,'.  Under  this  bill 
the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  made  raw  material  free,  which  re- 
duces the  cost  of  the  cloth  about  h  cents  a  yard.  That,  of  course,  is  for 
the  benefit  of  the  manufacturer,  but  Viy  removing  the  specific  duty  on 
manufactured  goods  they  have  reduced'the  cost  of  the  imported  article 
from  28  to  "0  cents  a  yar<l.  The  resultof  that  is,  they  discriminate  against 
the  American  rcanufa'cturer  to  the  ostentof  the  difference,  which  is 22 or 
20  cents  a  yard.  ^ 

290 


POL 

This  is  comparatively  a  new  indii-try.  It  has  been  established  pouie 
six  or  seven  years.  For  the  first  four  <jr  five  years  it  has  been  run  ai  a 
loss.  Since  then  it  has  begun  to  be  profitable.  But  the  result  lo  the 
American  manufacturer  has  been  to  reduce  the  cost  of  the  iniporLcl  arti- 
cle. Under  the  American  manufacture  the  price  has  been  reduced.  The 
busincBS  U  getting:  on  its  feet,  eujployini;  American  labor,  andollerin^?  an 
opportunity  for  the  investment  ot  Amei  icati  capital ;  but  while  tho  Com- 
mittee on  Ways  and  Means  have  taken  oil  the<lnty  on  raw  material  and 
thereby  aided  the  manufactarer  t:>  thf  extent  of  8  centsayard,  Ihey  have 
also  taken  ofTtho  tarilfon  the  manufacfurod  article  to  the  extent  of  28  or 
'M  cents  a  vard,  thereby  discrimin:'.tin<jr  airainst  the  American  manufact- 
urer. And  this  discrimination  a-^'ainst  this  American  industry  tothe  ex- 
tent of  20  cents  a  yard  will  probably  destroy  it. 

— Long,  Record,  6945. 

Political  iMMOC— The  tarifT. 

No.  711.— Mr.  BREWER.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  issue  which  this 
measure  pr^^sents  to  the  country  and  to  this  House  is  one  which  I  gladly 
welcome.  From  lSu-5  to  1S75  the  question  of  reconstruction  and  other 
questions  of  great  importance  naturally  ariping  from  the  war  occupied 
tlie  attention  of  the  public  mind.  Then  followed  questions  of  finance, 
and  for  the  last  ten  years  the  tariff  question  has  forced  itself  upon  the 
public  mind.  Since  the  organization  of  the  Republican  party  the  great 
mass  of  ita  members  have  favored  the  policy  of  protection  to  American 
industry  and  American  labor,  while  the  Democratic  party  has  at  all  times 
until  recently  sought  to  evade  the  direct  question  in  all  its  public  utter 
ances  and  platforms  by  the  use  of  language  susceptible  of  various  construc- 
tions, in  order  to  meet  the  views  of  the  membersof  its  party  in  the  different 
parts  of  the  country.  In  18<i8  that  party  declared  in  its  platftrm  for 
''Incidental  protection;"  in  1872  it  nominated  a  hi.^'h  protective  tariff 
Republican  and  lefc  the  question  of  protection  to  each  Congressional 
district  to  decide  a.s  it  saw  fit ;  in  187G  it  declared  for  a  tariff  ''only  f -r 
revenue,"  while  in  1880  it  reversed  the  lancuage  and  declared  a  '•tariff 
for  revenue  only,"  and  in  1884  it  declared  for  protection,  for  fr.  e  trade, 
for  "  incidental  protection,"  for  a  "  tariff  only  lor  revenue,"  and  a  tariff 
for  "  revenue  only,"  so  that  each  voter  could  read  and  construe  the  plat- 
fortn  to  suit  his  own  ctonvictions.  In  Kentu^-ky,  Indiana,  and  Miclucan 
it  meant  free  trade,  while  in  rennsylvania.  New  York,  Connecticut,  and 
2s'ew  Jersey  the  honorable  gentleman  from  i'ennsylvania  [.Mr.  Randall] 
■was  able  to  make  them  b'^lieve  it  meant  protection.  By  reason  of  fraud 
upon  the  ballot-box,  and  intimidation  of  voters  in  one  portion  i>f  the 
country  and  base  deception  practiced  by  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic 

J)arty  in  another  portion,  that  party  sucijeeded  in  electing  its  candidate 
or  President  and  took  control  of  the  CJovernment.  For  tliree  years  the 
executive  department  of  the  (iovernment  as  well  as  this  House  has 
played  "  fast  and  loose"  upon  this  great  question  until  the  nece.i.Hities  of 
the  Government  have  compelled  the  Administration  to  take  some  t>osi- 
tion  upon  the  tarifl  question,  and  I  honor  the  President  for  having  com- 
pelled his  party  to  stop  its  double  dealing  and  to  define  its  position  by  its 
•work  here  in  the  House. 

— Brkwer,  Record,  3603. 

PolitioM  in  tUv  turiir  iNNno. 

Xo.  71U. — If.  there  politics  in  this?  some  may  ask.  Yes.  Political 
economy  is  definetl  to  be  "  tiie  science  which  treats  of  the  weAlth  of 
nations,  and  the  causen  of  its  increa«e  or  diminution  ;  the  nrinciplp^t  of 
government."  This  surely,  then,  trendu-son  that  ground.  It.  points  out 
M)  the  South  the  true  way  lo  establish  and  make  operative  "  the  »>cience 

291 


POO— POT 

of  povemment."  It  eataV^liwhes  the  hi(_'her  order  of  politics  in  her  domain. 
Not  ehot-nuns,  not  tissue  ballols,  not  inlimidfttion  for  opinion's  Rake,  but 
a  fair  field  antl  no  favor  in  the  general  upbuilding  and  rehabilitation  of  her 
territorv.  Not  (^pia  and  Hamburg  and  Danville,  but  ciiies  like  Low- 
ell and  Lawrence,  like  Manchebter  and  Augusta,  wilh  their  magnificent 
manufacturing  establishments,  will  npring  up  all  over  the  South,  giving 
employment  to  tens  of  thousands  of  her  people,  converting  her  waste 
places  into  thrifty  villages  and  prosperous  comtnunitief,  thus  dignifying 
and  ennobling  labor,  and  practically  helping  to  make  this  great  country 
of  ours  independent  of  the  productions  of  European  nations. 

— Gallinoeji,  Record,  3G93. 

I*o(>r  nian*N  blanket. 

\o.  7i;j. — Something  was  said  by  a  member  of  this  House  regarding 
the  petition  of  my  colleague  from  Iowa  in  reference  to  blankets.  The 
argument  of  my  colleague  went  to  show  this:  That  the  poor  man'n 
blanket  wasa*?  cheap  to-day  within  10  per  cent,  as  it.  is  in  England.  The 
argument  of  the  gentleman  from  f  )hio  [.Mr.  McKinley]  shows  that  the 
px)r  man's  all-wool  clothing  is  as  cheap  to-day  in  the  United  States,  or 
within  a  trifle  of  it  a^i  it  is  in  Great  Britain. 

And  that  fact  stands  against  all  theories  as  a  conclusive  argument  in 
favor  of  maintaining  the  present  position. 

— Kkrr,  Record,  6938. 

I*oor  iiiKirN  table— WliT  no  Nugar,  no  rice— .tir.  Shaw  voted 
to  tux  liis  riee  aiiu  NiiKur. 

"So,  711. —  Who  is  the  laboring  man  for  whom  protection  is  asked? 
Is  not  the  settler  who  preempts  a  ho:ije  in  the  far  West,  toils  early  and 
late,  withstands  all  untoward  circumstances,  and  labors  longer  than  from 
sun  to  B'.in  to  lift  the  mortgage  off  his  little  farm,  in  every  sense  a  labor- 
ing man?  Do  you  protect  him  by  retaining  a  tariff  tax  on  lumber  which 
he  uses  to  construct  his  house,  the  nails  that  hold  it  together,  the  carpet 
that  c  jvers  hia  floors,  the  stoves  in  which  heburns  taxed  coal,  the  barbed 
wire  that  incloses  his  fields,  and  the  iron  out  of  which  are  made  all  his 
farming  utensils?  And  do  you  treat  him  fairly  when  you  tax  the  salt 
with  wtiich  he  cures  his  "unprotected  "  pork,  while  the  salt  with  which 
the  New  Englander  cures  "  protected  "  fish  is  not  taxed  ? 

— Shaw,  liecord,  3540. 

(Note.— This  poor  man  pays  II  toreacli  m^mbarot  bUfanallr  for  sugar  and  rloe.  On 
all  tbe  arUclee  enumeraied  by  Mr.  Sbaw  bedoea  noi  pay  10  cent«  eacb.— ED.) 

Potatoew. 

Xo.  715. — Even  foreign-grown  imported  potatoes  have  been  con- 
spicuous during  the  past  season  in  American  markets.  Already  we  ap- 
pear to  offer  a  steady  market  to  the  British  Provinces  for  many  farm 
products.  For  seven  months,  ending  January  31,  18S8,  our  total  imports 
of  ]x>tatoe8  were  2,922,677  bushels,  part  of  which  c&me  from  Scotland. 

— Senator  Morrii.l,  Record,  3021. 

PotatoeH— Rate  or  duty  15  cents  per  bushel. 

'So.  710.— In  1H87  United  S  ate^  raised  175  millions  bushels.  Canada 
exporie<l  to  United  States  1,500,000  bushels.    Duty,  $250,000. 

— NuTTiNQ,  Record,  5497. 

Pottery-1860-'88. 

No.  717.— In  1800  potterycarried  a  revenue  duty  of  24  percent.  The 
businees  was  insignificant,  the  wages  low ;  only  two  or  three  thousand 
people  employed.    The  Morrill  tariff  act  levied  a  duty  of  40  per  cent., 


POU— PRE 

BobBeqaently  increased  to  h'},  and  to-(Iay  we  make  pottery  in  every  State 
in  the  Union,  except  Florida,  employ  an  immense  force  of  iieJp,  pay 
wates  hif^lier  than  in  18G0,  and  yet  as  muoh  can  be  bought  now  for  IliJiO 
as  could  be  then  lor  ^t. 

— Senator  Fuyk,  Record,  Go">. 

I'oultry.  liiiiuc,  .M4'ut<*. 

X«.  7IN. —  Now,  Mr.  C'hairman.  I  do  not  know  the  amount  of  revenue 
put  into  the  Treajsury  on  the  importaliun  of  the  iiema  embraced  in  line 
145,  meald. 

A  Membkr.    One  hundred  and  ten  thousand  dollars. 

Mr.  WKHKK.  Whatever  the  amount  may  bo  it  is  purely  a  tribute 
paid  by  the  Canadians  for  tradinir  in  our  markets.  It  will  not  all'ect  the 
price  of  meat  in  our  market  a  particle.  It  will  fall  into  that  catejjory 
of  artitles  some  of  which  we  have  passed  in  V.uh  hill  whose  importation 
into  this  country  is  so  insivrniticant  compared  with  the  amountriconsumed 
that  the  price  is  not  atfected.  The  fact  of  placing  this  item  on  the  free- 
list  will  be  simply  to  enhance  the  prosperity  of  our  Canadian  friends 
without  benetitirg  the  consumers  in  any  dep:ree  whatever  on  f<ur  side. 

Mr.  MILI^J.  I  will  give  the  jjentleman  a  reason  that  I  think  will  be 
satisfactory.  In  the  tirst  place  it  is  admitted  on  all  hands  tliat  wo  have 
got  to  reduce  taxation  to  sone  extent ;  and  in  the  second  place,  actintr  in 
that  view,  we  thought  it  Ix^tter  to  reduce  that  taxation  uj>on  mea's,  u|Hjn 
the  absolute  necessaries  of  life,  and  things  of  that  cliaracter,  rather  tlian 
upon  other  articles  which  are  to  a  certain  extent  not  so  necessary  ;  ami 
consequently  we  put  meat,  game,  and  poultry  upon  the  free-list  in  order 
to  cheapen  the  frx>d  of  the  people  of  this  country. 

(See  now  it  worked  with  Coffee,  No.  128.— Ed.) 

—Weber,  Record,  0203. 

FreHident^H  aim  at  protection  priiioipIoM. 

Xo.  710. — His  denunciation  is  aimed  at  the  principles  of  protection 
to  Anieiican  industries  by  tariff  laws.  He  asfiumes,  to  use  his  own  lan- 
guage, that  "  it  is  a  scheme  which  permits  a  tax  to  be  laid  on  every  con- 
sumer in  the  land  for  the  benefit  of  our  manufacturers."  He  e><f>t'cially 
designates  the  farmers  who  are  not  wiX)I-grower8,  the  mechanioi  en- 
gaged in  trades  not  protected,  and  the  l)ody  of  our  people  who  are  con- 
BumerB  as  the  victims  of  this  j)olicy.  He  pays  only  "  2,(>2;!.OS',»  persou-s 
employed  in  manufacturing  indiwtries  are  claime«l  to  be  l>en<'(ifed 
by  a  high  tarifl."  This  statement  of  the  PresiiJent  that  onlv  2,()2S,0S!> 
persons  "are  claimed  to  be  benefited  by  a  high  tarilf  in  u  re- 
markable one,  when  the  claim  is  universally  made  by  those  who 
believe  in  the  policy  of  protection  t>uit  all  daseefl  of  citizens  hh 
well  as  those  employed  in  domt*>^iic  manufactures  are  divply  inter- 
ested in  this  pDlicy.  iUit  even  if  thi.s  statement  it  applied  only  to  em- 
ployes, it  is  misleading.  Adding  tln'  number  dependent  upm  their  la- 
nor  for  a  livelihood,  and  considering  the  enormom  development  of  our 
domestic  industries  since  that  time,  it  is  sjife  to  nay  that  one  fourth  of  our 
entire  population  is  now  directly  interested  in  and  Hnpi>orii*d  liy  these  in- 
dustries. Add  to  fhe.'ie  more  ihan  two  million  of  farnu'rH.  with  their 
families,  engage<l  in  pro<liicing  wool,  pugar.  flax.  luMiip,  rice,  barlej*.  and 
manv  other  agricultural  prcxlucts  prr)tecti'd  by  the  tariff  laws,  and  you 
will  liavo  some  conception  of  the  reach  and  extent  of  the  Ugislation 
proposed  by  the  rresi(lent.  Indeed,  all  tlie  industrial  cla«"eB  of  our  i>op- 
ulation.  all  who  are  dependent  in  any  way  u|>on  their  lal)or  and  skill 
for  a  livelifiood,  all  except  those  fortunate  few  whose  fixed  Hnlaries 
or  income  make  them  independent  of,  if  not  inditferent  to,  the  pros- 
Si  •:> 


PRE— PR! 

perity  of  their  lees  fortunate  neighbors,  and  those  who  are  engaged 
in  foreign  commerce,  are  directly  interested  in  the  policy  of  protection. 

— Senator  Sukhman,  Record,  203. 

PreNi(lont*!<i  iikase  obeyed. 

No.  720. — It  is  pafe  to  nay,  however,  that  these  gentlemen  will  all 
eventUHiiy  vote  for  ti)e  Mills  bill.  Not  that  they  believe  in  it,  btit  it 
follows  closely  in  the  line  of  the  President's  ukase,  and  party  discipline 
demands  their  support.  Their  Moses  has  spoken  and  they  are  prepar- 
ing to  follow  his  lead  into  the  wilderness  for  another  weary  tramp  of 
twenty-four  years.  Of  our  Northern  Democrats  it  is  unnecessary  to 
speak.  They  are  humble  followers,  not  leaders,  in  the  Democratic  pro- 
cession. They  received  such  a  castigation  only  a  short  month  ago  at  the 
hands  of  their  valorous  Southern  leaders  for  following  out  the  wishes  of 
their  constituents  in  supporting  the  bill  to  refund  to  the  States  the  di- 
rect war  tax,  amounting  to  some  $17,000,000,  that  it  is  with  fear  and 
trembling  they  now  approach  the  Democratic  altar  to  solemnly  declare 
with  their  hearts  in  their  throats  that  they  are  for  the  Mills  bill  just  as  it 
is,  and  Ihey  are,  oh,  so  sorry  that  they  acted  as  they  did  in  laying  their 
unsanctified  hands  upon  the  sacred  surplus. 

— Haugen,  Record,  4232. 

Price  of  blankets.    (See  Nos.  5-1,  55,  56,  57.) 

Prices— Fallacy.    (See  No.  202.) 

Price  of  {;oo<Is  not  increased  by  tbe  <lnty. 

Xo.  7:21. — And  yet  President  Cleveland  and  his  party,  professing  to 
believe  in  the  doctrines  and  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  Andrew  Jackson, 
want  to  turn  us  over  again  to  the  tender  mercies  of  "  British  merchants." 

The  fact  that  John  Quincy  Adams  states  in  1825  that  the  price  c  f 
goods  is  not  increased  by  the  duty  levied  on  the  foreign  article,  a  fact 
that  is  known  to  every  man  in  the  country  who  will  take  the  trouble  to 
read  a  price  current  of  1859  and  one  of  this  year,  does  not  seem  to  have 
penetrated  to  the  White  House.  The  President  asserts  that  the  farmer 
pays  more  for  what  he  buys  because  of  the  levying  of  customs  <Uities, 
when  in  fact  the  farmer  pays  less  for  what  he  has  to  buy  and  receives 
more  for  what  he  has  lo  sell. 

I\Ir.  Chairman,  it  is  because  I  represent  a  district  in  this  House  which 
has  been  almost  purely  agricultural  in  the  pa.st,  but  which  is  now  iu 
part  becoming  a  manufacturing  district,  that  I  am  compelled  to  rise  here 
and  enter  my  protest  against  such  doctrines  as  are  contained  in  th« 
mehsage  from  wliich  I  have  quoted  and  which  it  is  proposed  to  put  into 
practical  operation  by  the  bill  under  consi'leralion.  It  is  a  fact  that  has 
been  demonstrated  so  plainly  that  he  who  runs  may  read,  and  even  a 
f(X)l  can  understand  that  in  those  States  where  the  vocations  are  diver- 
bified,  where  manufactories  are  erected,  where  artisans  are  employed 
with  their  skilled  labor  in  producing  from  the  raw  materials  that  come 
from  the  tield  or  farm,  from  woodland  or  from  the  mine,  such  goods  as 
are  required  for  the  u«e  of  civiiizud  man  that  there  the  price  of  farm 
lands  IS  increastd.  not  ten- fold,  nor  one  hundred-fold,  but  several  hun- 
dred-f  <ld  over  the  price  of  the  same,  but  better  lands,  where  only 
agriculture  exists.  While  the  price  of  the  land  is  thus  improved  its 
products  are  diversified  and  a  ready  sale  found  for  them. 

— Nicuo]>i  (Indpt.),  Record,  4580. 

Prices  and  prosperity  of  taritT  and  Free  trade  contrastci 

3fo.  732.— In  a  speech  I  made  in  1SS4  at  London,  Tenn.,  in  my  dis^ 
trict — my  friend  from  the  Chattanooga  district  will  know  the  genlfems 

2'.)4 


PRl 

1  am  going  to  refer  to — I  was  trying  to  argue  this  question  of  protection. 
I  looked  over  to  one  side  of  the  room  and  discovered  in  the  crowd  (Japt. 
Jack.  Hall,  a  prominent  Demot-rat,  whoowned  a  good  river  farm,  raised 
splendid  cropH  and  kept  line  horses,  elieep,  ciittie,  and  everything  else 
that  goes  to  the  adornment  of  a  modern  farm.  Wtiat,  I  said  to  him  was 
taken  down  in  short-liand  at  the  time  and  puhlished  in  the  Philadelphia 
Press  and  o'her  papers  ;  antl  I  want  to  reatl  as  part  of  my  remarks  that 
dialogue  between  me  and  Jack.     I  said  : 

1.  How  much  di(i  you  get  for  your  corn  under  the  Walker  tariff  of  184G? 
A.  From  10  to  12]  cents  per  but^hel. 

2.  How  much  do  you  get  for  the  same  kind  of  corn,  raised  on  the  same 
farm  and  delivered  at  the  same  place,  under  the  present  Republican  pro- 
tective policy  ? 

A.  Sixy  cents  per  bushel  at  the  heap. 

3.  How  much  did  you  get  for  an  average  pony  horse  in  those  days? 
A.  From  $40  to  |G0. 

4.  How  much  do  you  get  now  under  the  present  policy  for  the  same 
kind  of  a  horse? 

A.  From  $100  to  $125. 

5.  How  much  did  you  get  under  the  Walker  tariff  for  your  wheat  per 
bushel  ? 

A.  From  25  cents  to  35  cents. 

0.  Hnvmu(;h  did  you  get  for  the  same  kind  of  wheat  under  this  pres- 
ent Republican  policy  ? 
A.  From  80  cents  to  $1.25  per  bushel,  owing  to  the  demand. 

7.  How  much  did  you  get  in  those  days  for  a  good  cow  ? 
A.  From  $8  to  $12. 

8.  How  much  do  you  get  for  the  same  kind  of  a  cow  now  under  the  pres- 
ent policy? 

A.  From  $25  to  $45. 

9.  How  much  did  you  get  per  hundred  for  flour  under  the  Walker  tariff 
ofl84(J? 

A.  Frora$l  to$l  50. 

10.  How  much  do  you  get  for  the  same  kind  of  flour  now? 
A.  From  $4  to$()  per  hundred. 

11.  How  much  did  you  get  for  a  good  sheep  in  those  days,  Jack  ? 
A.  Fifty  cents  for  a  good  one. 

12.  How  much  do  yon  get  for  the  same  kind  of  a  sheep  now,  under 
this  Republican  polii-y? 

A.  From  $1  50  to  $2  (a  voice  in  the  crowd, "  Yes,  $2.50  for  a  gootl  one"). 
1.').   How  much  did  you  get  per   hundred  for  your  hogs  under  the 
Walker  tarid  of  1S40? 
A.  From  $2  50  to  $;5. 

14.  How  mnrh  do  you  get  under  the  present  "  rascally  Republican  pro- 
tec  ive  policv  ?" 

A.  From  $">  to  $7  per  hundred. 

15.  Jack,  did  you  make  biittnr  for  sale  in  those  days? 

A.  We  made  butter,  but  there  was  little  sale,  for  there  was  nobody  to 
■buv. 

1(».  Well,  when  you  sold  any  what  did  you  get  for  it? 
A.  Sometimes  as  liigh  as  G  pence  per  pound. 

17.  Do  you  make  and  sell  much  butter  now.  Jack? 
A.  Yes;  a  good  deal. 

18.  How  rau''h  do  you  get  per  pound  now,  under  this  rascally  Republi- 
can p'-otec'ive  policy? 

\.  I  have  a  standing  contract  now  in  I/ondon,  with  the  employes  en- 
^ged  in  the  manufacturing  eslablisluiienUs  here,  at  25  cents  per  pound 
Ihe  year  round. 

205 


PRI 

19.  Jack,  you  raise  a  great  many  chickens  on  your  farm,  don't  you?" 
A.  Yes;  a  great  many. 

20.  Well,  if  you  sold  any  under  the  Walker  tariff  of  '46,  how  much  di(E 
you  get  for  them  ? 

A.  There  was  not  much  of  a  market,  and  but  few  salop,  but  occasion- 
ally we  coulil  pell  a  real  good  fat  chicken  for  aa  much  as  sixpence. 

21.  How  is  it  now.  Jack,  about  the  price  of  chickens,  under  this  Kepiib- 
lican  protective  policy  ? 

A.  We  can  sell  all  the  chickens  we  raise  at  from  20  cents  to  30  cents 
apiece. 

22.  Well,  Jack,  did  you  sell  any  eggs  under  the  Walker  tariff  of  '46? 
A.  Yes,  occasionally  we  sold  a  few  dozeu. 

23.  ITow  much  did  you  get  for  them.  Jack  ? 
A.  From  2  cents  to  3  cents  per  dozen. 

24.  Do  you  sell  any  eggs  now,  Jack? 

A.  Yes  ;  the  old  woman  sells  a  great  many. 

25.  What  does  she  get  for  them.  Jack? 
A.  Never  less  than  23  cents  per  dozen. 

26.  Jack,  how  do  you  account  for  the  difference  in  prices  under  the 
Walker  tariff  of  lS4(i  aud  the  present  Republican  protective  policy  ? 

A.  We  had  no  manufacturing  establishments  here  at  London  then> 
and  there  were  but  few  people,  but  now  you  see  there  are  a  great  many 
laborers  employed  in  these  establidhraents  here, and  they  give  usamarket 
for  all  our  surplus  truck,  and  we  sell  a  great  deal  of  stuff  and  get  the  money 
for  it  that  we  use  to  throw  away,  because  there  was  nobody  to  consume  it. 

27.  Well,  Jack,  what  did  you  have  to  pay  under  the  the  Walker  tarift 
per  yard  for  calico  to  dress  up  the  "  old  woman  "  for  Sunday  ? 

A.  From  a  shilling  to  25  cents  per  yard. 

28.  What  can  you  get  the  same  kind  of  calico  for  now.  Jack  ? 
A.  From  4}  cents  to  8  centa  per  yard. 

29.  What  .did  you  have  to  pay  for  a  good  Sunday  wool  hat  in  those 
days.  Jack  ? 

A.  From  $2.50  to  $4. 

30.  What  do  you  have  to  pay  for  the  same  kind  of  a  hat  now,  Jack  ? 
A.  From  50  cents  to  $1.25. 

31.  What  did  farmers  have  to  pay  for  trace-chains  in  those  days? 
A.  Two  dollars  for  anything  like  good  ones. 

32.  What  do  you  pay  for  the  same  kind  of  chains  now  ? 
A.  For  real  good  ones  GO  cents  per  pair. 

33.  What  about  boots  and  shoes  in  those  days,  Jack  ? 

A.  An  ordinary  pair  of  rough  shoes  cost  $3,  while  the  most  common 
pair  of  brogan  boots  co'st  not  less  than  $5. 

34.  What  what  will  the  same  kind  of  goods  cost  now.  Jack? 
A.  About  two-thirds  of  the  old  price. 

34i.  What  about  a  suit  of  store  clothes  in  tho.se  days,  Jack  ? 

A."  Well,  they  were  so  very  costly  that  the  common  people  never 
bought  any. 

Every  one  knows  that  this  is  the  truth — that  under  the  free-trade 
Walker  tariff  "  store  clothes  "  were  so  costly  that  the  common  peopl&^ 
did  not  pretend  to  buy  them. 

35.  How  is  it  now  under  this  Republican  protective  policy  ? 
A.  Well,  a  few  dollars  will  neatly  clothe  a  whole  family. 

— HouK,  Record,  4103. 

Prices  nnd  tarifr. 

Xo.  72;j. — But  why  all  this,  when  the  fact  is  that  a  protective  turiflc 
lowers  the  price  of  manufactured  articles  to  the  cost  of  production  athiph, 
wages  and  keepe  the  cost  of  form  products  to  the  cost  of  production  at 
296 


PKI 

the  same  high  wages — for  by  destroying  the  home  production  you  reduce- 
the  "world's  supply,  enable  tiie  forei^'ner  to  monopolize  theentire  produc- 
tion, and  fix  his  own  prico,  while  protection  stimulates  liotue  production 
ana  home  competition,  creates  supply  to  the  maximum  of  demau'l,  and 
by  coming  in  competition  with  the  foreign  product  breaks  monopoly  at 
home  ancl  abroad  and  reduces  the  price  to  the  minimum  of  cost.  This 
is  the  loiric,  and  it  is  borne  out  by  the  fdct  that  all  products  that  have 
been  eutliciently  protected  have  fallen  in  price,  an<l  many  are  now  sold 
for  less  than  the  duty  ;  for  example,  cotton  goods,  steel  pens,  etc. 
(See  also  Nos.  91,  il'S,  145.) 

— Brdmm,  Record,  5219. 

Prices  and  (ariir— EfFectM. 

'So.  7t21. — I  concede  that  prices  of  home-made  articles  arehieher  for 
some  time  after  a  taritflaw  goes  into  etT-'ct,  but  upon  mnst  articles  thia 
increased  price  is  but  temporary.  The  correctness  of  this  statement  is 
fully  confirmed  by  actual  experience  in  our  own  country.  We  see  it  ia 
the  case  of  Bessemer  steel,  of  woolen  and  cotton  coods,  of  nails,  saws, 
axes,  of  table  cutlery  and  crockery-ware,  and  all  otlier  articles  that  caa 
be  named  which  are  produced  here  in  puf'h  quantities  a.s  will  nearly  sup- 
ply our  own  wants.  Our  protective  tariff  has  stimulated  invention  and 
improvement,  and  built  up  these  great  industries  which  now  compel 
foreign  countries  to  compete  with  us  for  our  home  market  subject  to  the 
duty  upon  their  goods  which  we  make  them  pay  for  such  competition. 
The  more  factories  there  are  the  more  competition  we  have  and  the 
cheaper  goods  we  get.  It  is  said  that  if  protection  tends  to  cheapen  man- 
ufactured goods,  what  advantage  is  a  protective  tariff  to  the  producer  or 
manufacturer?  I  will  answer  that  a  protective  tariff  tends  to  give  him  a 
more  stable  market  for  his  wares,  and  insures  him  a  fair  price  for  hit  prod- 
uct, and  aids  him  in  getting  started  in  building  up  his  business,  while 
at  all  times  it  saves  him  from  an  unjust  and  unequal  competition  with 
the  foreign  producer. 

— Brkwkr,  Record,  3605. 

Prices  increased  by  free-list.    (See  Coffee,  No.  128.) 

Prices  of*  u{;ricnifnral  products.    (See  A{;ricaltnre,  Nos.  2-i,. 
25,  2«,  27,  2».; 

Prices  not  raised  by  protection— ^Vliy? 

Xo.  725. — I  meet  this  question  squarely  and  asseverate  that  protec- 
tion does  not  raise  prices.  The  opposite  statement  and  the  argument 
which  backs  it  up  I  purpose  to  state  fairly,  for  we  now  come  to  the  famous 
revenue-reform  dilemma.  You  tell  us,  they  say,  that  protection  is  for 
the  purpose  of  enhancing  prices  to  enable  high  wages  to  ho  paid,  and 
yet  you  say  that  protection  lower  pricres.  This  is  flat  contradiction.  Sa 
it  is  as  you  state  it.  But  your  statement,  like  all  revenue-reform  state- 
ments, flourishes  only  by  af sumption. 

In  order  to  make  yourself  clear,  you  have  utterly  omitted  the  element 
of  time.  You  asfiume  that  we  say  that  both  our  statements  of  higher 
prices  for  higher  wages  and  lower  prices  for  consumers  are  for  the  same 
mstant  of  time.  Not  so.  When  you  begin  there  are  higher  price's  for 
higher  wages,  but  wlien  you  establish  your  manufactoriw,  at  once  the 
universal  law  of  competition  begins  to  work.  The  munuf.irtr>riesahrond, 
urged  upon  by  the  lower  prices  which  the  tarifl'forces  them  toodVrinorder 
to  compete  with  us,  cause  every  element  of  economy  in  manufacture  to  be 
set  in  motion.  Every  intellect  is  put  to  work  to  devise  ncTV  ma<'hinery 
which  will  produce  at  lower  cost,  to  seek  out  new  methods  of  utilizing 

297 


PKI 

waste,  to  consolidation  of  effort  to  leBsen  general  expensee,  and  the  thou- 
sand and  one  devices  every  year  invented  to  get  more  work  out  of  the 
powers  of  nature. 

That  lower  prices  will  come  at  once,  we  have  never  eaid.  That  they 
will  come  and  ;;row  lower  and  lower  bo  that  in  the  eeriee  of  years  which 
make  up  a  man's  life  all  he  needs  will  cost  him  less  than  under  revenue 
reform  we  asseverate  and  maintain,  and  all  history  is  behind  our  assev- 
erations, 

— Rked,  Record,  4G69-70. 

l*ri<>o««  the  ro<iiult  ol'  larilF. 

[Speech  of  Hon,  Thos.  II.  Dudley,  November  11,  1887,  at  Farmers'  Con- 
gress, Chicago,  111.] 

No.  736. — "Something  over  three  yeard  ago  I  attended  the  natioaal 
agricultural  exhibition  of  France.  It  was  held  in  Paris,  and  a  grand  ex- 
hibition it  was,  quite  worthy  of  the  great  nation  it  represented.  I  spent 
four  days  at  the  exhibition.  There  were  14  or  15  acres  of  ground  cov- 
ered with  farming  implements,  tools,  machinery,  etc.  All  the  exhibitors 
had  their  price-lists  upon  their  exhibits,  and  I  was  careful  to  obtain 
copies  of  them.  The  lowest-priced  horae-rake  was  250  francs,  or  $50  of 
our  money.  You  can  buy  one  just  as  good  in  any  town  in  the  United 
States  for  ?27.  The  lowest-priced  mower  was  $102  in  our  money,  and 
was  no  better  than  we  sell  for  5^00,  if  as  good.  The  lowept-priced  reaper, 
wihout  the  binder,  $185  ;  no  better  than  ours  for  $110.  The  plows,  har- 
rows, and  cultivators  were  20  per  cent,  above  the  price  they  are  selling 
for  in  the  United  States.  There  was  not  a  hoe,  fork,  shovel,  spade,  or 
rake  on  the  ground  but  was  dearer  in  price  and  inferior  in  quality  to  ours." 

I  therefore  repeat  what  I  have  said  before,  that  under  our  protective 
tariff  the  prices  of  all  manufactured  commodities  instead  of  being  en- 
hanced have  actually  been  reduced,  and  that  nine  tenths  of  all  manufac- 
tured commodities  now  used  by  our  farmers  and  laboring  people  in  the 
United  States  are  as  cheap  as  they  are  in  England, and  in  many  instances 
cheaper. 

— GuKNTHEB,  Record,  3951, 

Prices  under  Ueniocratic  rale. 

\«».  727. — The  Clerk  read  as  follows : 

"  Mound  Valley,  Kans.,  December  18,  1887. 

"  My  Dear  Sir  :  What  will  the  Democrats  and  Mugwumps  do  with  the 
tariff  this  session  of  Congress?  As  you  know,  I  am  a  farmer  and  quite 
an  old  man,  and  I  have  lived  in  this  country  a  good  many  years  when 
we  had  Democracy  and  free  trade,  and  I  know  what  they  are.  In  those 
days  I  drew  wheat  from  my  farm  in  Indiana  to  Vincennes,  a  distance  of 
45  miles,  and  sold  it  for  ."!>  cents  a  bushel,  and  took  calico  at  .']5  cents  a 
yard,  ani  very  common  brown  sugar  at  14  cents  a  pound,  and,  as  is  gen- 
erally known,  there  is  much  sand  in  Vincennes,  and  the  merchants  were 
troubled  with  optical  delusions,  and  could  not  tell  the  difference  between 
common  brown  sugar  and  yellow  sand,  and,  as  a  result,  when  we  would 
get  liome  we  would  find  our  sugar  badly  mixed  with  sand.  Remembering 
all  this,  I  say,  as  an  old  farmer,  may  the  good  Lord  deliver  us  from  Democ- 
racy and  free  trade. 

"  Can't  you  send  me  some  documents  ?" 

[laughter.] 
"  I  am  your?,  truly,  "  W,  H.  HARPER, 

*'  Hon.  B.  W.  Perkins, 

■"  Washington,  D.  C." 


208 


— Perkins,  Record,  3134. 


PRO 

Proper  oxpoiKliture**  Troui  the  NiirpluN. 

No.  72S. — Tiie  h^U  before  lu-,  Democrats  say,' is  intended  to  meet  the 
danger  of  iin  accumulating  HurpluH  in  the  Treasury.  I  believe  as  firmly 
as  any  Democrat  that  no  more  revenue  should  be  collected  ibuu  necessary 
to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  (lovernment  economically  adtninistercd.  But 
parsimony  is  not  economy.  I  would  pay  the  nation's  just  dehtH  and 
moral  obligations  as  well.  I  would  at  least  make  an  honest  ellort  to  fairly, 
ecjuitably,  and  liberally  compensale  the  heroic  veterans,  volunteer  sol- 
diery, whose  prowess  in  its  death  throes  preserved  the  nation's  life  and 
intejrrity.  I  would  consider  with  liberality,  without  wasteful ne.'-s,  the 
imperative  needs  of  our  internal  commerce,  and  improve  our  great 
national  highways,  recognizing  that  to  the  interior  portions  of  the  conn- 
try  the  navigabiiit}'  of  our  lake  and  river  routes  furnishes  the  surest 
safeguard  against  extortionate  railway  charges. 

The  President  entertains  different  view.".  He  vetoe«l  the  dependent 
pension  bill,  as  well  as  the  river  and  harbor  appropriation  bill  passed  by 
the  last  Congress.  It  might  well  be  asked,  was  there  premeditate<l  mal- 
ice in  this?  Had  he  signed  those  bills,  as  Congress  by  its  well-conpid- 
ered  action  said  be  ouglit,  and  the  needs  of  the  country  demanded  that 
he  should,  the  excess  of  our  income  over  our  expenditurts  during  the 
last  tiscal  year  would  not  have  added  alarmingly  to  the  burphis,  and, 
what  is  of  more  importance,  it  would  have  been  an  act  of  humanity  in 
the  one  case,  relieving  thousands  of  sufferers,  and  in  the  other  wouhl 
have  cheapened  the  cost  of  transportation  of  every  bushel  of  grain  car- 
ried from  interior  and  Western  States  to  the  seaboard.  For  some  inex- 
plicable reiison — unles  he  considered  it  necessary  to  ( reate  a  surplus,  so 
that  he  might  have  some  pretext  on  which  to  base  his  attack  upon  the 
protective  system  of  the  country — he  failed  to  meet  the  reasonable  ex- 
pectations of  his  countiymen. 

— IIaugkn,  Record,  4231. 
Fro-Hlavcry  Iroo  trade  reusoniiiK* 

3fo.  7lii>. — The  planters  were  led  to  believe  that  the  millions  of 
revenue  collected  off  the  goods  imported  was  so  much  deducted  from 
the  value  of  the  cotton  that  paid  for  them,  ei«her  in  the  diminished 
price  they  received  abroad  or  in  the  increased  price  which  they  paid  for 
the  imported  articles.  To  enhance  the  duties  for  the  prolec'tion  rfour 
raanufacturers,  they  were  persuaded,  would  he  so  much  of  an  adilitional 
tax  upon  themselves  for  the  benefit  of  the  North  ;  and  besides,  to  give 
the  manufacturer  such  a  monopoly  of  the  home  market  for  his  f.ihrics 
•would  f  nable  him  to  charge  purchasers  an  excess  over  the  true  value  of 
his  stuffs  to  the  whole  amount  of  the  duty.  By  the  protective  policy 
the  planters  expected  to  have  the  cost  of  both  provisions  and  clothing 
increased,  and  their  ability  to  monopolize  the  foreign  markets  dimin- 
ished in  a  corresponding  degree.  If  they  could  establish  free  trade, 
it  would  insure  the  American  market  to  foreign  m  inufacturers,  secure 
the  foreign  markets  for  their  leading  staples,  repress  home  manufact- 
ures, force  a  large  number  of  the  Northern  men  into  agriculture,  multi- 
ply the  growth  and  diminish  the  pri('e  of  provi-iions.  feed  unci  do  he 
iheir  slaves  at  luwer  rate*,  produce  their  cotton  for  a  third  or  fourth  of 
former  p^ice^,  rival  all  other  countries  in  it>»  cultivation,  and  monoi>o- 
lize  the  trade  in  the  article  throughout  the  whole  of  lOurope. 

— Kki.i  KV.  Record,  3195. 

Pronperity  nncl  iiiaiiiifurtiirin;;.    iS>  •>  \4>.  217.) 

l*roterte<l  artieleM  elieaper  now  than  under  free  trade. 

No.  7!S0. — I  irindsfone'* — lliere  is  irH  a  fiirmer  in  the  I'nited  States 
thai   <iia   run    iiis  furni  without  a   grind.-tone.  and    that  is   taxed,  too. 


PRO 

Grindstones  are  taxed  about  15  per  cent.  Linseed  oil.  which  the  farmer 
needs  to  paint  his  house  and  his  other  building?,  is  taxed  54.79  per 
cent.  There  is  a  tax  of  7(>\  per  cent,  on  vinej^ar,  and  they  call  that  a 
protection  to  the  farmer.  Some  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of  the 
House  have  set  forth  in  their  speeches  tabular  statements  in  which 
they  include  vinet»ar  as  a  farm  product  or  industry,  but  I  can  tell  tho?c 
gentlemen  that  Yankee  industry  has  wrought  a  wonderful  change  of 
late  years  in  tho  manu'^r  of  producing  vinegar.  It  is  now  a  manufact- 
uring induHtry  and  in  I8S0  had  806  as^abliihraents  in  full  operation. 
Vinegar  made  upon  tho  farm  has  entirely  disappeared  from  the  com- 
merce of  the  country. 
Mr.  HIRES.    Can  the  gentleman  explain  to  the    House  upon   hit!^ 

Erinciples  how  it  happens  that  the  poor  man  that  he  talks  about  buys 
is  window-glass  now  under  this  "  oppre'^sive  "  system  cheaper  than 
he  bought  it  under  the  tariff  which  was  in  force  in  18(31  ? 

Mr.  HATCH.      Oh,   well,  if  that  is    true— if  the  tariff  does  not  in- 
crease the  price  to  the  consumer — why  do  you  want  to  keep  it  on? 
[American  grindstones  are  not  taxed  ;  only  foreign  ones. — Ed.] 

— Hatch  (Dem.),  Record,  4577. 

ProtocttMl  persons  in  all  in<luMtrieN. 

X«.  7111.— Our  farmers  have  come  to  believe  that  this  "infant"" 
American  industry  must  by  this  time  have  reached  the  age  of  mature 
manhood,  or  it  never  will.  They  believe  that  it  has  been  pampered  and 
and  fed  at  their  expense  and  that  of  the  other  unprotected  classes  long 
enough,  and  that  it  is  no  longer  entitled  to  any  protection  other  than 
that  which  it  would  incidentally  receive  through  the  instrument- 
ality of  a  tariff  for  revenue  only.  To  show  how  insignilicant  in  num- 
bem,  as  compared  with  the  great  body  of  our  citizens  who  are  not  pro- 
tected, the  persons  engaged  in  these  protected  industries  are,  I  submit 
the  following  statement,  showing 

WHO  ARE  PROTECTED   AND  THEIR  NUMBERS. 

Bu^ar  planters - 1,400 

Laborers  employed 14,600 

Rico  planters _ _ „ _....  1,500 

Laborcrd  employed  (estimated) _ _ „ _ - „ 6,000 

■Wool-Browera  owning  flocks  ot  over  100  head  (edtimated) _ 60,000- 

Manutafturers _ _ 5a,l'27 


Agi^egato  capitalists 106.(i-j7 

Laborers  employed  in  protected  iudusirles 1,&00,(>K> 

(This  is  a  samp  e  of  Druiocratic  decept'on  ;  more  than  7,000,000  of  peu- 
ple  are  engaged  in  agriculture,  all  protected.     See  proof,  N'o.  (iyl. — Ed.) 

— Macdonalu  (Dem.),  Record,  3943. 
Protection— .ViiulyNis  of. 

>o.  732. — The  first  thf)ught  that  comes  up  in  any  candid  inquiry 
about  it  is  that  protection  io  natural  and  in  accord  with  the  habits  <•( 
men.  It  |)revails  in  the  family  as  regards  its  relaMons  with  other  fami- 
lies or  with  society.  It  j)ervades  society  as  regards  its  relations  of  each 
part  with  every  other.  It  characterizes  the  laws  which  guard  thecitiaerh 
from  the  dangers  that  spring  from  avarice,  or  crime^  or  negligence.  It 
protects  society  as  a  whole  airainst  the  injurious  actions  or  aims  of  its 
component  parts.  It  is  applied  not  only  to  health  and  morals  but  to 
property.  The  State  covers  all  its  subjects,  in  all  their  relations,  with  the 
panoply  of  protection  and  thereby  aims  to  promote  the  greatest  happi- 
ness of  all.  — Ed. 

Protoetion  u  eonstitntional  risht. 

IVo.  7',l'.i. — Mr.  Chairman,  protection  with  us  is  in  a  large  flense  at 
political  term.     When  the  colonies  organized  themselves  into  a  govern- 
300 


Hiput,  the  fun<lamental  idea  upon  which  such  organization  was  based 
^tas  stated  to  be  the  protection  of  hie,  liber. y,  and  property.  Wlion 
ttie  Constitution  was  framed  the  means  provided  for  its  maintenance 
■was  through  ihe  collection  of  taxts,  duties,  impopt«,  and  excipefl  to  pay 
Ihi;  debts  and  to  provide  for  the  comtnnn  defense  and  general  welfare  of 
the  United  States,  with  wliich  was  adiied  the  clause  to  regulate  om- 
jjierce  with  foreign  nations.  In  the  practi(.al  collection  of  duties  was 
<!tubraced  the  principle  of  so  adjusting  them  as  to  allord  i)rotection  to 
agricultural  ami  manufacturing  interests.  On  January  11,  IT'JU,  Gtorge 
Washington,  in  a  speech  to  Congress,  declared  that — 

"The  Bafe'.y  and  inieresta  of  a  free  people  recjuire  that  Congress  should 
promote  such  manufactures  as  tend  to  render  them  independent  of  others 
for  e?8ential,  particularly  military,  supplies.  Tiie  advancement  of  agri- 
<;ulture,  commerce,  and  manufactures  will  not,  I  trust,  need  recommenda- 
tion." 

The  preamble  of  the  first  tariff  bill  declared  that  it  was  for  the  dis- 
charge of  the  debts  of  the  United  States,  and  encouragement  and  protfx*- 
tion  of  manufactures.  The  principle  of  protection  was  deduced  from  the 
Constitution,  approved  by  the  fathers,  and  embraced  in  the  legislation  of 
the  First  Congress,  alternately  increased  and  diminished  of  its  protective 
•character  until  1801,  when  the  bill  known  as  the  Morrill  act  was  adopted, 
and  became  thereafter,  with  modifications,  the  tixed  policy  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. — Seymour,  Record,  4412. 

l*roto(>tioii— A  Democratic  view  of'it,  yet  uot  Tor  free  trade; 
oh,  no. 

No.  7111. — .1  protective  taritf  is  an  unjust  and  unfair  discrimination 
by  the  Government  in  favor  of  one  clafcs  of  citizens  against  another  class 
of  citizens.  It  is  an  enforced  contribu'.ion  in  which  one  man  ic  made  to 
contribute  to  the  support  of  another  man's  business  without  a  resulting 
benefit,  and  contrary  to  the  spirit  and  letter  of  our  Constitution.  The 
Government  has  a  right  to  tax  people,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  to 
raise  money  to  carry  on  the  Government,  but  Congress  has  no  right  under 
the  Constitution  to  force  A  to  support  B  in  his  business.  Wtjat  right  has 
the  Government  tothow  such  difference  and  F.uch  partiality  as  to  pass  a 
law  to  force  one  man,  without  value  received,  to  give  his  money  to  the 
assistance  of  another  man  in  his  private  business?  And  yet  that  is  what 
those  who  advocate  a  protective  tarifTare  doing,  and  that  is  what  has  been 
forced  upon  the  working  massesand  poor  toders  for  lo!  these  many  year?, 
until  injustice  and  wrong  come  up  in  sighs  and  groans  from  the  f)|>pre8sed 
|)Oor  in  a  greater  grief  aud  deeper  woe  than  e.scaped  from  tin*  hiar.s  of 
the  unhappy  Jews  when  ihey  loileil  and  endured  I'.gyptiau  bon»lage. 

— .aIcCl.vm.mv,  Kecord,  4t>()2. 

Prot'Tfioii     as^ainwt   Trco   f ratio   (>(»nf raistfcl— L'nited  Ktates 
lor  |>rot<'«-tioii.  IIiiKlaiid  I'or  l'r<-<'  trade. 

Xo.  7:t5. —  Kiiglan<l  isa  representative  free-trudi-  country, th«  United 
Stales  a  representative  protection  country.  Sixtj-en  billions  of  dollars  was 
the  sum  toialof  our  wealth  in  isoi,  an<l  one-half  of  tiiat  was  wasted  in  the 
war.  The  wealth  of  England  at  that  time  was  thirty  liillion",orneaily  twice 
that  of  the  United  Sales.  I5nt,  notwith«l;inJing  thcci^tan  1  «levastntion 
of  a  four  yeard' war,  our  wealth  is  now  over  nixty  billions,  and  that  of 
England  only  a  triile  more  than  forty  billions.  In  1S(;0  our  manufart- 
»ire.4  amounted  to  one  l)illion  eight  hundriHl  million  dillar.-",  while  now 
they  reach  the  vast  amount  of  seven  billi  >ns.  Then  we  were  the  third 
manufacturing  country  in  the  world,  while  today  we  are  the  first,  ex- 
ceeding England  by  one-third.    (See  also  No.  7.'i.'> ) 

— G.M.i.ixui.K,  Kecord,  "C}R7. 


vno 

Protootion  atfuiiiMt  lYootrudo. 

\i*.  7im. — Our  lariiis  iiave  increased  in  uuuiber  from  two  millions  to 
five  tnillioiiy,  ami  oiir  wool  product  from  sixty  million  pounds  to  three 
hundred  million  pounds.  In  that  time  we  have  increased  our  cominerc-e 
ei^ht  times,  while  Eoj^land  has  not  quadrupled  hera.  Our  railroadg  have 
^Town  from  thirty  thousand  to  nearly  one  liundred  and  fifty  thousand 
miles,  and  the  rollinj:  stock  of  our  raiiroada  ia  worth  nine  times  the 
merchant  marine  of  Kneland.  In  that  time  T).")  percent,  of  all  the  wealth 
atided  to  the  earth  ha8  been  contributed  l)y  the  United  States.  Wliat  a 
miKhiy  result  ia  that !  In  all  human  history  nothing  can  be  found  to 
equal  it,  and  yet  we  have  croakers  in  Congreea  who  are  talkinp  of  tJie 
ilecav  of  our  institutions.  In  Knpland  51  per  cent,  of  the  wealth  goesto 
]>ay  labor,  L*(5  per  cent,  to  capital,  and  2:5  per  cent,  to  government,  while 
in  the  United  States  labor  gets  74  per  cent.,  capital  21  per  cent.,  and  the 
Government  5  per  cent.    (See  also  No.  734.) 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3687. 

Frotootion  and  olionp  nnKar. 

X<».  7;57. — The  world  is  ind(!bted  to  the  fostering  care  of  government 
for  the  bountiful  supply  of  suirar  which  enables  the  humblest  of  our 
laboring  classes  to  include  it  in  the  list  of  their  daily  necessities. 

President  Cleveland's  free-trade  message,  by  its  a'sumption  that  the 
duty  is  always  added  to  the  cost,  not  only  of  imported  commodities,  Imt 
to  the  price  of  like  commodities  produced  in  this  country,  shows  how 
profoundly  ignorant  he  is  of  economic  science.  To  illustrate  the  puerile 
absurdity  of  this  assumption  I  invite  the  President's  attention  to  the  fact 
that  though  the  duties  imposed  by  our  Government  on  sugar  when  re- 
duced to  ad  valorem  standards  were  never  so  high  as  they  now  are,  the 
price  of  sugar  was  never  so  low  in  this  country  as  it  now  is. 

— Kkllky,  llecord,  319G. 

Protection  an«I  RopublicaniNni. 

No.  7ltH. — And  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  Fiftieth  Congress,  whea 
the  industries  of  the  country  are  assailed  by  a  foreign  foe,  I  believe  that 
somehow  somethiui;  will  bestirred  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people, 
something  that  will  move  them  to  action  that  will  awake  the  giant  of 
Uie  Republican  parly,  which  has  been  sleeping  for  four  years,  and  again 
place  it  in  power  ;  and  standini/  in  every  harbor  and  jiort  of  entry  in  the 
lan<l,  it  will  say  to  the  foreign  invader  otl'ering  labor  products  pnxluced 
by  cheap  and  pauper  labor  from  abroad,  *' Thus  far  and  no  farther." 
[Renewed  applause.]  And  under  the  influence  of  Republican  doctrines 
the  country,  with  n«w  assurances  of  safety  and  protection,  will  have  new 
life  and  new  hopes  and  make  greater  Btriiles  in  the  march  of  civilizalioipi 
und  progress  than  has  ever  heretofore  been  accomplished  in  the  history 
of  the  world.     [Applause  on  the  Republicen  side.] 

—Mason,  Record,  4832. 

I'rotoetiou  and  revenue. 

No.  71W. — Still  Southern  statesmen  adhered  to  the  policy  of  free 
trade  or  secession ;  but  ntagnation,  universal  bankruptcy,  an  ever  increas- 
ing nationhl  debt,  an  empty  Treasury,  and  broken  na'ional  credit  com- 
pelled .Mr.  Buchanan  to  ask  for  a  revision  of  the  tariff  laws  in  the  inter- 
est of  revenue  and  protection. 

Tlie  act  of  18()1  followed,  and  I»Ir.  Buchanan  approved  it.  Seceesioa 
followed,  and  a  war  ensued  that  cost  in  money  and  property  destroyed 
prob.ibly  not  less  than  ten  thousand  millions  of  dollars.  Yet  under  pro- 
tection during  the  laf?t  quarter  of  a  century  we  have  become  first  in 
iQanufactures,  first  in  agriculture,  and  first   in  wealth   among  all  the 

;;o2 


PRO 

natione  of  the  earth,  with  our  Kibor  batter  pakl,  better  fed,  belter 
rlothed,  better  sheltered,  and  belter  educated  ttian  elsewhere  on  the 
hahfcable  globe,  and  yet  here  we  are  confronted  with  '-'le  8aiue  bold, 
defiant,  and  aggressive  old  revenue-reform  parly.     [Applause.] 

God  help  us!  will  the  time  never  come  when  we  sliall  reach  a  stable 
industrial  iK)licv?  Must  our  industries  and  labor  be  forever  exposed  to 
the  depressing  inlluence  of  perpetual  menace?  Well  may  agriculture, 
well  may  manufactured,  well  may  American  labor  unite  with  each  other 
aL'ainst  this  ever  present,  ever  aggressive  jtublic  enemy,  ami  cry  out, 
"  Let  us  have  peace  I  " 

These  free-tra>lerH  or  revenue  reformers,  as  they  f  mdlycall  thenoselves, 
appear  to  revel  in  the  adversity  of  our  people.  Every  calamity  is  an 
illustration  of  the  wickedness  of  protection. 

If  a  farmer  imprudently  contracts  a  debt  and  subsequently  is  unable 
to  pay  it,  he  is  lold  that  he  is  robbeil  by  protection. 

If  the  crops  fail  and  farmers  arc  depres^ied  thereby,  they  are  told  but 
for  this  robber  agriculture  would  be  prosperous. 

]f  there  iff  something  of  general  busines3  depression,  the  people  are 
told  that  old  Protection  did  it. 

If  some  scoundrel  has  plundered  his  employee  and  robbe<i  them  of 
their  just  share  of  their  own  earnings,  they  are  told  at  once  that  i'  is  the 
fault  of  protection.  — Ryan,  iiecord,  4827. 

Frut<'<*(ioii  bcloiiKM  to  KcpiiblieaniNin,  Nays  ** TarNiicj^,*'  of 
.Mi<-lii;;aii,  a  l>t'iiio<-ratt. 

\o.  714K — Wliat  is  jiruteclion  ?  The  meaning  of  the  word  is  a 
shield  or  a  harrier  against  some  other  nation  or  individual,  'rpon  the 
line  above  indicated  1  find  that  the  two  great  j)jlitic4il  j)arties  in  the 
United  Stater*,  through  tlieir  public  declarations  in  their  platforms, 
divide.  There  are  individuals  in  either  party  who  do  not  in  all  instances 
follow  the  general  party  teaching-' ;  but  I  am  speaking  of  the  history  of 
both  organizations  and  the  public  dei'larations  a.s  nhown  by  the  majori- 
ties of  both.  I  lind  by  a  review  of  the  history  of  the  last  quarter  of  a 
century  that  in  every  national  Republican  platform  and  the  Repul)lican 
platforms  in  most  of  the  States,  and  by  the  legislation  placed  upon  the 
htatute-books  of  the  country  by  the  rej^reeentatives  o!  that  party  at  a 
time  when  the  three  departments  of  the  General  (iovernment  Wcie  ex- 
clusively controlled  by  ttie  Republican  parly,  that  public  declarations 
were  made,  the  ideas  incorporated  into  ihe  laws,  the  puri>oses  of  the 
organization  for  protection  openly  promulgated  from  the  stump,  until 
the  word  protection  has  become  a  war  cry  of  the  K<>|)ui)lican  j)arty. 

— T.MiSNKV  (I)eui.),  Record,  5'; 02. 

Protection  l>riii<;H  in  ko1<I  and  payn  debt**. 

NO.  711. —  Havinir  Kupj>lied  ourselves  with  our  own  nianufadurod 
KOo<ls  and  h*>  not  owing  for  them  abroad,  we  have  l>een  able  from  our 
surplus  productions  sold  to  foreign  countries  to  bring  into  our  own  circu- 
lation over  JloO.tKJCiKHl  annually  for  the  last  ten  vean<,  thereby  furnish- 
ing capital  for  now  enterprises  and  new  industries;  for  the  building  of 
railways  and  other  public  improvements.  Tell  him,  also,  that  foreign 
merchandise,  except  articles  not  pro<lure(l  by  us  ami  so  u|>on  the  free- 
list,  has  to  pay  before  it  can  enter  our  market**  alxtut  fJ.'.s,(HJ(i,0(M»  million 
annually  now,  formerly  more,  (irst  for  revenue,  and  then  for  the  protixv 
tion  of  our  own  merchan<lis«  against  articles  of  the  same  kind  pro«luced 
by  labor  paid  one-half  as  much  as  .\mericrtn  labor  re<'eives,  an<l  he  will 
see  for  one  thing  how  the  American  workingman  lH>lieveH  in  the  pro- 
tective tnritr,  under  which  he  is  so  well  fe<i  and  clothed  and  housed; 
imder  which  lie  hae  deposits  in  the  savings-bank,  and  nmler  which  the 


PRO 

greasy  operative  of  the  afternoon  is  the  gontlt'uian  in  glippera  and 
wrapper  l)y  his  own  fireside  in  the  evening.  In  bhfiri,  tell  the  political 
economist  that  since  ISHO  the  financial  system  of  tlie  Government  has 
been  what  Henry  C'lay  called  the  "American  system  ;  "  one  in  which  the 
American  people  have  taken  care  of  their  own  interests,  and  have  let 
England  and  the  rest  of  the  world  take  care  of  theirs ;  ami  be  will  then 
understand  how  this  policy  carried  w*  thromrh  the  war,  and  has  enabled 
us  since  Jamiary  1,  18(i(i,  to  pav  $l,4")2,527,7(il  of  principle  and  more  than 
$2,0{K),030,00j  of  inu'rest  o-i  the  public  debt,  thud  reducinj^  it  more  than 
one-half,  while  the  dfht  of  every  other  lirst-claus  power  on  the  fico  of 
the  eartli  is  constantly  increasing.  — <  iuorx,  Record,  44U7. 

I*rofo(>tioii— C'oiiiVflorato  mid  \ntioiial  viowM  of. 

\o.  71^2. — But  I  wish  to  i<ut  into  my  Hi)eeeh  on  Ihig  point,  as  mark- 
ing: the  line  of  demarcation,  ju'-t  two  thinps  In  the  lirst  place,  I  will  iiwk 
the  Clerk  to  read  seclion  8,  paragraph  1,  of  the  coogtitution  of  the  Con- 
fe<lerate  .Slates. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows  : 

"  Se("  8.  The  Congress  shall  have  power — 

"  1.  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  impostg,  and  excises,  for  revenue 
necessary'  to  pay  the  debts,  provide  for  the  common  defense,  and  carry 
on  th«  government  of  the  Confederate  States  ;  but  no  bounties  shall  l>e 
grouted  from  the  treasury  ;  nor  shall  any  duties  or  taxes  on  importations 
on  foreign  nations  be  laid  to  promote  or  foster  any  branch  of  industry ; 
and  all  duties,  imposts, and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the  Con- 
federate iState.''." 

The  ClerK  read  fro'n  the  Republican  platform  of  1800 : 

'' Skc.  12.  That,  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  General 
Government  by  duties  upon  imports,  sound  policy  refjuire'i  such  an  a«.l- 
JQstment  of  these  imposts  as  to  encourage  the  development  of  the  in- 
dustrial intere'^t  of  the  whole  country;  and  we  commend  that  policy  of 
national  exchanges  which  secures  to  the  workiugmen  liberal  wag*  s,  to 
agriculture  remunerative  prices,  to  mechanics  and  manufacturers  an 
adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor,  and  enterprise,  and  to  the  nation 
commercial  prosperity  and  independence." 

— Geobvenob,  Record,  4640. 

Jl'rotootion  croatoH  a  homo  market. 

\o.  7l;i.— Wliy,  Mr.  C'hairmnn,  the  establishment  of  a  furnace  or 
fac.ory  or  mill  in  any  neighborhood  has  the  effect  at  once  to  enhance  the 
valur^  of  all  property  antl  ail  values  for  miles  surrounding  it.  They  i)ro- 
duce  increased  activity.  The  farmer  has  a  better  and  a  nearer  maiket 
for  his  products.  Th"  merchant,  the  butx'her,  the  grocer,  have  an  in- 
creased tra<le.  The  carpenter  is  in  greater  demand  ;  h«  is  called  upon  to 
build  more  hou'-es.  Every  branch  of  trade,  every  avenue  of  labjr,  will 
feel  almf)St  immediately  the  energiz  ng  inlluence  of  a  n"w  in<lustry.  The 
truck  farm  is  in  demand  ;  the  perishable  productfl,  the  fruits,  the  vege- 
tables, whi'h  in  many  cases  will  not  bear  exportation  and  which  a  foreign 
market  is  toi  distant  to  be  available,  find  a  constant  and  ready  demand 
at  good  paying  prices. 

What  ihe  agriculturist  of  this  country  wants  more  than  anyfhineelpe. 
aOer  he  ha^  gathered  his  crop,  are  consuniTs,  conFumers  at  home,  men 
who  do  not  raise  what  they  ejit,  who  mu^t  pun  base  all  tJiey  conRunie; 
men  who  are  engaged  in  manufacturing,  in  mining,  in  ctton-spinning, 
in  the  potterie",  and  in  the  thousands  of  proiu'-tive  induslriew  which 
command  all  their  tiiie  and  energy,  and  whose  employments  do  not  ad- 
mit of  their  producing  their  own  food. 

— McKixLKy,  Record,  4751. 
304 


Protorlion  croatON  deuiuiKl  lor  luatrhitierj'. 

\o.  711. — S'imu!iite<l  by  thf  theory  of  " Inbor-ccwt,"  the  chairman 

-or({<'rf«i  iin  iMVMtiiration  into  thf  oldest  inanufactorie.?  in  New  Enj^lnnd. 
Wliat  induct riea  cliiHie  fcclii'l?  Cotton  cheetinv'H  and  foiton  prints; 
^ot'on  ^oods,  the  very  artiden,  and  perliajw  tlie  only  artidos  which  have 
had  continuouH,  unbroken,  etlVctive  j>r<)teition  nince  lSi,'4.  He  seloctw 
industries  which,  under  all  tarill's,  have  had  sixty-four  years  of  solid 
protet;tion,  shows  by  them  hijjher  wai;es  for  labor  and  lower  prices  for 
•<»nBumtrs,  then  boldly  wraps  the  fla^r  of  labor  fo«t  a^out  him  and  pro- 
claims to  a  wondering;  world  that  taril!' has  nothin>,'  to  do  with  wajree. 
I  wonder  what  Edward  Atkinson  tliou^dit  of  his  new  disciple  at  that  mo- 
ment. 

Oh,  no  ;  tariffa  have  nothing  to  do  with  wages.  It  is  coal  and  steam 
and  machinery.  Hut  what  set  up  the  machinery?  What  caused  the 
-cotton  factory  to  be  built?  Why,  the  tan l!'.  So,  then,  the  tariff  built 
'the  mill,  set  up  the  machinery,  the  mai-hinery  infreaned  the  wagen,  but 
thetarilfdid  not.  Is  not  that  very  much  like  saying  your  father  was 
your  progenitor,  but  your  grandfather  wasn't.  How  could  you  improve 
machinery  you  didn't  have?  How  could  you  increase  the  ellicioncy  of 
•machinery  that  didn't  exist? 

— Reed,  Record,  4071. 

Protection  (lenioiiNtratod. 

Xo.  715. — I  am  like  the  boy  who  hired  his  sister  to  make  his  shirts. 
Some  one  said,  "  You  could  have  taken  those  shirts  to  the  factory  and 
hail  them  made  and  saved  $2."  "  Yes,"  said  the  boy  protectionist, "  Sis- 
ter Sally  got  a  j.relty  fair  price.  She  always  pays  me  well  for  what  I  do 
for  her.  limt  two-dollar  bill  is  still  under  the  same  roof  with  me,  and 
if  hiikness  or  trouble  or  hard  luck  comes  to  any  of  our  family  that  money 
la  there  In  the  house." 

The  free-trade  boy  calls  his  sister  a  New  Englaml  tariff  robber. 

— M.vsoN,  Record,  ISiU. 

Protection  developn  wealth,  taken  care  ofbone  an<l  Niiiew. 

>'o.  1  Hi. — There  is  no  need  of  making  any  law  to  protect  capUtl. 
(upiial  always  takes  care  of  itself  and  getn  a  full  share. 

But  there  are  laws  that  (an  elevate  the  condition  of  the  laboring  men, 
and  there  are  laws  that  can  degrade  them,  and  the  Republican  |>arty  has 
atuod  for  twenty-five  years,  and  it  will  Ptunil,  I  believe,  by  the  blessing 
of  (i<xi  and  the  will  of  the  American  |)eople,  tweuty-tive  years  more. 
[App'aui-e.]  Upholding  and  maintaining  that  the  (.iovernmeni  wldch 
takes  care  of  the  bone  and  cinew  and  worl^ing  muscle  of  the  land  is 
taking  care  of  the  men  that  create  the  wealth  of  the  country  and  are  en- 
titled to  the  patronage  and  protection  of  th,.  C«overnm»'nt. 

— Hi.Ai.vK,  J.  G.,  New  Y'ork,  August  10,  1888. 

Prote4-tion  <liverNif]eM  iiKluNtry. 

\t*.  7  17.— Mr.  Chairman,  the  theory  of  protection  properly  applie<], 
rchuiis  in  no  tuch  absurti  and  untenable  posi  ion.  It  con(in»««  the  place 
of  supply  to  the  United  States  as  to  the  things  we  can  phhIuco  in  suUi- 
cient  <|uantities  to  meet,  or  approxima'ely  to  meet,  the  demands  of  our 
people.  In  tloing  this  it  does  not  contine  its  l)eiieticial  elleitH  to  one  in- 
dustry or  to  ft  few  favored  purhuit.'^ ;  but  it  dtn-lnres  that  as  to  al'  indus- 
tries which  are  or  may  be  established  ami  which  are  lik«  Iv  in  time  to 
■apply  the  demand  of  our  people  we  will  contine  the  ptirchaws  of  such 
things  by  our  citizens  to  our  own  home  nuirkets  as  far  as  a  tarilf  reason- 
ably can  or  ought  to  do  bo;  that  this  will  keep  our  money  at  home  to  be 
invested  in  home  enterprises  ;  that  it  will  develop  our  natural  resources 
XX  305 


PRO 

in  all  directions;  that  it  will  diversify  the  occupations  of  our  people;  thatt 
it  will  thus  furuiBh  employment  for  our  labor ;  that  under  this  syetem 
our  laborers  nee<l  not  be  all  farmers  or  all  anything  else,  but  m"ay  be 
profitably  engaged  among  us  in  nearly  if  not  quite  all  the  business  pur- 
suits and  induslries  known  to  man. 

— BooTHMAN,  Record,  6751. 

Protection  gives  cheaper  clothing. 

Xo.  713.— Under  a  proper  protective  duty,  when  home  production 
approximates  a  point  commensurate  with  the  demand,  prices,  by  the 
very  forco  of  domestic  competition,  gravitate  to  their  natural  level,  the 
tax  fading  away  without  the  least  disturbing  or  alarming  eflect  upon 
business,  The  price  of  many  articles  of  do'hing  ui^ed  by  the  laborer 
and  artisan  is  no  higher  here  than  in  England,  showing  that  as  to  those 
goods  protection  has  effecteil  its  purpose.  From  pertonal  experience 
as  to  prices,  I  remember  myself  that  in  the  latter  part  of  the  bixties  a 
pair  of  duck ixig  overalls,  such  as  was  then  commonly  used  by  lumber- 
men, co3t  $2  oO ;  reduced  to  a  gold  basis,  not  less  than  $1.75.  This  sum 
will  to-day  buy  a  whole  suit  of  the  same  material,  and  better  made.  A 
pair  of  driving-boots,  costing  at  that  time  $10,  costs  to-day  $5.  Instead 
of  ducking,  the  lumberman  now  uses  woolens,  paying  for  a  Mackinaw 
suit  $5,  finding  it  cheaper  and  more  comfortable. 

— Haugen,  Record,  4231. 

Protection— Higher,  not  lower  duties. 

"So.  7  49.— Most  of  the  articles  were  imported  from  Canada  to  com- 
pete directly  with  our  farmers  in  their  own  market.  Without  protection, 
or  with  a  lower  duty,  a  much  larger  volume  of  these  products  would  un- 
doubtedly have  crossed  our  northern  borders,  and  with  sulficient  protec- 
tion a  much  less.  I  would  so  increase  the  duty  on  these  larm  products 
as  to  give  this  market  to  our  own  agriculturi-ts  rather  than  to  those  who 
do  nothing  to  support  our  schools,  build  our  highways,  sustain  our  Gen- 
eral Government  in  war  and  peace,  and  feel  no  interest  in  maintaining 
and  uplifiing  our  standard  of  citizenship.  If  those  who  claim  that  the 
farmer  receives  no  benefit  from  protection,  which  I  do  not  admit,  hon- 
esfly  desire  to  give  it  to  him,  let  tbeni,  instead  of  taking  away  the  pro- 
tection the  present  law  affords,  extend  it  by  increasing  the  duty  on  the 
above  articles.  Twenty-two  millions  of  dollars  is  no  small  matter  to  the 
farmer  within  reach  of  Canadian  competition,  and  the  influence  of  these 
importations  reaches  beyond  those  narrow  bounds.  You  cannot  improve 
the  market  of  the  New  York  farmer  without  sending  a  healthy  thrill 
throughout  the  whole  agri'jultural  system  of  the  country.  Our  market 
ought  to  belong  to  our  farmefs,  and  I  am  in  favor  of  giving  it  to  them. 

— Haugkn,  Record,  4236. 

Protection— How  it  in  aMMailed. 

Ac.  750.— The  existing  surplus  is  only  a  stalking  horse.  It  'w 
made  the  pretext  and  occasion  of  a  general  assault  all  along  the  Demo- 
cratic line  upon  the  protective  system.  The  President  leads  the  charge. 
The  distinguished  gentleman  from  Texas,  the  eloquent  member  from 
Kentucky,  the  able  and  accomplished  iSpeaker  of  the  House,  with  all 
their  Southern  allies,  still  clinging  to  traditions  born  of  a  vanished  sys- 
tem, have  struck  hands  with  the  theorists  and  doctrinaires  and  importers 
and  the  disciples  of  Cobden  on  both  sides  of  the  sea,  and  declared  un- 
relenting war  upon  the  great  American  system  of  protection. 

The  air  is  resonant  with  f'lrious  declamation  in  denunciation  of  its 
enormities.  Savage  phrases  and  unsavory  similies  are  unsparingly  flung 
at  it.  Is  is  robbery,  it  is  fraud,  it  is  unjust,  it  builds  up  monopolies,  it  de- 
o06 


PRO 

frauds  the  laborer  of  hie  liire,  it  swells  the  cofferB  of  the  rich,  it  carriee 
desolation  and  misery  and  scatters  the  seeds  of  poverty  and  pauperism. 
The  brilliant  Kentucky  editor,  also  honest  in  his  utterances,  styles  it  a 
'  painful  harlot."  iTom  the  j>lain8  of  Texas,  from  the  wilds  of  Arkansas, 
from  the  recesses  of  Tennessee,  from  the  savannahs  of  Carolina,  and  from 
the  swamps  of  Mifsi&sippi  we  hear  the  same  doleful  wail  over  the  wrongs 
and  oppressions  which  the  taritl'  intlicts  upon  the  free,  inlellij^ent,  ener- 
jretic.  pro=iperous,  self-support  inp.  well-fed.  and  well-paid  laborin;.;  men  of 
tlie^Tt-at  Industrious  North.  And  when  ourelo<]iu*nt  friendson  the  other 
side  tire  of  the  rhetorical  display  of  these  imaginary  evils,  tlu^y  turn  to 
prophecy  and  unfold  visions  of  material  glory  and  jirosperity  under  the 
Danner  of  free  trade  such  as  "  eye  hath  not  seen."  nor  hath  entered  into 
the  imagination  of  any  other  than  a  free-trader  to  conceive. 

— SfLWART,  Record,  4537-8. 

l*rotO(*tioii— llou  it  proteclN. 

Xo.  TrU.— Mr.  H.  .T.  I'ettifer,  secretary  of  the  Workman's  Association 
for  Defense  of  British  Industry.  Discussing  lately  this  very  question,  he 
says : 

"  Take  the  case  of  a  manufacturer  who  is  trying  to  com  pete  in  acountry 
in  which  industry  is  defended  with  an  article  also  produced  in  that 
countrj'.  Suppose,  for  instance,  the  Americans  can  pro<iuce  a  certain  arti- 
cle for  1  shilling,  while  we  in  Enirland  can  produce  and  deliver  it  for  10 
pence,  we  could,  if  we  had  free  trade  with  America,  undersell  them  in 
their  own  market  by  2  pence  ;  but  the  American  is  not  so  foolish  as  to 
allow  us  to  do  this,  so  he  puts  30  per  cent,  duty  on  the  article.  Now,  50 
per  cent,  on  10  pence  is  5  pence,  which  brings  the  English  article  up  to  1 
shilling,  3  pence,  and  as  it  would  be  absurd  for  us  to  ofler  it  for  1  shilling 
3  pence  when  the  American  can  make  and  sell  it  for  1  shilling,  what  we 
have  to  do,  if  we  are  to  sell  it  in  that  country  at  all,  is  to  reduce  profits 
and  cut  down  wagea  and  deliver  it  at  8  pence,  when  the  50  per  cent, 
brings  it  up  to  the  American  level.  But  who  has  paid  the  duty  ?  Why, 
certainly  we  lose  2  pence,  and  the  American  buyer  loses  2  i>ence,  but  the 
American  Treasury  gets  the  whole  of  the  4  pence  duty  toward  paying  the 
taxation  of  the  country. 

"  But  look  at  it  from  another  point  of  view.  Suppose  we,  in  England, 
getting  fair  profits  and  paying  fair  wages,  can  turn  out  an  article  for  1 
shilling,  and  the  Germans  can  deliver  it  here  for  10  {X'nce,  wliat  do  we 
do  then?  Do  "  we"  level  up?  Certainly  not;  we  level  down  ;  we  have 
to  reduce  profits  and  cut  down  wages,  in  this  case  just  a.s  we  did  in  the 
other,  until  we  can  produce  at  the  (ierman  price,  without  making  the 
German  pay  the  sligtitest  amount  toward  the  taxation  of  this  country,  in 
which  he  has  a  free  and  open  market.  Is  it  not  time  wv  a.aked  ourselvea 
the  (juestion :  Which  system  is  best  for  the  workiugman,  the  American, 
which  keeps  wages  up,  or  the  English,  which  brings  wages  down?  " 

Another  illustration,  one  at  President  Cleveland's  old  home.  Suppose 
wheat  is  selling  in  the  Budalo  market  at  |1  a  bushel.    The  taritf  for  the 

J)rotection  of  the  American  farmer  is  20  cents  a  bushel.  An  Erie  County 
iarmer  drives  into  town,  sells  his  wheat,  and  jiocketa  his  dollar.  A 
Canadian  farmer  crosses  the  Niagara  River,  pays  20  cent«  duty,  i^ells  his 
wheat,  and  pockets  80  cents.     Wlio  pays  the  duty  ?     Ask  the  Canadian. 

—  FARyniAR,  Reconl,  44S5. 

Protorlioii— How  iitucli  to  ntrniorN. 

No.  7!i'2. — I  tiave  not,  Mr.  President,  embraced  the  manufactured  arti- 
cles madf- of  these  commodities,  but  only  the  commodities   themselves, 

o07 


Rice $1,674,394 

Sugar  and  molatxtes 74,.'viO,r>07 

Tobnceo,  raw 8,701,950 

Vog«Uible8 2  350,361 

Wool,  raw 16,424,479 


PRO 

B':cli  as  are  produced  by  our  own  farmers  and  pardeners,  dairymen,  and 
frr,i'-prowen»,  with  the  tarifl'paid  before  it  could  come  into  competition 
wit!)  our  own  farmers  and  reduce  the  price  of  their  produce: 

AnlmalH »4.c:il,&46 

Breadsiuff!* 6,(>4n,Q'J8 

Flax,  benip,eic,  raw lJ.ar2.K.:3 

Fruit* 10,840,827 

Hay 79;t,394 

Hops 3,4n«,Cf)9 

Barley,  mHll i5:i,3G«  Total $149,254,748 

ProvlBlons 1,806,239  | 

So  you  see,  Mr.  President,  the  farmera  and  planters  and  fruit-growers 
of  this  country  are  all  protected  by  the  tariff  in  nearly  everything  they 

g reduce,  anil  it  does  not  meet  the  case  to  say  that  little  or  nothing  would 
e  brought  in  if  there  were  no  tariff,  and  therefore  the  farmers  get  no 
protpcMon.  because  the  table  taken  from  the  oflicial  reports  shows  that 
$140,."00,331  worth  of  these  articles  were  brought  in  the  last  year  and  the 
tariff  paid  upon  them. 

— Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  2150. 

Protection— How  to  save  47  por  cent. 

Xo.  753. — On  Saturday  last  I  heard  the  eccentric  gentleman  from 
Mississippi  complaining  that  our  robber  protective  tariff  made  the  cotton 
planters  of  his  State  pay  47  per  cent,  to  New  Enuland,  and  to  old  Eng- 
land also,  in  order  to  have  her  cotton  crop  manufactured. 

Did  it  never  occur  to  the  gentleman  that  by  establishing  cotton  fac- 
tories in  his  S  ate  convenient  to  the  great  cotton  fields  he  could  not 
only  save  this  47  per  cent,  to  his  own  people,  to  say  nothing  of  the  cost 
of  transnorfirg  the  cotton  crop  from  Mississippi  to  either  New  England 
or  old  England?  And  in  such  case  they  could  skin  the  New  England 
Yankees  instead  of  being  skinned  by  them  !  I  know  croaking  and  com- 
plaining will  never  do  it;  but  capital  and  thrift,  and  energv  and  enter- 
prise, will  do  it  iust  as  it  is  done  in  New  England,  or  in  Liverpool,  or 
Birrainirham.  But  you  can  never  do  it  as  long  as  you  belittle  and  de^ 
grade  labor.  You  can  ne<yer  do  it  as  long  as  you  lie  on  your  backs  and 
dream  as  to  whether  or  not  it  is  better  to  own  labor  or  hire  labor. 

— Bound,  Record,  4484. 

Protection— Imports  too  nniali  to  re^niate  home  prices. 

Xo.  7i54. — The  whole  vahie  of  dutiable  raanufac*nred  articles  im- 
port* d  in  one  year  is  $190,088  033.  The  whole  value  of  home  products  of 
man n fact urers.  mechanics,  and  miners,  according  to  the  last  census,  is 
neirly  five  and  a  half  V)illions  a  year,  or  over  twentj'-seven  times  afi  much 
hom*'  production  as  the  whole  amount  of  like  dutiable  goods  imported. 
So  that  our  people  use  more  than  twenty-seven  times  as  much  home- 
made goods  on  which  thev  pay  little  or  no  tariff  as  they  use  of  foreign 
goods  on  which  they  pay  the  tariff.  The  amount  of  the  tariff  paid  by  a 
farmer  or  planter  in  the  South  who  lives  plainly  and  economically  is  so 
small  thit  it  is  almost  imperceptible.  Tie  pays  tariff  on  a  small  propor- 
tion of  the  small  quantity  of  manufactured  poods  which  he  buys,  such  as 
blanke»8,  wool  hats,  trace-chains,  etc.  And  be  gets  protection  under  our 
tariff  law  on  the  articles  raised  l>y  him  to  almost  if  not  quite  as  larpe  a 
Slim,  as  he  pavs  tariff  on  poods  boupht  Vjy  him  which  are  subject  to  duty 
under  our  tariff  law  as  it  now  stands  on  the  statute-book. 

— Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  2147, 
308 


PRO 

Prot(M*tioii  iiicrouMiiiK  wtiKCN  uikI  rodiiciiiK  price  of'coodN. 

\o.  7»>»">. — Ami,  Mr.  ( "liairiiian,  at  the  eaiiie  tiim*  that  our  taritl'  is 
thus  enliancinjj;  the  price  of  labor  it  is  rediii-inj;  the  coat  to  our  i)eople  of 
manufactured  jroodf.  We  have  the  authority  of  Mr.  Dudley,  late  consul 
at  Liverpool,  for  this  statement : 

"  Upon  iuvestination  it  will  be  found  that  nine-tenths  of  the  manufact- 
ured commodities  used  by  the  farmers  of  ourrountry,  including  clothiog, 
household  poods,  furniture,  implemenLs  of  husbandry,  tools,  etc.,  are  aa 
cheap  in  this  country  as  they  are  in  England,  and  in  some  instances  even 
chenper." 

A^ain  he  says : 

"An  examination  will  show  that  there  is  not  a  single  manufactured 
commodity,  so  far  as  I  know,  that  is  not  cheaper  to-day  in  the  United 
8tates  under  our  protective  system  than  it  was  in  ISdO  under  free  trade, 
and  before  the  present  protective  tarilfwent  into  operation." 

Who  does  not  know  that  there  is  hardly  a  manufactured  article  of 
common  use,  of  use  by  the  middle  classes  and  tho-»e  who  art'  poorer,  that 
is  not  cheaper  than  before  the  tarifls  of  1801  and  iJStiT  ?  Who  is  pre- 
pared to  deny  that  carpets,  furniture,  implements  of  husbandry,  the  art- 
isan's tools,  books,  newspapers,  linens,  woolens,  cottons,  ))rints,  writing 
materials,  carriavres,  wagons,  hats,  shoes,  clothing,  all  things  ma<le  of  iron, 
plate-glass  and  ail  other  glass,  pottery,  antl  many  like  articles  are  cheaper — 
some  several  hundred  per  cent,  cheaper  than  before  the  war. 

Wu'KiiAM,  Record,  4697-8. 

Protection— .>Iaii  u  factor. 

\o.  750.— Perhaps  the  best  argument  I  can  make  for  protection  is  to 
state  what  it  is  and  ttie  principles  on  which  it  is  founded. 

Man  derives  his  greatest  power  from  his  association  with  other  men, 
hi:i  union  with  his  fellows.  Whoever  considers  the  human  being  as  a 
creature  alone,  by  himself,  isolated  and  separated,  and  tries  to  compre- 
hend mankind  by  mathematically  adding  these  atoms  together,  has 
utterly  failed  to  comprehend  the  human  raoL' and  ita  tremendous  mission. 

Sixtv  millions  even  of  such  creatures  without  association  are  only  so 
many  Ibeasta  that  perish.  But  sixty  millions  of  men  welded  together  by 
national  brotherhood,  each  PU[)porting,  sustaining,  and  buttressing  the 
other,  are  the  sure  conquerors  of  all  tho?e  mi^'hty  powers  of  nature  which 
alone  constitute  the  wealth  of  this  world.  [  Ajjplanse.]  The  great  bUmder 
of  the  Herr  professor  of  political  economy  is  that  lie  treats  human  beings 
aa  if  every  man  were  so  many  foot-pounds,  Kuch  and  such  a  fraction  of  a 
horse  power.     All  the  soul  of  man  he  leaves  out. 

Think  for  a  moment  of  the  foundation  principles  involved  intbifloues- 
tion  which  1  now  ask.  Where  does  wealth  come  from?  It  comes  from 
the  power  of  man  to  let  loose  and  yet  guide  those  elemental  forces  the 
en&rgy  of  which  is  inlinite.  It  comes  from  the  power  of  man  to  force 
the  earth  to  give  her  increase  to  hold  \i\  the  bellying  snil  the  passing 
breeze,  to  harness  the  tumbling  waterfall,  to  dam  up  the  great  rivers,  to 

Eut  bits  in  the  teeth  of  the  lightning.     l-Vtot-pounds  and  fractions  of  a 
orse-power  will  never  do  this.     It  takes  brains  and  the  union  of  foot- 
poand  and  fractions  of  a  horse-power  working  harmonic.u*»ly  together. 

— Ukki),  Record,  40fi7. 

Protect ioiiisf>4  tried.  <-onTicte<l.  and  motion  «>nlere<l  for  a 
nvw  trial. 

Xo.  757. —  liut  my  frien'l  from  Missiiwinpi  [Mr.  Hooker]  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Mouse  said  that  we  had  been  tried  and  i"onvicte<l. 
Perhaps  that  wa-s  so.  But,  thank  God,  sir.  un«ler  the  niles  of  the  court, 
we  have  entered  amotion  for  a  new  trial.     [Uinghter  and  ap{)lau8e.J 


PRO 

We  are  just  now  impaneling  a  jury,  summoning  witneflses,  putting  in 
the  argument,  calling  the  attention  of  the  country,  and  it  will  not  be 
our  side  the  next  time  that  will  be  convicted,  but  it  will  bo  yours  on 
account  of  your  fraudulent  conduct  and  unparalleled  duplicity  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  our  national  aOuirs.  It  is  so,  gentlemen,  in  my  country, 
and  I  suppose  it  is  so  everywhere.     [Laughter  and  applause.] 

— IIouK,  Record,  4104. 

l*rot<'<'tioii  iiiakoN  liiKl*  waKC!*  possible. 

\o.  7»'5^>. — Oh,  but  the  free-trader  says  protection  does  not  make 
higher  wages.  The  .Senator  from  Delaware  [Mr.  Gray],  the  other  day, 
when  the  Senator  from  Maine  was  making  his  speech,  interrupted  him 
to  ask  the  Senator  from  Maine  if  he  claimed  that  protection  made 
higher  wages.  No,  sir ;  no  protectionist  claims  that  protection  of  itself 
makes  higher  wages;  but  it  does  thin,  it  makes  it  possible  for  the  man- 
ufacturer to  pay  higher  wagers  than  can  be  paid  under  a  system  of  free 
trade.  Strike  down  these  protective  duaes  and  it  would  become  impos- 
sible for  the  manufacturer  to  pay  the  rate  of  American  wages  now  paid. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1010. 

Protection  lueuiiM  comfort  aiuoiiKst  worliiiig  clUNseN. 

\o.  750. — I  have  yet  to  pee  the  free-trader  who  has  attempted  to  re- 
fute the  argument  of  Mr.  Dickinson,  the  noted  statistician,  on  this  ques- 
tion.    In  11  recent  article  he  says : 

"  Mo?>t  telling  illustration,  that  of  a  great  cotton  mill  with  a  capital  of 
5!l,00l),000  producing  17,000,000  yards  of  sheeting  each  year  at  6\  cents 
per  yard,  and  employing  950  operatives.  The  same  work  would  require 
95,0  0  men  with  the  old-fashioned  spinning-wheels  and  hand-looms,  and 
the  product  would  be  a  coarse  and  inferior  article,  to  be  had  only  by  the 
few  who  could  afford  to  pay  the  high  price  necessary  to  be  charged  for 
it.  But  of  the  whole  cost  of  production  in  this  mill  $940,000  is  paid  in 
wages,  |;15,000  repre'ent  taxes,  and  $14"),000  include  cost  of  supplies, 
trannportation,  salaries,  and,  finally,  profita,  which  a  liberal  calculation 
tixes  at  $«JO,0(tO  a  year." 

This  argument,  in  my  mind.  Fettles  the  question  in  a  nut-ehell.  As  it 
is  with  the  wages  of  making  cotton  cloth,  so  it  is  in  the  manufacture  of 
all  raw  materials.  The  labor  of  the  country  is  paid  the  largest  amount 
of  money  in  the  shape  of  wages  and  (that  the  rule,  almost  without  ex- 
ception) to  the  manufacturer  the  small  profit.  But  let  us  conrult  Brit- 
ish authority  on  this  subject.  In  1880,  the  London  Times,  njviewin/^ 
speeches  made  at  a  banquet  of  the  free-trade  Cobden  Club,  hold  Jul/ 
10,  said : 

"  The  United  States  have  seen  not  the  error  of  their  ways.  It  Is 
<loub'ful  if  they  are  in  the  road  for  seeing  them.  England  has  gone  on 
for  the  last  fourteen  years  or  so  rejieating  that  America  could  not  long 
put  cff  adopting  free  trade.  There  is  not,  our  Philadelphia  correspona- 
ent  declares,  the  slightest  sign  of  the  fultillment  of  this  long-standing 
prophecy.  The  United  States  do  not  approach  the  question  from  the 
same  standpoint  of  view  as  ourselves.  The  object  of  their  statesmen  is 
not  to  secure  tlie  large  amount  of  wealth  for  the  country  generally,  but 
to  k^-ep  up  by  whatever  means  the  '  standard  of  comfort  among  the  la- 
borinir  clafl.ees."' 

Long  may  it  be,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  object  of  the  American  statesmen, 
"to keep  up  by  whatever  means  the  standard  of  comfort  among  the  Ja- 
borifig  classes."  When  this  is  lost  sight  of  it  will  be  a  bad  day  for  '.h« 
American  people. 

— Geab,  Record  i2M. 

310 


PRO 

Frotoctioii-  .tlorrill  bill  bvforo  (lio  war. 

\o.  700.— Tl»e  oripnal  Morrill  tariff  bill  waa  introduced  into  Con- 
gress and  passed  by  the  IIouBe  of  Kepresentatives  before  Abraham  Lin- 
coln was  nominat*>d  for  President  of  the  Tnited  States. 

The  bill  was  passed  in  the  House  of  Kepresentatives  on  the  11th  day 
of  May.  1SG(>,  by  a  vote  of  1('5  yeas  to  ('^4  nays. 

That  bill  went  from  the  House  tothe  Senate,  and  there  it  was  defeated 
by  a  process  of  parliamentary  opposition  led  by  the  representatives  in 
the  Senate  of  the  States  whi(;h  siwn  afterward  went  into  rebellion. 
•  The  bill  was  linallv  taken  up  for  piissaije  in  the  Senate  on  the  20th  of 
February,  lS(ji,  and  it  was  passed  by  a  vott>  of  yeiw,  2') ;  nays,  14.  This 
measure  of  tariff  taxation  that  established  the  principle  of  "  robbery."  as 
it  is  saitl,  in  tiiis  country,  :is  we  hear  it  denominated  on  the  other  side — 
this  measure,  which  laid  the  foundation  upon  which  the  mivrhty  struc- 
tnre  of  American  prosperity  and  American  «;lory  has  been  builde<l,  waa 
sijrned  by  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  on  the  2d  day  of  March, 
18()1. 

— Gkosvknor,  Record,  4647-8. 

Protection— Oltl  Wliies  to  the  roNono. 

Xo.  701.— In  the  days  of  Henry  Clay,  when  he  waa  the  leader  of  a 
grand  olil  party,  a  tarifT  for  revenue  with  incidental  protection,  ora  tariff 
upon  articles  so  adjusted  as  to  give  all  the  protection  possible  to  Ameri- 
can manufactures,  waa  not  regarded  by  the  people  of  the  South  as  an 
nnmitigatedevil.  The  Whig  party  frequently  carried  the  elections  on  that 
platform  in  a  number  of  Southern  States.  In  that  day  Kentucky  waa 
always  true  to  her  great  son  and  to  his  principles  on  the  tariff. 

Our  interests,  however,  beinj^  slave-holders  and  planters,  were  strongly 
in  favor  of  free  trade  or  as  near  an  approximation  to  it  as  possible.  Truo, 
we  had  aa  large  natural  resources  then  as  we  now  have,  but  they  were 
undeveloped.  In  our  then  state  of  soc'iety,  and  with  our  devotion  tothe 
plantinir  interest,  we  did  dot  care  to  develop  them.  But  now  this  is  all 
changed,  and  the  Southern  people  will  have  to  take  up  the  tariff  quee- 
tion  for  themselves,  investigate  it,  and  do  on  that  question  as  all  other 
,peo[)le  in  every  other  portion  of  the  Union  do,  there  being  no  constitu- 
tional question  involvetl,  favor  the  line  of  policy  which  best  promotes 
their  own  interest. 

— Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  liecord,  2153. 

Protection— Principal  induNtricN. 

Xo.  703. — During  the  la«t  year  the  amount  paid  into  the  Treasury 
under  the  opi-ration  of  our  tariff  laws  on  the  chief  cliu'-ses  of  articles 
manufactured  in  this  country  was,  on 

All  wi>o1pq  maniira<"tijrc« _ •37,378,898 

All  silk  nini4iifii--turo». i:i.(t>iO,000 

All  ln>n  and  hUm-I  nmiiuraciures U.flSl.RT* 

Alt  c<ii'."n  tnanufaoturxs U."&2,*'7 

All  rhotjilcnl  iiiin  Mf;i<'mr(»« 4,'i47,8l( 

All  Jut<\  li"riii>,  mil  xiMil-KroAs  manufactures. ~ 0,MT,81i) 

EarUK-nwiiroiunl  ililua. « 3,K.'9,.'>40 

Ola****  ftiul  Kliwtwaro „ ...._ 3,AM,V34 

Lesthrr  manufacturoa- 8,MU.'ias 

Pupor 9V3.448 

I                                             _ 8.8U.1U 

inanura''tiiren  atxiTo  namod 9n.'4H,!K8 

n  all  iHW  matorlaU ~~ ia.41".i.f.W 

TiiUil  rt'Vi'imi'  tr.iii  iM  h'lXirrr*  DAmexl  atxJTO- lU,lft8,"/i 

Suri'lus  for  ihl»  yrvar lH.i«»'  (OO 

-BarpluB  allU  rom&Inlng  aftor  ropcallng  all  Ui«  aboro-oamad  duUn 3,831,973 

— Senator  Urown  (Dem.),  Reconl,  2147. 

311 


PRO 

Protection— Reduced  coNt. 

Xo.  7tt;i.— We  used  to  buy  calicoa  at  25  cents  a  yard— "English.' 
prints"  as  tliev  were  calle<1.  Now  you  can  buy  American  calico  in  any 
market  in  this  country  for  5  cenia  a  yard.  We  bought  EnKlisb  hoes^ 
pot-metal  hoes  at  that,  and  paid  $U  a  dozen  for  them.  Now  you  can  buy 
hoes  made  of  American  steel  at  $4  per  dozen. 

We  used  to  buy  forei)»n-made  saws  and  we  paid  |;15,  $iy,  and  $20  a 
dozen  for  them.  Now  you  can  buy  American  saws,  better  than  any  ever 
made  before  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  at  $8  and  $9  a  dozen. 

We  bought  foreiirn  axes  and  the  forests  in  my  State  and  in  tbe  other 
Western  States  were  felled  with  English  axes  which  cost  from  $2  to  $4 
apiece.  Now  we  buy  the  axes  of  Mr.  Collins,  made  from  American  steel, 
from  American  ores,  with  American  labor,  at  from  |8  to  $9  a  dozen,  or  76- 
cents  each. 

— Kennedy,  Record,  435G. 

Protection  repudiated. 

'No.  761. — I  say  the  time  is  past  for  the  discussion  of  questions  of 
political  economy.  Tbe  people  at  large  are  now  taking  very  little  interest 
in  abstract  controversies  upon  free  trade  and  protection.  The  thing  that 
they  demand  is  that  the  Government  shall  stop  robbing  them,  and  then 
they  will  argue  tbe  proposition  whether  the  Government  has  the  right 
to  rob  them.  Does  this  Government  need  the  surplus  in  order  to  pay  its 
debts?  Not  a  dollar.  Does  it  require  it  to  pay  its  expenses?  Not  a 
dollar.  Well,  what  is  it  for  ?  To  protect.  To  protect  whom — the  people? 
I  deny  it.  The  laboring  man  ?  I  deny  it.  The  agricultural  interest  of 
the  country  ?    It  is  absurd. 

— Rayner  (Dem.),  Record,  3673. 

Protection— Robbery  in  a  tarifrmuNt  be  robbery  in  revenue. 
Xo.  7ft5. — The  revenue  reform  argument  is  either  a  false  pretense  or 
covers  tbe  whole  ground.  Protection  is  either  in  its  essence  a  benefit  or 
a  curse.  You  cannot  dilute  a  curse  and  make  it  a  blessing.  Ritsbane 
and  water  are  no  more  food  than  ratsbane  pure.  Incidental  protection 
is  a  sham.  Tarilffor  revenue  only  goes  down  before  the  same  arguments 
which  are  used  against  protection.  If  protection  be  a  tax  for  manufac- 
turers' benefit,  then  it  is  the  same  tax  if  it  be  the  renilt  of  even  a  reve- 
nue tariff.  Incidental  protection  is,  of  the  most,  inexcusable.  It  is  an 
accident  which  ought  to  be  avoided  like  a  railroad  disaster.  If  you  take 
one  dollar  from  the  citizen  for  the  Treasury,  and  four  for  the  manufac- 
turer, is  it  any  the  less  robbery  that  you  call  it  a  revenue  tariff? 

—Reed.  Record,  4667-8. 

Protection  robber  not  to  be  destroyed. 

>o.  700.— If  tliis  message  from  our  ruler  be  true, every  factory  is  the 
abode  of  a  robber  baron,  more  fell  :ind  sure  than  ever  swooped  down  a 
European  hill  side  to  harry  a  cavalcade  of  honest  mer.rhan's. 

In  every  mine  mouth  lurks  a  more  dreadful  giant  than  ever  before 
smelled  the  blood  of  an  Englishman.  [Reaewed  laughter.]  But  what 
do  the  friends  of  virtue  propose  to  do  with  these  wicked  people?  Sweep 
them  out  of  existence  with  the  strong  hanfl  of  justice?  Does  the  gen- 
tleman from  Texas  intend  to  lasso  these  creatures  and  tangle  them  in 
the  folds  of  his  lariat?  Does  the  gentleman  from  Arkansas  mean  that 
from  their  dead  bodies  the  handle  of  his  bowie-knife  shall  protrude? 
Ah,  no  !  they  are  still  to  live  and  still  to  flourish.  They  will  have  only 
the  deli'^'htful  punishment  of  being  turned  over  to  the  melting  eloquence^ 
the  soothing  rhetoric  of  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Breckin- 
312 


VRO 

rid^r*.']  while  he  explains  hia  theory  of  fair  plunder,  of  honest  and  decent 
rohbery,  with  no  restriiitions  save  Biu'h  as  will  be  satisfivctory  to  those 
pood  manufacturers  who  have  been  admitted  to  private  interviews  by 
the  back  stairs. 

— Rked,  Record,  4S68. 

Protection  robbery  (?)  where,  Nontk  or  North?    ' 

Xo.  767— But  to  return.  The  agriculturist  of  the  North  and  West 
have  had  the  Vtenefit  of  the  robbery  of  ])roteotion  long  enonph,  and  Po 
the  framers  of  the  Mills  bill  put  wool,  lin.seed,  earden  seed,  all  nil-seed 
hemp-seed,  beans,  peas,  milk,  poultry,  hemp,  beeswax,  flax  and  o'her 
products  of  the  farmer  on  the  free-list,  but  will  continue  to  rob  the 
farmer  and  all  others  for  the  benefit  of  some  Southern  States,  on  rice, 
Bnear,  cotton- ties,  etc. 

If  protection  is  robbery,  it  is  robbery  Wes*  as  well  as  South,  and  East 
as  well  as  North.  If  it  is  robbery  why  do  you  rob  the  bean  and  pea 
farmer  of  the  Northwest  for  the  l)enetit  of  the  rice  fanner  of  the  South- 
east? If  it  is  robbery,  why  do  you  rob  the  hemp  and  flax  farmer  of  the 
North  for  the  benefit  of  the  supar-planter  of  the  South  ?  If  it  is  robber}', 
why  do  you  rob  the  wheat  farmer  by  taxing  him  on  the  material  out  of 
which  the  band  is  made  with  which  he  binds  his  sheaves  of  whe.it,  and 
do  not  tax  the  cotton-planter  for  the  band  with  which  he  binds  l)is  cot- 
ton bales? 

— Pktebs,  Recorti,  471?' 

Protection  naved  France  and  tan{;ht  facrniany. 

Xo.  76S. — I  have  here  a  slip  from  the  London  Saturday  Review  : 
"Tlie  firwt  exhibition  was  held  at  London,  and  was  avowedly  intended 
to  be  a  sort  of  consecration  of  free  trade.  The  new  exhibition  is  to  be 
held  at  Paris,  and  is  a  consecration  of  protection.  Concjuered  J" ranee 
has  at  last  conqueretl  its  proud  captor.  Prince  Bismarck  has  just  itpued 
a  manifesto  through  one  of  his  organs,  in  which  lie  explains  liis 
new  financial  policy.  It  seems  that  he  has  been  meditating  over  the 
financial  system  of  France,  and  is  lost  in  admiration  at  what  he  finds  to 
be  its  basis  and  its  method.  It  is  through  protettion  that  France  pays 
the  interest  on  the  milliards  which  lie  carrie<l  ofl".  He  thought  that  he 
had  cru.'?hed  France  pecuniarily,  and  he  diwcovers  that  apparently  slie  is 
not  crushed  at  all.  Iler  national  and  local  taxation  now  amounts  to 
about  £150,000,000  a  year,  and  the  Chamber  is  gaily  embarking  on  new 
and  va=t  schemes  for  railways,  canals,  and  improved  military  orpnniza- 
tion.  How  this  is  done  is  the  question  which  Prince  Bismarck  ban  seri- 
oosly  asked  himself,  and  the  only  answer  he  can  discover  is  that  it  is 
done  through  a  system  of  wine  ami  bold  protection.  H»»  therefore 
invites  liis  countrymen  not  to  be  above  imitating  France.  Free  trade  is 
only  a  theory,  and  theories,  as  (loethe  has  tautrht  his  countrymen,  are 
apt  to  get  gray  and  old.  Tne  green  and  golden  tree  of  life  is  prote<'tion, 
and  of  that  tree  sensible,  prudent  France  has  eaten  freely,  ancl  hari  pros- 
pered, while  (lermany  has  looked  on,  cold,  miserable,  and  p  )or,  feeiling 
itaelf on  the  win«i,  and  pluminir  itself  on  its  philosophy.  S<ientifically, 
no  doubt,  France  and  Prince  Bismarck  are  (jiiite  wrong,  but  if  there  wa^ 
one  thing  which  the  disciples  of  Mr.  tV)bden  could  never  have  exnecte<l 
in  18ol  to  live  to  see,  it  was  a  spectacle  of  a  rntnh  grander  exhibition 
than  theirs,  opened  at  a  moiiicnt  when  the  abit  st  of  » icrman  stat<*sman 
was  exhorting  his  countrymen  to  follow  in  the  wise  paths  of  protection, 
by  adhering  to  which  France  was  enabled  to  produce  amid  order  and 
prosperity  this  new  wonder  of  the  world. 

— Kkllky,  May  0, 1878. 
313 


PRO 

'Protootiou  -  Sontiiiioiit  growing. 

No.  709. — Sir  Charles  Tupper  paid  a  year  ago  in  the  Canadian  House 
of  Commous : 

''  No  person  who  has  carefully  watched  the  progress  of  pnblic  events 
and  public  opinion  can  fail  to  know  that  a  very  great  and  marked  change 
has  taken  place  in  all  countrieB,  I  may  say,  in  relation  to  this  (juestion 
(protection).  *  *  *  In  Enj^land,  where  it  was  a  heresy  to  intimate 
anything  of  that  kind  a  few  years  ago,  even  at  the  period  to  which  I  am 
referring,  a  great  and  marked  change  in  public  opinion  has  taken  ])hice. 
Professor  Sidgewick,  a  learned  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge, and 
professor  of  moral  philosophy  in  that  great  university, and  the  gentleman 
who  read  at  the  meeting  of  the  Britisti  Association  in  1880  a  paper  on 

Eolitical  economy,  has  published  a  ^^ork  in  which  opinions  that  would 
ave  been  denounced  as  utterly  fallacious  and  heretical  at  that  time  have 
been  boldly  propounded  as  the  soundest  and  truest  principles  of  political 
economy.  *  *  *  Statesmen  of  the  first  rank,  men  occupying  high 
and  commanding  positions  in  public  affairs  in  England,  have  unhesitat- 
ingly committed  themselves  to  the  strongest  opinion  in  favor  of  fair  pro- 
tection to  British  industry." 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4757. 

Protection— Soal<4  in  it  an  well  as  dollar.N. 

;^'o.  770.— For  a  nation  to  get  out  of  itself  or  out  of  the  earth  all  the 
wealth  there  is  in  both,  it  is  not  necessary  for  the  nation  to  buy  cheap 
or  sell  dear.  That  concerns  individuals  alone.  What  concerns  the  na- 
tion is  how  to  utilize  all  the  work  there  is  in  men,  both  of  muscle  and 
brain,  of  body  and  of  soul,  in  the  great  enterprise  of  setting  in  motion 
the  ever-gratuitous  forces  of  nature. 

How  shall  you  get  out  of  the  people  of  a  nation  their  full  powers. 
Right  here  is  precisely  the  dividing  line.  The  let-alone  school  say  leave 
individual  man  to  his  own  devices.  The  protectionist  school  say  let  us 
stimulate  combined  and  aggregated  man  to  united  endeavor. 

Association  is  the  instinct  of  humanity  which  grows  with  its  ^owth, 
First  the  family,  then  the  tribe,  and  then  the  nation.  The  race  will  come 
by  and  by.  Faithfulness  to  each  in  their  order  is  the  true  route  to  the 
next. 

— Rkkd,  Record,  46C9. 

Protection— Sontli  Ntaould  ^pin  and  weave  her  cotton. 

'So.  771. — We  raise  over  six  millions  bags  of  cotton  every  year  and 
the  great  bulk  of  it  is  shipped  to  New  England  or  Old  England  to  be 
manufactured,  and  a  large  i)art  of  it  sent  back  to  us  and  purcliased  by  UB 
in  the  shape  of  manufactured  articles.  Think  of  the  freijjht  and  the 
commissions  and  insurance  and  wharfages  and  drayages  and  all  the  ex- 
penses attached  to  a  cargo  of  cotton  from  the  time  it  leaves  the  planta- 
tion in  Georgia  until  it  reaches  the  spinners  of  Manchester,  England,  and 
then  think  of  all  the  like  freight  and  charges  on  the  manufactured 
articles  made  of  the  cotton  on  its  return  to  be  sold  to  us,  and  then  reflect 
for  a  moment  upon  the  fact  that  we  have  a  better  climate  and  superior 
advantages,  as  far  as  natural  resources  are  concerned,  than  Great  Britain 
has  for  manufacturing  cotton.  Why  should  we  send  it  1,000  miles  to  New 
England  or  4  000  miles  to  Old  England  to  be  manufactured  and  be  sent 
back  to  us?  Why  not  do  it  at  home?  Why  not  take  one-half  our  popu- 
lation, if  necessary  and  profitable,  from  the  fields  and  i)ut  them  into  the 
factories,  and  take  the  whole  cotton  crop  made  in  the  South,  worth, 
eay,  $300,000,000,  and  manufacture  it  into  thread  and  into  cloths,  both 
coarse  and  tine,  and  more  than  double  the  value  of  it,  making  it  worth. 
314 


A 


PRO 

$800,000,000  in  the  manufactured  state,  inatead  of  (300,000,000  in  the 
raw  state?  In  this  way  we  would  add  annually  nearly  f500,000,000  to 
the  wealth  of  the  South. 

— Senator  Brown  (Dem),  Record,  21E4. 

I'rotection  NtiinulatcN  invention. 

2¥o.  772.— Go  to  the  Patent  C)trice  and  examine  the  the  evidences 
furnished  from  the  great  ref;ister  of  the  products  of  American  genius. 
Take  the  States  which  have  stood  by  the  protective  system,  which  have 
believed  in  it,  which  luive  been  built  up  under  it,  and  contrast  them 
with  the  States  whose  Representatives  have  stood  in  unyielding  opposi- 
tion to  the  system  on  the  floor.  See  what  reault  you  get.  Take  Connecti- 
cut, a  little  State,  but  a  manufacturing  one.  In  tlie  year  1887,  there  were 
787  patents  granted  to  the  inhabitants  of  that  State,  I  for  every  790  of  its 
inhabitants,  while  for  Arkansas  the  number  of  patents  grante<l  was  7"),  l 
for  every  li;,:}47.  Take  Massachusetts:  In  1887  there  were  1,875  patents 
granted  to  the  people  of  that  State,  1  to  every  !>50  of  her  population, 
whiW  to  Kentucky  there  were  245  patents  granted,  or  1  to  every  G,7L"J  of 
ker  population.  Take  Illinois:  1,595  patents  were  granted  to  her  people, 
1  to  every  1,929  of  her  population,  while  for  Georgia  there  were  130,  or  1 
in  every  11,862  of  her  population. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record.  4751. 

Protection  Ktiniulutes  invention. 

No.  7711.— There  is  no  doubt  that  the  inventive  genius  of  the  Ameri- 
can nation,  which  gives  it  its  foremost  rank  to-day  among  the  nations  of 
the  world  in  all  the  labor-eaving  appliances  employed  in  manufacture?;, 
has  been  largely  stimulated  by  the  protective  system.  The  Centennial 
Exposition  of  187G,  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  opened  the  eyes  of 
many  people  abroad  to  the  wonderful  resources  of  the  United  States  in 
regard  to  their  inventive  genius,  and  this  led  to  the  introduction  abroad 
of  samples  of  many  of  the  classes  of  labor-saving  inventions  which  have 
there  been  copieil  and  put  into  active  use. 

— Baker,  New  York,  Record,  4478. 

Protection's  work. 

Xo.  77 1.— Protection  does  another  thing — it  saves  us  our  own  mar- 
ket. In  makes  a  demand  for  labor  in  this  country,  and  that  is,  after  all, 
the  real  thing  which  results  in  high  wages.  Strike  down  the  protective 
duty,  open  our  ports  to  foreign  manufactures  upon  the  ground  that  we 
should  buy  where  wo  can  buy  the  cheapest,  and  by  eo  iniuh  ycu  have 
destroyed  the  home  market  and  lessened  the  demand  for  lalM)r,  and 
made  it  impossible  for  high  wages  to  prevail  in  this  country. 

— .Senator  Platt,  Record,  lOlG. 

Protection— Theory  vs.  fact. 

!Vo.  775. — Here  is  what  the  gentleman  from  Texas, our  premier, says: 
"  Now,  sir,  what  has  been  the  result  of  this  policy  [of  protection]  ? 
Enormous  taxation  upon  the  necessaries  of  life  liaw  been  aconstant  drain 
npon  the  people— t:ixaiion  not  only  to  support  the  exjx'ndi'ures  of  the 
Government. but  taxation  po  contrived  as  to  (ill  the  pocketsofa  privilegcil 
class  and  take  from  the  people  five  dollars  for  private  purposes  for  every 
dollar  that  it  carries  to  the  pul)lic  Treasury.  *  *  •  This  is  one  of  the 
vicioTis  results,  etc.  •  »  ♦  What  use  h.tve  our  manufacturers  for  the 
tariflat  all '.'  Wliy  are  they  constantly  beseeching  Congress  not  to  niin 
them  by  reducing  war  rates?  *  *  *  It  is  a  policy  that  is  at  war  witli 
the  institutions  of  this  country — the  concentration  of  the  wealth  of  the 
•country  in  the  hands  of  a  lew." 

315 


PRO 

My  friend  has  not  read  with  profit  or  purpose  the  hiftorv  of  his  country; 
we(l(led  to  the  economic  teachiniJiB  of  Calhoun  and  Walker,  he  ha.s  not 
observed  their  contruiliction  and  refutation  in  the  matchless  pronresa  of 
bis  country.  He  still  lives  in  the  past.  The  condition  of  his  own  State, 
her  boundless  re80iirces,  appeal  to  him,  hut  her  voice,  if  heard,  is  not 
heeded.  He  .'■eeks  to  throw  across  lier  pathway  and  the  pathway  of  the 
Republic  tiie  tattered  dogmas  of  half  a  century  ago  and  stop  the  wheels 
of  progress,  interrupt  our  advancing  civilization,  and  sthle  the  just  aspir- 
ation of  the  people.  The  country  is  in  no  frame  of  mind  for  such  retro- 
gression. Against  it  every  instinct  of  liumanity  revolts,  every  noble  sen- 
timent protests. 

— McKiNLEV,  Record,  4757. 

Frolootiou  vn.  Free  trade. 

\o.  770. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  grew  up  under  the  instruction  of  men 
devoted  to  the  doctrine  of  free  trade.  My  first  connection  with  political 
affairs  was  in  that  stormy  period  between  iSoC  and  18G0  In  thosr  days 
the  issues  between  the  parties  on  this  great  question  were  clearly  drawn, 
but  the  young  men  of  the  time  had  an  object-lesson  in  the  panic  of  1857. 
The  Democratic  party  in  its  national  platform  in  185G,  following  the 
leadership  of  the  disciples  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  declared  "that  the  time  had 
come  in  the  history  of  this  Government  for  the  nation  to  declare  in 
favor  of  free  seas  and  progress,  free  trade  throughout  the  the  worM." 
And  Mr.  Buchanan,  who  hud  been  a  protectionist,  de<'lared  that  he  would 
square  liimself  to  the  platform.  The  Republican  organization,  taking 
issue  with  them  on  that  great  question,  declared  in  their  platform  in  hsGU: 

'That  while  providing  revenue  for  the  supjwrt  of  the  Oeneral  (iov- 
t-rnment  by  duties  upon  imports,  sound  policy  requires  such  adjustment 
of  these  iniposts  as  to  encourage  the  development  of  the  industrial  in- 
terests of  the  whole  country  ;  and  we  recommend  that  policy  of  national 
exchanges  which  secures  to  the  workingmen  liberal  wages,  to  agriculture 
remunerating  prices,  to  mechanics  adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor, 
and  enterpri.se,  and  to  the  nation  commercial  prosperity  and  indepen- 
dence." 

—Kerb,  Record,  3G37. 

l*rot«-ctioii     What  Im  it? 

.\o.  777.— Wh;it  is  a  protective  tariff?  It  is  a  tar  if!  upon  foreign 
imports  so  adjusted  as  to  secure  the  necessary  revenue,  and  judiciously 
impo^ed  upon  tho.«e  foreign  products  tlie  likwof  which  are  produced  at 
home  or  tlie  like  of  which  we  are  capable  of  producing  at  home.     It  im- 

foses  the  duty  upon  the  competing  foreign  product ;  it  makes  it  bear  the 
urden  or  duty,  and.  as  far  as'  pot-sible,  luxuries  only  excepted,  permits 
the  non-competing  foreign  product  to  come  in  free  of  duty.  Articles  of 
common  u-se,  comfort,  and  necessity  which  we  cannot  produce  here  it 
sends  to  the  people  untaxed  and  free  from  customhouse  exactions.  Tea, 
colfee,  spices,  an<l  drugs  are  such  articles,  and  under  our  system  are  upon 
tlie  free-list.  It  says  to  our  foreign  competitor,  if  you  want  to  bring  your 
merchandise  here,  your  farm  products  here,  your  coal  and  iron  ore,  your 
wool,  your  ealt,  your  pottery,  your  gla.ss,  your  cottons  and  woolen8,'and 
sell  alongsicle  of  our  producers  in  our  market.",  we  will  make  your  product 
bear  a  duty  ;  in  effect,  pay  for  the  privilege  of  doing  it.  Our  kind  of  a 
tariff  makes  the  competing  foreign  article  carry  the  burden,  draw  the 
load,  supply  the  revenue;  and  in  performing  this  essential  ofhce  it  en- 
courages at  the  same  time  our  own  industries  and  protects  our  own 
people  in  their  chosen  employments. 


— McKiNLBY,  Record,  4748. 


31G 


im:o 

rrotortioii-H'li^  Koiituckj  slioulfl  Tavor  it. 

\o.  77S. — Think  of  it  I  Ten  thoiiHand  pqiiare  miles  in  one  coal  field. 
A  lur^rer  area  than  all  W-rinont,  antl  4,<tW  in  another.  Tliis  ouj^lit  to 
make  Kentucky  n)i8tre?8  of  the  Southwettt.  Some  one  has  Bai<l  that  coal 
IB  empire,  and  on  this  formula,  that  coal  is  heat,  heal  is  power,  and  jxiwer 
is  empire.  I^t  but  Kentucky  set  herself  about  the  development  of  her 
iron  and  coal  and  the  creation  of  home  marketH  for  the  sale  of  her  ajfri- 
<ultural  products,  and  a  more  than  reg.il  crown  awaits  her  in  the  day  of 
her  industrial  activity,  now  near  at  hand.  Indeed,  the  li^ht  is  already 
breaking  on  her  liilllops,  and  she  is  stirring  herself  for  the  njorninp.  She 
alreatly  has  three  Kepublican  members  on  thin  lloor  who  are  staunch  be- 
lievers' in  the  doctrine  of  protection  as  taught  by  that  great  Kentuckian, 
Henry  Clay,  and  the  returns  are  still  coming  in. 

— Groct,  Record,  4411. 

Protection— Wliut  liurtM  ttio  plautorH. 

No.  770. — The  heavy  burdens  borne  by  the  Southern  planters  and 
farmers  are  not  the  result  of  taritl'  legislation.  They  result  from  an  un- 
wise svstem  adopted  by  our  planters  of  raisingone  particular  cropor  prod- 
uct. Tliey  arie  obliged  to  purchase  supplies  to  be  used  in  making  the 
crop.  As  they  have  no  other  resource,  they  turn  to  the  merchant  an<i 
ask  him  to  sell  them  corn,  bacon,  and  other  necessary  supplies  on  cre<lit 
for  six  or  nine  months,  till  they  can  make  and  sell  the  crop.  He  agrees 
to  sell  them  corn  and  bacon  dVi  six  months'  time.  Hut  he  charges  li.")  per 
cent,  on  the  cash  price  for  the  corn  and  bacon  on  six  months'  time.  In 
other  words,  he  charges  on  a  credit  for  six  months  a  dollar  a  bushel  for 
corn  worth  75  cents  cash,  which  is  25  per  cent,  for  six  months,  or  50  per 
cent,  for  twelve  months.  .\nd  like  rates  on  other  necessary  supplies. 
This  is  50  per  cent,  per  annum  the  planter  pays  for  the  use  of  the  money 
with  which  to  purchase  supplies  to  make  the  crop.  It  is  not  the  taritf", 
but  the  5U  i>er  cent,  he  pays  for  the  use  of  the  money  that  ruins  the 
Southern  planter.  / 

— Senator  Brown  (Dem.),  Record,  2152. 

Protective  duties— How  the  rorelsTiier  pays  them. 

\o.  7M). — Do  you  waul  an  example  of  to-day?  In  iss;)  the  import- 
ers Were  eager  to  prevent  the  increa.se  of  the  tandou  pottery.  I  know 
it,  beciiuse  a  gentleman  was  here  oarn(stly  urging  me  not  to  consent  to 
the  increase.  Only  three  years  aft erward.s  he  a«knf)wledyed  to  me  that 
the  foreign  raanufacturen'  were  obliged,  in  the  face  of  the  great  iucreatm 
of  pHnluct,  Ixjth  in  rpianlity  and  (lualily,  to  cut  their  prices  so  as  to  pay 
«ven  more  than  the  LarifTtax. 

I>et  me  show  the  same  fundamental  fact  on  a  larger  scale.  I  have  here 
the  report  of  the  royal  commis.sion  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  the  de- 
pression of  British  trade.  There  is  much  matter  of  excellent  admission 
throughout  that  work,  but  one  paragraph  will  serve  my  present  pnrjKwe. 
It  is  on  the  pau'e  numbered  xii.  win  re  you  will  liud  that  the  exports  in 
18S.'}  were  i;L'40,(K)0,()00,  but  that  the  value  f)f  thfjse  same  ex|x>rt«  at  the 
prii'es  often  years  before  were  £:{4i)000.(K>(t. 

The  dilierence  in  jLlO'.t.lKtO.oOO— :f545,<HM),()00.  If  y«ju  wan*  it  in  perrent- 
age  you  will  find  that  you  must  add  more  than  45  jx^rcent.  to  the  price 
of  ISkl  to  iret  the  richly  prolitable  prices  of  ls7;{.  To  what  doewthe  world 
owe  this  gain  of  Ji.V15,(tO(),0(X»  in  a  single  year?  Who  wan  the  fruitful 
mother  r)f-all  this  gain?  — Ui.LO,  Uword,  4(>7lt. 

Prot04-tivc  NyNteiii,    intended  dcNtriirtion  oT. 

.\o.  7sl. — So,  then,  I  come  to  thistiuesiion  :  I  >(m-h  the  President  oft  he 
United  States,  as  judged  by  his  mebeage,  intend  the  destruction  of  the 

317 


PUB— QUI 

protective  syetem  ?  The  honest  and  bold  and  avowed  free-traders,  wh<; 
are  not  ashamed  to  be  called  free-traders,  as  I  have  shown,  think  that  \u 
does.  He  certainly  ar<riieB  their  case  for  them.  I  call  Senators  fo  witnt  s.'- 
that  no  free-trader  in  this  country  or  P^njjland  would  more  boldly  artzuf 
in  book  or  pamphlet  or  in  newspaper,  or  on  platform,  would  more  boldly 
speak  than  tlio  President  has  in  his  message.     Listen  to  these  words  : 

"But  our  present  tariff  laws,  the  vicious,  inequitable,  and  illof^ica! 
source  of  unnecessary  taxation,  ought  to  be  atonce  revised  and  amended.  " 

Is  that  aimed  at  irregularities  in  the  system,  or  is  it  aimed  at  the  sys 
tern  itself?    Does  that  mean  that  if  there  are  inequalities  in  the  system,  if 
one  article  has  too  high  a  rate  of  duty  and  another  too  low,  if  the  differ 
ent  intereeta  of  the  country  are  not  fairly  treated,  revision  and  amend- 
ment should  be  made,  or  does  it  mean  that  the  whole  system  which  he 
denounces  as  vicious,  illogical  and  unjust  shall  be  done  away  with  ? 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1013. 

Public  debt— now  shall  we  provide  for  it  ? 
]¥o.  782. — Amount  of  public  debt  outstanding,  as  per 
public  debt  statement  for  montli  of  June, 

1887 $1,088,229,030 

Present  outstanding  interest-bearing  debt. .  l,200,000,(JOt 
Has  this  been  forgotten  ?  How  shall  we  provide  for  that  with  tariff  for 
ordinary  expenses  only  ?    In  1801  there  will  mature  the  funded  loan  of 
f  250,000,000 ;  in  1907  there  will  mature  the  funded  loan  of  $737,800,000. 

— IIekmann.  Record,  4700. 

(See  also  Receipts  and  Expenditures,  No.  811). 

Q. 

4|nickNilTer. 
]¥o.  783. — Memorial  of  the  quicksilver  manufacturers  of  California. 

*'  To  the  President  and  Memberg  of  the  Tariff  Commigsion  : 

"The  undersigned,  quicksilver  manufacturers  in  the  State  of  Califor- 
nia, respectfully  beg  leave  to  submit  to  your  honorable  body  that  the 
production  of  quicksilver  is  one  of  the  most  important  interests  of  the 
Pacific  coast,  representing  a  capital  of  $30,000,000,  and  giving  permanent 
employment  to  more  than  five  thousand  men,  who  are  paid  liberal  wages  : 
that  the  article  of  quicksilver  is  an  absolute  necessity  in  the  mining  of 
silver  and  gold,  and  other  uses;  that  for  many  years  while  the  article 
was  protected  by  a  duty  the  business  was  fairly  profitable  and  remuner- 
ative to  the  manufacturers,  and  that  some  thirty  mines  were  in  operation 
in  the  State. 

"That  owing  to  the  great  extent  and  richness  of  the  Spanish  mines,  as 
compared  with  any  mines  in  this  country,  and  the  low  rate  of  labor  ia 
Spain,  the  Spanish  Government  can  at  any  time  produce  quicksilver  in 
Hufficient  (juantities  to  supply  the  consumption  of  the  world,  and  at  a 
price  which  would  close  every  mine  in  this  country  ;  that  the  control  of 
this  Spanish  product  is  a  practical  monopoly  in  the  hands  of  Messrs. 
Rothschild,  of  London,  who  have  a  lease  of  the  Spanish  mines  for  thirty 
years,  to  secure  the  payment  of  a  loan  to  that  government ;  that  there  is 
a  very  large  accumulation  from  the  products  of  these  mines  now  in  Lon- 
don ;  that  prior  to  the  manufacture  of  quicksilver  in  California  the  price 
of  foreign  quicksilver  was  more  than  treble  the  present  price,  and  that, 
should  the  California  mines,  which  are  practically  the  only  competitors 
of  the  Spanish  and  Austrian  mines,  be,  for  want  of  protection,  driven 
from  the  field,  the  price  of  the  foreign  article  would  be  advanced  to  a  rate 
.318 


QUI— RAI 

that  would  compel  the  consumer  of  quicksilver  in  this  country  to  pay  a. 
hundretl-fold  more  than  the  imposition  of  a  duty  on  the  American  prod- 
uct would  coat  them." 

— LoDOB,  Record,  614o, 

Qniuiuo— Turifron. 

No.  784. — The  United  States  deserves  no  credit  for  the  reduction  in 
price  of  ihia  important  druj;,  and  anybody  that  claims  that  putting  quinine 
on  the  freeliat  made  the  ^i^reat  reduction  in  price  falls  into  a  grave  error. 
The  duty  should  never  have  been  reraoved.  It  does  the  consumer  no 
good.  If  the  price  in  London  is  now  50  ceuta  an  ounce  and  the  duty  of 
20  per  cent.,  to  wit.  10  cents  an  ounce,  were  added,  the  increased  cost 
would  be  lost  in  the  course  of  trade.  Few  sick  men  take  100  grains  of 
quinine,  but  the  duty  on  that  amount  would  be  only  2^  cents,  a  trifle  too 
insignificant  to  consider. 

But  the  removal  of  the  duty  has  made  dependent  upon  foreigners  for 
our  supply  of  quinine.  In  1878,  before  the  removal  oi  the  duty,  we  im- 
ported but  17,549  ounces;  in  1879,  the  duty  being  olT,  we  imported  22S,- 
.'■$48  ounces,  and  our  importations  in  18S7  were  2,180,157  ounces.  Only 
three  firms  now  make  quinine  in  the  United  States,  and  its  manufacture 
is  unprofitable.  When  the  American  supply  waa  made  in  our  own 
country  it  came  from  manufacturers  who  had  a  reputation  to  maintain 
and  who  put  a  pure  article  on  the  market.  Now  no  man  can  tell  whet^ier 
what  he  buys  is  adulterated  or  not.  Experiments  must  be  made  upon  a 
sick  man  to  determine  how  much  foreign  quinine  will  produce  a  given 
result.  With  the  pure  artiple  made  in  America  no  such  experiments 
were  necessary.  I  submit,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  when  a  man  is  sick,  good 
medicine,  and  not  cheap  medicine,  is  what  he  wants.     [Applause.] 

— Atkinson,  Record,  5167. 

R. 


Railroad  tAriflM  that  hurt  Oregon,  bat  the  PreNident  vetoes 
rivor  iiuprovdiieiit. 

No.  7H*i. — Not  one  bushel  of  grain,  not  one  pound  of  wool  can  find 
a  way  to  our  own  markets  until  it  has  surrendered  one-fourth  of  its  own 
value  in  freight  tarilT  to  the  imperial  "custom-house"  of  railwav  mo- 
nopoly. Every  bushel  of  gr/iin  carried  87  miles  by  rail,  from  the  l>.dle8 
to  Portland,  is  taxed  12  (tents  a  bushel,  .\loug  almost  the  enftre  distance, 
and  parallel  with  the  rail,  often  washing  ils  bridges  and  culverts,  fiow 
the  deep  arid  majestic  waters  of  the  proud  Columbia. 

When  it  la  suid  foreign  import  duties  should  be  abolished  or  reviseii 
in  order  that  ouj:  producers  may  reach  a  foreign  market  to  buy  as  well 
as  to  sell,  is  it  forgotten  that  of  the  17,iM)(),0(X)  bushels  of  wheat  awaiting 
export  from  the  tributaries  of  the  Columbia  every  bushel  is  clmrgt^i  a 
greater  tax  for  its  transit  of  87  miles  along  the  Ci)lumi)ia  by  rail  than  it 
costs  to  ship  it  4,0.)0  miles  by  water  from  New  York  to  Liverpool. 

The  ropresentiitiv.es  of  the  people  in  Congress  asseiabled,  nnd«'r  their 
constitutional  right  to  "  regulate  commerce  among  the  several  States," 
voted  liberal  appropriations  of  the  immense  siirphis  in  the  Treasury  to 
improve  the  watt>r  ways  of  the  country  and  thus  to  relieve  our  j>eople 
from  the  burdens  imposed  by  exc(>ssive  charges  on  land  transportation. 
But  the  President  prevented  this  reduction  of  the  surplus.     He  did  not 

auestion  the  constitutionality  of  the  appropriation.     He   did  not  assert 
je  impolicy   nor  the  extravagance  of  the  proposed   expenditure,  nor 
■did  he  deny  that  it  could  \h.'  profitably  ex|)en<led. 

311) 


RAI 


He  says  in  his  measage  : 

"  This  condition  of  our  Treasury  is  not  altogether  new,  and  it  has  more 
than  once  of  late  been  submitted  to  the  people's  representatives  in  Con- 
•gress,  who  alone  can  supply  a  remedy." 

And  yet  when  they  "supply  a  remedy,"  he  vetoes  it ! 

— Hermann,  Record,  4759. 

Raising  and  prunes— .\uionnt,  produced. 

No.  780. — The  following  report  of  raisins  j)roiluced  in  California  from 
1873  to  IS88  will  show  the  benelicial  effect  of  the  protective  feature  of 
the  present  tariff  on  this  industry  : 


BAQUf  PBODUOT  OF  CALIFORNIA  FBOH  1873  TO  1888. 


1873., 
1874.. 
1876. 
1876. 
1877. 
1878.. 
1879., 
1880.. 


Boxes. 
6.0OI 
9,000 
11,000 
19,000 
32,000 
48,(J00 
65,00<» 
75,000 


Boxes. 

1881 „.„ 90,00» 

1882 116,000 

1883 ^ 140,004 

1884 176.0(» 

1885 600,000 

1886 703,000 

1887 _..      80n,OC» 

1888  (esUmated) 1,0(.0,000 


The  estimated  amount  of  capital  invested  in  the  raisin  vineyards  of 
California  is  now  about  $0,000,000,  to  be  increased  largely  everv  year,  un- 
less this  bill  should  unfortunately  become  a  law. 

The  production  of  French  prunes  in  California  last  year  amounted  to 
1,750,000  pounds.    This  veer  the  product  is  estimated  at  3,500,000  pounds. 

The  present  duty  on  prunes  is  1  cent  per  pound  ;  but  it  is  proposed  to 
place  this  fruit  on  the  free-liat  and  hand  the  market  over  to  the  foreign 
importer. 

— MoRHOW,  Record,  4273. 

Rai<»ins— Calirornia  prodact. 

Xo.  787. — I  desire  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  raisin  production, 
commercially,  is  of  comparatively  recent  origin  in  the  State  of  California. 
Three  years  ago  the  entire  raisin  production  of  that  State  was  about  300,- 
000  boxes  of  20  pounds  each.  Last  year  we  produced  about  800,000  boxes. 
This  year  there  are  in  the  State  of  California  about  15,000  acres  devoted 
to  the  cultivation  of  raisin  grapes.  The  season  having  been  favorable, 
there  is  a  larger  acreage  than  ever  before.  Those  15,000  acres  of  raisin 
grapes  will,  it  is  estimated,  produce  probably  a  million  and  a  half  boxes 
of  raisins  thi^ear — 20-pound  boxes,  representing  a  value  of  not  less  than 
$3,000,000. 

The  raisin-producing  portion  of  California  is  the  only  part  of  this 
country  that  seems  to  come  into  competition  with  foreign  production  of 
raiains,  which  come  from  Portugal  and  Spain.  In  the  State  of  California, 
our  soil  and  climate  being  so  peculiarly  favorable,  we  have  demonstrated 
a  capacity  to  supply  the  entire  home  demand  for  raisins. 

— Vandkbvek,  Record,  6631. 

Raising— Calirornia  competes  with  Spain. 

Xo.  788. — Our  fruit  industry  may  be  said  to  be  in  its  infancy,  yet  the 
product  of  last  year  was  suOiciently  large  to  indicate  its  future  import- 
ance. The  raisin  crop  was  10,000,000  pounds,  or  800,000  twenty-pound 
boxes.  It  was  sold  in  competition  with  a  foreign  importation  of  about 
40,000,000  pounds,  which  paid  a  duty  of  2  cents  per  pound,  or  40  cents 
per  box  ;  but  the  foreign  article  had  the  advantage  in  a  freight  charge  of 
only  8  cents  per  box  from  Malaga,  Spain,  to  New  York,  while  the  Cali- 
fornia product  was  coEflpelled  to  pay  a  freight  charge  of  35  cents  per  box 
from  California  to  the  Eastern  market.  In  this  industry  we  also  en- 
320 


RAI 

'Counter  the  conipelition  of  cheap  labor.    In  Spain  the  co3t  of  preparinj? 

:a  box  of  raisine  for  tlie  market  is  but  a  fraction  of  the  cost  in  California  ; 
but,  iiotwi-hstandiog  these  reasonable  erounda  for  protection,  \t  is  pro- 
post'd  in  th's  bill  to  reduce  the  tarilT  iluty  (MI  raiaiiis  one  half  cent  per 
pounii,  or  lU  cents  per  box.  Tnat  buch  a  reduction  will  seriously  ciipple 
if  not.  destroy  thb  new  and  growing  industry  must  be  apparent  from  the 
iacJs  stalod. 

— MoRBOw,  Record,  4273. 

ItaixiiiH— WholeNalo  pricoN. 

IV o.  7S9.— I  will  insert  here  a  table  giving  the  prices.    It  is  as  follows : 

A'ai.si7i/t. 

TInest  Dehesa  layera,  6  crowns,  22-pourd  boxes $8.00 

Finest  Uekeoa  l»ve'3,  B  crowus,  2"^  |x>un(>  box<'U 7.0O 

<3ne-f.4i'-Ui  bus,  flnovt  n^hesa  'ayers,  G  crowns „    2.25 

One  fourih  bos,  flnost  Debesa  layo  »,  .'>  cpiwns 2  10 

•Ouo  ffnirth  box,  Queei  Debeea  layers,  4  crowua 1.90 

London  layers 3.25 

U)ntlou  luyerp,  Hat,  hair  box 170 

Lordoii  layere,  Uat.  qu'iite'-  box .90 

Loose  MubCitels,  .">  crown,  !22  pi.uiid  boxc8 3  60 

Loose  MuscaiolB,  4  cr"wu,  U'i  pound  boxei 3  2;^ 

Loose  Muscate'H,  3  crown,  22-pound  boxes. 2.76 

Loose  Mu^catols,  2  crown,  22  pound  boxes 2.00 

Onda'a  lay  rs,  (Inost 08 

"Valencia.  Hn  st fft 

tiu'  ana.",  flnpsl 12 

■Saltaoas,  good  quality 09 

Cnhfornia  Rai*ins. 

Loose  Muscatols,  3  crown,  21-pound  boxes 3.25 

LiMise  Muf-c  ile.t*,  2  cr  'Wn,  23-pou(id  b<ixes. 1  61 

London  layirs,  3  crown,  2j-p'juud  boxes _..  2  90 

The  export  value  of  the  raisins  at  the  custom-house  is  b\  c^nta  a  pound. 

— McKknna,  Record,  GUol. 

RaiHinH— Eflect  or  the  bill. 

^'o.  71)0.— The  bill  before  us  proDO^es  to  reducft  the  duty  one-half 
cent  per  pouml,  which,  upon  tin*  product  of  the  raisin-producing  portion 
-of  California  \\'\n\z  wholly.  I  bflieve,  within  mv  district,  will  arnunnt  to 
eoraething  bkc  $1.')(),(X)0.  Tneduiy  upon  imported  raiHins  last  year  un- 
der the  existini^  law  was  a')out  JsOOOOo.  It  is  e-<timalKl  tliaf  if  the 
chance  of  iluiy  proposed  in  this  bdl  from  2  cents  to  U  be  made,  the  duty 
will  amf)unt  to  about  $ijO()(»00. 

If  this  proposed  rate  in  the  bill  under  consideration  becomes  a  law  it 
strikes  a  hlow  at  that  nii-in  industry  in  the  State  of  Califirnia  wliich 
will  almost  entirely  annihilate  the  production  of  raisins  there,  and  to 
supply  the  delicit  in  the  consumption  we  must  import  it  from  aiiroad. 
Au(i  in  the  rt^gion  of  th»*  country  wlu*n!  I  live,  where  these  niisiiiH  are 
produced  mainly  bv  small  lan<lh()'d«T-*,  housdioMerji,  people  look  a'ound 
upon  these  flourishing  fii-lds  which  tin  ir  industry  lias  built  up  and  con- 
template the  fact  that  under  the  provis'ons  f»f  this  bill  a  hi. w  will  be 
atiuck  at  them  which  ia  like  sti iking  a  blow  at  their  vt  ry  homestetds. 

— N'a.nueveu,  Record,  (>tyi. 

ItaiNinH. 

]Mo.  71>l.— Now,  I  want  to  sav  that  if  ytiu  restored  California  to  the 
juns<lictiim  of  the  Spanish  flag  perliap.-i  the  interests  of  (aliforn  a  mit;ht 
tare  better  than  at  ihr  hands  of  home  of  iln-se  gcii'lcmen  on  th»'  o'lier 
siile;  and'I  make  that  ohv  rvjition  fr.im  ihix  fad,  that  at  the  opening  of 
this  Congress  a  circnmsL-iiice  that  1  alhided  to  the  other  day  in  a  f*-*  re- 
marks took  place,  and  lo  which  I  then  referred,  whon  we  were  Hooded 
xxi  321 


E  AN— RAW 

•witli  petitions  from  Portugal  and  Spain— producers  of  raisins — appealin 
to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to  reduce  the  tarillupon  this  product 
They  had  already  become  aware  of  the  fact  that  the  competition  be- 
tween the  raising  of  Cahfomia  and  the  raisins  of  Spain  and  Portugal  waa 
threatening  that  industry  of  theirf,  and  they  appealed  to  the  Democrats 
of  thi3  couu'.ry,  for  they  had  read  the  utterances  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  Grover  Cleveland,  upon  the  general  question  of  tariflnpon 
imports,  and  understanding  the  attitude  that  gentlemen  on  that  side  nf 
the  House  were  taking,  they  appealed  to  them  for  a  change  of  this  tarilf 
They  knew  in  that  appeal  they  were  appealing  to  their  friends. 

— Vandbvkr,  Record,  6r>34. 

Randall  aii<l  .Xew  York  Democracy. 

\o.  792. — The  free-trade  New  York  World  stated  four  years  ago  that 
Mr.  Samuel  J.  Randall  saved  New  York  to  the  Democratic  party  ;  that  it 
was  his  pergonal  influence  and  speeches  that  brought  victory  out  of  dis- 
aster. Mr.  Randall  performed  that  duty  earnestly  and  heroically  at  the 
beseechingof  the  national  committee,  which  had  taken  the  former  pre- 
caution of  keeping  Watterson,  Morrison,  and  their  crowd  carefully  out 
of  New  York.  He  will  be  called  on  to  bear  the  brunt  of  battle  again 
this  fall  in  the  great  central  field  of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Connecti- 
cut, where  the  if^sue  must  be  lost  or  won.  And  he  will  do  it,  with  the 
men  who  have  denounced  him  as  an  ally  of  the  Republicans  lying 
low  in  the  swamps  and  by-ways  with  the  hope  of  repairing  by  alK- 
eence  and  silence  the  ruin  they  have  invoked. 

When  President  Cleveland,  wisely  or  unwisely,  wrote  his  tariff  message 
the  Democratic  party  was  committed  beyond  recall,  for  this  campaign  at 
least,  to  the  views  therein  expressed.  We  shall  not  through  indnce- 
menta  to  do  so  multiply,  breed  factional  bitterness  out  of  personal  pride 
of  opinion. 

— Jackson,  Record,  4706-7. 

Rantlall  on  platform  of  1884.    (See  No.  168.) 
Raw  material.    (See  No.  538.) 

Raw  materialH. 

>'<>.  79;i. — Bat  it  is  not  the  duties  on  food  of  which  the  President 
complains  as  "the  vicious,  inequitable,  and  illogical  source  of  taxation."" 
Tiie  duties  of  whijh  he  complains  are  those  for  "  the  benefit  of  our  man- 
ufactures," and  especially  he  urges  "a  radical  reduction  of  the  dntiep 
imposed  upon  raw  materials  used  in  manufactures,  or  its  free  importa- 
tion." As  I  have  already  said,  the  great  body  of  crude  articles  imported 
that  enter  into  the  processes  of  domestic  indu^^try,  to  the  value  of  $1'H),- 
389,0:12,  are  now  free  of  duty.  Every  imported  article  of  this  class  is  now 
free  of  duty,  unless  it  directly  competes  with  the  development  of  our 
national  resources.  The  duties  of  which  the  President  specially  com- 
plains are  euch  as  are  levied  on  "  raw  materials  used  in  manufactures  "" 
thut  compete  with  textile  materials  raised  on  the  farm  and  metallic  ore* 
dug  from  the  mines.  Duties  averaging  '.i.1  per  cent,  are  levied  upon  im- 
j)orted  articles  of  this  kind,  valued  at  $r)l»,.'j42,Gi;0,  which  now  yield  a 
revenue  of  $19,567,003.  The  chief  of  theno  are  agricultural  prodnctionn,. 
namely,  wool,  flax,  hemp,  and  other  textile  grasses,  hops,  bristles,  and 
seeds,  valued  at  $35,000,000,  and  vieMing  a  revenue  of  $  1 0,000,000,  or  lesa 
than  30  per  cent.  dutv.  The  remainder  are  chieflv  metals  in  ore  or  pigs^ 
coal,  and  marble,  of  the  value  of  $22,4W,108,  yielding  $9,270,526.  Thee 
imports  come  into  direct  competition  with  the  productions  of  near  twc 
million  American  farmers  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of  laboring  men. 


KAW 

enpajie<l  in  mines  and  furnaces  in  di-veloping  almost  unfoM  natural  re- 
Hources  l.<iirie<]  in  the  earth  in  nearly  every  fcrtate  an<l  Territory  of  the 
United  Slates. 

— Senator  Sherman,  Record,  202. 

RtttT  inutorial. 

Xo.  70  1. — There  stands  a  50-foot  tree  in  the  pineries.  It  is  raw  ma- 
terial. Wliat  will  you  take  for  it?  Ten  dollars  in  a  bin  price.  I  nit  the 
tree  down  ai'd  haul  it  5  miles  to  a  mill.  When  I  lay  it  at  the  mill  door 
it  is  worth  J^L'o.  W'liat  makes  it  worth  $_'5'.''  Plainly  the  labor  I  put  into 
it.  liUt  a  saw-log  is  raw  inaterial.  No,  it  is  not;  nnythinj  the  human 
hand  touches  ceases  to  be  raw  material,  and  has  started  into  the  j)roces8 
of  manufacture.  To  cut  down  that  tree  and  liaul  the  lojrs  to  the  mill  is 
as  necessary  a  part  of  manufacturing;  as  planing  the  weather-boarding  or 
framing  the  door  of  the  house.  Tlie  very  first  step  of  labor  in  the  proc- 
ess of  production,  cutting  down  the  tree  and  delivering  the  logs  at  the 
mill,  has  added  150  per  cent,  fo  the  value.  Ultimately  from  this  raw  tree 
we  have  4  bureaus  worth  ^Ib  each  ;  4  bedsteads  at  $10  each  ;  and  20 
kit<then  tables  at  f;")  each  ;  2')  desks  for  school-children  wofh  $4  ea(tli. 
Here  labor's  work  has  fashioned  $:?00  worth  of  value  out  of  j^lO  worth  cf 
raw  material.  The  cabinet-makers  and  wood-workers  are  no  di-tant 
manufacturers;  they  are  located  in  our  little  towns  all  over  the  country. 

— Owen,  Record,  5051. 

Raw  inutorinl. 

]S'o.  795. — The  enormous  increase  of  such  raw  mnteriah  is  shown  by 
the  contrast  of  the  proluction  of  a  few  articles  in  ISfJO  and  isstj.  In  l^tiO 
the  mines  of  iron  ore  yielded  9  )S,:ii)0  tons.  In  ISsOtiie  yield  was  10,0(0,- 
000  tons.  The  yield  of  pi«:  iron  in  ISUO,  largt^ly  from  foreign  ore-s,  wa« 
9H7.5o9  tons;  in  ISSG,  5  6S3,320  tons.  The  yield  of  copper  in  18(50  was 
7.200  tons;  in  1886,  69.071  tons.  Tiiere  are  still  imported  into  tl.e 
United  States  iron  ores,  pijs,  scrap,  and  iron  and  steel  in  inu'o's.  all  called 
raw  material,  valued  at  $17,875,427.  which  pay  duty  of  87,801, G9;«.  If  all 
of  these  raw  materials  were  placed  on  the  free-list  you  would  reduce  the 
revenue  $7,800/i00,  and  close  the  most  useful  industries  on  the  continent. 
Iron  ore  and  pig  iron  free  of  duty  would  close  every  furnace  where  lal)or 
costs  more  than  5o  cents  a  day,  ind,  worse  than  all,  it  would  make  un- 
profitable the  mining  of 'lo.OoO.OOO  tons  of  iron  ore,  and  of  as  many  tons 
of  coal.  Tiie  transportation  of  all  this  raw  material  would  be  lost  to  your 
railroads  and  internal  water-ways,  and  be  given  to  the  hulks,  barges,  and 
veeaelfl  of  every  nation  but  our  own.  If  you  reduce  the  raie*>.  you  in- 
crease importations,  revenues,  and  surplus,  and  cripple  home  Industries. 
If  you  re()eal  <lutie8  you  destroy  in<luhtrie8. 

—Senator  Siihi^max,  Record,  203. 

Raw  material— AbnKlnc:  mannfnrtnrprfi. 

No.  7am. — They  sjM'ak  with  vehHin»»nce  and  often  with  bitterneuw  of 
the  manufacturer.  Tiiey  say,  in  the  language  <»f  the  chairman,  that  nn- 
"  unquestionably  "  he  is  able  when  the  valufi  of  his  prtHluctM  in  in- 
creased by  protection  to  pay  higlier  wa«es.  but  that  lie  do«'s  not  do  it ; 
that  he  has  no  regard  for  the  1  iborers  he  employs;  that  he  grinds  them 
down;  that  he  rob>»  them  of  their  fair  share  of  the  pnili'softhe  busineiM) 
in  which  he  and  they  are  envtakre<l  ;  that  ln«  i^  heartUvm,  selfish,  wickwl  ; 
that  whilH  a  pr  -tective  tarilf  enables  him  to  <'hnrk:e  a  large  pric»^  for  his 

{)rodact8  he  p  )ck'ts  the  entire  benefit,  and  that  his  la'K>rerB  K»'t  (in  the 
anguaze  of  the  chairman  of  the  cotnmittee)  "  not  n  dullar  of  it."  And 
yet,  Mr.  Chairnmn,  th**  ailvoc.ites  of  tills  meaMure  have  Imhmi  latmring  for 
weeks  to  show,  and  that  is  the  banlen  of  their  song,  that  to  allow  raw 

323 


RAW 

material  to  be  introduced  free  will  cheapen  to  the  consumers  the  goods 
ina<le  out  of  such  raw  material;  that  if  the  manufacturer  gets  raw  ma- 
terial cheaper  he  can  afl'ord  to  and  will  pell  the  manufactured  product 
<heaptr ;  and  their  C)(Tere<l  conpolation  to  the  wool  «row<:r  is.  that  while 
lie  will  not  get  so  much  for  his  raw  material,  he  will  be  enabled  to  buy 
itis  clothing  enough  cheaper  to  more  than  mnke  up  the  difference  in 
price.  — WicKHAM,  Recsrd,  4G07. 

ICitw  niatorial— A  coiifn^lon  of  idoa«. 

Xo.  71)7. — Tiie  lirst  assault  upon  the  protective  system  of  the  country 
was  based  upon  the  specious  and  attractive  claim  that  all  raw  materials 
used  in  the  manufactures  in  this  country  oujj:ht  to  come  Into  the  country 
free  of  tariff  taxes ;  and  the  unintelligent  statements  of  the  President 
have  made  this  same  idea  the  watchword  and  the  rallying  cry  of  the 
free-traders  of  the  country.  No  greater  misuse  of  words,  no  greater  con- 
fusion of  ideas  ever  emanated  from  man  than  juf-t  what  has  grown  out  of 
this  argument.  What  is  free  raw  material?  fhe  people  of  my  Sta'edo 
not  produce  it.  We  have  no  free  raw  material  in  any  just  or  proper 
f-ense.  If  there  is  such  a  thing  as  free  raw  material  produced  in  this 
country,  it  strikes  me,  and  I  think  it  must  strike  everybody  else,  that 
iron-ore  is  about  the  best  type  of  free  raw  material.  It  is  the  original 
product  that  enters  into  all  the  manufactures  of  iron  and  steel — think  of 
It — trace  the  iron  product  backward  or  trace  it  forward,  as  you  like,  see 
t!ie  wonderful  journey  over  which  it  travels. 

— Gbosvenob,  Record,  46C0. 

Raw  niatorial— A  Tair  field  and  open  fisht. 

>'o.  71>.S. —  Why,  then,  should  not  we  have  all  these  raw  materials 
fre.^?  Why  should  not  we  put  our  manufacturers  upon  the  same  biisis 
with  the  manufacturers  of  other  countries?  Why  should  not  we  bave 
the  opportunity  to  contest  with  them  in  all  the  markets  of  the  world? 
Why  should  we  not  demand  that  this  Congress  shall  undo  the  work  of 
previous  Congresses  who  have  imitated  George  III,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  says 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  by  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all 
parts  of  the  world  ?  Give  u>^  a  fair  field  and  an  open  fizht  and  that  is  all 
we  a-k.  [Applaut-e  on  the  Democratic  side.]  And,  Mr.  Speaker,  that 
fair  field  an  i  upjn  G.;ht  we  intea  i  to  have.  [Renewed  applause.]  We 
areg'Mog  to  hive  it  without  trying  to  "fry  the  fat ''out  of  anybody  either. 
[  Liughter  and  applause  on  the  Democratic  side.] 

— MiM5,  Record,  7344. 

Raw  material— Dntiable  li.st  and  r«vcnae.'«  derived  from. 

Xo.  71>1>. — But,  Mr.  President,  the  mo-'e  you  reduce  taxation  on  the 
President's  pUn  ttie  more  compl»^tely  you  dv^trov  the  protective  system. 
Assume  that  we  are  to  reduce  taxation  anuuahy  only  $00,000,000,  and 
that  to  be  alone  on  raw  materials  and  manufa»^'.t::rod  goods;  that  is  prac- 
tical free  trade.  It  is  absolutelv  free  trade  on  raw  materials.  Here  are 
the  figureM.  I  have  a  table  of  <lutiabl«  raw  articles  and  the  revenue  ob- 
tained from  them,  and  I  will  put  the  whole  tablo  in  the  Record.  It 
amounted  last  year  to  $12,419,609. 

Dutiable  raw  materials  and  Hie  revenue  obtained  /roni  them. 
Coal-tar  dyee -       t820.6«6  i  Hay _ ^., $181,351 


P  rtaah 104,716 

SKlrt 1,*«8.2GJ 

C  iRl 68l.(K10 

C  >i>P«?ror« IfiS.we 

Homo 104.1)6 


Hops _ 217,917 

Iron  ore „ „  „.._.  6i5,l'.»3 

>larble _ 22<J,672 

Salt 7('6.^24 

Lumbc*r 8o7  819 


Maolila r.vo.Pit.'i    7.  no h8.U  0 

Juu* 3937&8,  Wool 5.126,108 

Sieatgras. 49),75l 

3J4 


Tot»!  revenue $12,«9,69» 


RAW 

The  proposition  is  to  get  that  amount  of  reduction,  $l'_>,000,0(Ji)  by  put- 
ting raw  materials  on  the  free-list.  There  is  no  queetion  about  that  being 
free  trade — uo  jir«^bense,  I  think,  that  that  ia  revenue  reform.  It  jk 
revenue  destruction. 

—Senator  Platt,  Record,  10o4. 

Raw  material— Iron  ore  is  "  labor." 

No.  ^iOO. — Nor  is  iron  ore  ru\v  maM^rial.  A  short  time  ago  I  stood  at 
the  foot  of  a  mine  und  1  naid  to  one  of  llio  workmen,  "  What  ifl  that  rod 
stuff.'"  Uesaid,  '"That  is  iron  ore."  1  said,  "Wiiere  does  it  coiue  from'.'" 
"From  ihe  hillside."  "What  is  it  wortli?"  "  About  :i;2  40  a  ton."  I 
said,  "  I  do  not  understand  how  it  ran  be  worth  .fJ  10  a  ton,  b.'cau.se  I 
have  been  in  the  mine  and  seen  them  digi^int;  it  out,  haulini.'  it  down 
here  and  dumpinji  it;  that  is  all  yon  have  ;rot  to  do  to  ^et  it  here,  and 
how  can  it  be  worth  ^2.40  a  ton?"  lie  said  to  me,  "  Sir,  if  you  will  take 
ofl'  your  coat,  go  inio  that  mine,  dig  the  ore  out  and  haul  it  down  here, 
you  wdl  liud  out  exactly  how  that  ore  comee  to  be  worth  $-.40  a  ton  ;  it 
is  the  labor  that  has  gone  into  it." 

— Kennedy,  Record,  4357. 

Raw  material— How  labor  addM  value. 

No.  HOI. — So:.ie  idea  of  the  additional  value  given  to  raw  materials 
by  the  application  of  labor  and  machinery  will  be  conveyed  by  the  fol- 
lowing facts : 

Straws  manufactured  in,  and  now  received  from,  Switzerland,  Germany, 
France,and  Italy,  are  sold  in  this  country  at  as  high  a  rate  as  $10,<mj<j  per 
ton. 

Flax  is  manufactured  into  cambries,  laces,  and  embroideries,  and  eold 
for,  on  the  iwerage,  more  than  $U),<X)0  per  ton;  while  in  some  of  the 
finer  descriptions  of  French  and  Swis^  goods  of  this  character  we  pav  as 
high  as  $100,000  per  ton.  "Point  d'Alencon  lace,"  says  J.  II.  Ilomana 
("  Cyclopedia  of  Ck)mmerce,"  18o8,  p.  1157),  is  worth  from  ^500  to  fGOO  per 
pound  " 

When  this  increase  in  value  is  fully  considered,  and  it  is  borne  in 
mind — 

That  raw  materialn,  including  agricultural  produce,  are  almoet  exclu- 
sively the  result  of  iiuman  labor. 

The  manufactured  products  are  to  an  equal  extent  the  result  of  steam 
and  machine  power. 

That  al)out  six  thousand  times  as  much  human  labor  is  necepeary  to 
produce  the  name  result,  when  it  can  be  reached  at  all,  without  the  aid  of 
steam  a.s  with  it. 

— M.  ("akkv  B.Mni). 

Raw  iiiatoriui  — KepiiblicaiiM  reiiiovetl  duty  Iruin  iioti><*oin« 
peliiiK. 

No.  H02. — We  hear  much  about  taxini;  raw  materials  and  the  cry  i.s 
raised  as  something  new  in  certain  (juarlers  that  the  great  cure,  tla^  jan- 
RCea  for  all  our  trouble,  is  to  make  raw  materials  free.  Sir,  thobill  wiiich 
became  a  law  in  1S7L',  if  anyone  will  oj)en  th»'statute-l>ook  and  l<»<jk  at  it, 
isfud  of  instruction  and  in  a  full  autl  compl'-tHanHwer  to  (he<|ue^til>n  and 
to  the  discussion  now  and  so  reienlly  rained  by  tlicw?  who  for  some  r«-a- 
SOn  or  other  are  disponetl  to  de|)art  from  the  policy  e-stablished  early,  m-d 
announced,  and  tiiacted  into  tliat  law  of  ls7l.'.  That  statute  <"ont»ins 
more  than  one  liunilrtd  and  eighty  diirtTcnt  iirticUH  put  uj>on  the  frt-e- 
liat,  almost  all  articlcH  of  raw  matt-rial  whicii  cnt«'r«'<l  into  the  ronhmn|t- 
tion  and  proiluclion  of  this  country,  I  invoke  th»«  ins|>ection  of  that  liill 
by  thoee  who  cry  out  that  the  present  uted  is  to  remove  war  taxes  ujK'n 
i     '  325 


RAW 

raw  material.  It  was  done  in  that  bill,  and  to  that  policy  the  Republican 
party  has  eier  held.  Whatever  good  can  come  from  the  putting  of  raw 
material  (not  competing  with  our  own  production)  upon  the  free-list  was 
secured  by  that  act. 

If  it  is  meant  by  takin<r  off  the  tax  that  raw  material  from  abroad, 
placed  at  the  door  of  the  manufacturer  here  in  this  country,  shall  en- 
counter there  the  raw  material  produced  in  this  country,  and  shall  take 
the  place  of  that  and  take  from  the  resources  of  this  country  and  supplant 
them  by  iho.  resources  of  foreign  nations,  and  the  labor  of  this  country  by 
the  labor  of  foreign  nations — if  that  is  what  i=»  meant  the  principles  whick 
governed  those  who  made  that  law  require  that  they  give  the  preference 
to  our  own  and  to  the  labor  spent  upon  our  own. 

—Senator  Dawes,  December  13,  1880. 

Raw  material  the  shibboleth  or  Democracy. 

No.  803. — These  facts  apply  in  the  pursuit  oi  agriculture  and  other 
industries  as  well  as  to  manufacturing.  Free  raw  material  is  the  shibbo- 
leth of  this  administration,  provided  such  "  raw  material  "  is  something 
pioduced  by  the  farmer.  \Vool,  hemp,  potatoes,  and  other  vegetables  are 
to  be  placed  upon  the  free-list,  but  iron  ore  and  other  things  dug  from 
the  earth  are  to  remain  protected  by  this  bill.  .  Is  wool  any  more  a  "raw 
material"  than  iron  ore,  or  hemp  any  more  of  a  "raw  material"  than 
slack  coal?  Ii  the  principle  of  free  "  raw  material  "  is  good  in  one  case, 
then  why  not  in  the  other  ?  The  whole  theory  of  putting  so-called  "  raw 
material  "  upon  the  free-liat,  as  claimed  by  our  free-trade  friends,  is  that 
this  will  give  to  the  manufacturer  cheaper  material  and  enable  him  to 
produce  goods  at  so  low  a  cost  that  he  can  sell  them  in  the  markets  of 
the  world  in  competition  with  similar  goods  produced  in  Europe.  This 
theory  is  not  sustained  by  our  past  experience.  It  has  not  been  the  case, 
to  any  great  extent,  in  the  case  of  cotton  goods  or  leather  goods  where 
there  is  no  duty  levied  upon  the  raw  material.  But,  if  the  theory  was 
true,  we  are  not  making  too  great  asacrifice  when  we  destroy  many  of  our 
industries  in  order  to  build  up  or  increase  our  foreign  trade  ? 

— Bkeweb,  Record,  3607. 

Raw  materials— What  are  they? 

Xo.  804. — What  are  raw  materials?  I  have  not  time  to  speak  on 
thii  i-ubject  as  I  would  wish,  but  the  only  raw  materials  there  are 
those  which  grow  out  of  the  earth  or  those  which  repose  beneath 
its  surface.  The  moment  you  dig  out  the  iron,  and  the  coal,  and  the 
copper,  and  the  marble,  and  the  salt,  and  the  clay,  that  moment  human 
labor  is  added  to  the  natural  product,  and  from  that  moment  it  is  no 
longer  raw  material.  When  you  cut  down  the  tree,  and  begin  to  saw  it 
into  timber  or  into  boards  it  is  no  longer  raw  material. 

When  the  farmer  raises  or  buys  his  Hock  of  sheep  and  produces  his 
wool  by  means  of  his  labor,  that  is  no  longer  raw  material.  Human 
labor,  the  great  energizing,  civilizing  force  of  the  world  and  of  humanity, 
has  entered  into  that  product.  I  would  not  put  it  too  strongly  if  I  were 
to  say  the  soul  of  man  has  entered  into  and  transformed  that  natural 
product.  It  is  no  longer  raw  material.  Go  into  any  of  the  manufactur- 
ing establishments  in  this  country  ;  look  at  one  that  I  have  in  my  mind 
in  ray  own  Siaie.  In  that  factory  tliey  take  copper  in  the  inirot  as  it 
comes  from  the  mine  into  the  front  door.  When  it  coes  out  again  it  goes 
ont  in  the  shape  of  copper  wire  of  4^0  of  an  inch  in  diameter.  Into  that 
crude  copper  ingot  has  passed  the  iiighest  thought  of  man  ;  his  brain  is 
in  the  wire,  his  soul  is  there. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1018. 
326  ^ 


RAW— RED 

IRaw  material— Why  EiiKlaiiU  want»(  it  free. 

3i'«.  SO.l — Ttie  free-trader  says,  "  England  and  other  European  coun- 
tries admit  raw  materials  free."  So  they  do,  because  they  have  not  got 
and  cannot  produce  the  (luantities  of  raw  material  they  muHt  have. 
These  free-traders  will  not  understand  the  breadth  and  the  illimitable 
extent  and  variety  of  the  resources  of  our  country.  To  buy  raw  material 
when  it  is  found  to  an  unlimited  extent  at  home  because  England  and 
other  European  countries  are  compelled  to  buy  it  for  want  of  a  euflicient 
quantity  accords  with  other  free-trade  fallacies.  Our  country  produces 
nearly  every  kind  of  raw  material,  and  the  few  classes  which  cannot  be 
produced  here  are  now  on  the  fr-;e-lif>t.  Tljey  seem  to  forget  that  our 
country  produces  every  article  that  nourishes  between  the  torrid  and 
frigid  aone. 

— Symes,  Record,  4307. 

lleduciuK  prices  beuofits  the  rich. 

\o.  806. — If  this  country  adopts  free  trade,  and  prices  of  labor  and 
all  commodities  become  lower,  as  they  certainly  will,  the  burden  will  fall 
heaviest  on  the  poor  and  debtor  class.  Debts  will  not  become  smaller, 
but  it  will  be  harder  to  raise  the  money  to  pay  them.  When  you  reduce 
the  currency  of  the  country  you  make  debts  harder  to  pay,  and  this  re- 
sult wiH  follow  a  general  reduction  in  prices  and  values.  This  will  suit 
the  bankers  of  the  country,  for  their  money  will  remain  the  same,  whilst 
a  doUaf  of  it  will  buy  twice  as  much  as  it  does  now.  The  farmers  of  the 
Northwest  whose  lands  are  morlgaaed,  as  well  as  all  other  debtors,  will 
feel  this  increased  burden  as  one  of  the  effects  of  free  trade.  This  adniin- 
ieiration  combines  the  cotton-growing  SiatetJ,  the  great  corporations  of 
the  country,  and  the  money  of  New  York  City,  to  control  the  Govern- 
ment. To  secure  just  laws  for  all  the  people,  the  farmers,  the  laborerp, 
the  friends  of  the  Union  soldier,  and  all  interested  in  protecting  the 
industries  of  the  countrj'  should  unite  against  it. 

Our  Democratic  friends  set-m  to  take  a  great  pleasure  in  calling  the 
tariff  a  war  tax,  referring  to  the  war  for  suppretsing  the  rebellion,  and 
insisting  that  the  war  tax  must  be  removed. 

— Jackson,  Record,  4711. 

Rednrinjs;  revenue— Wliat  we  could  agree  on. 

Xo.  H07. —  We  agree,  further,  that  the  tpx  upon  tobacco  shall  bo 
removed  and  thus  leave  with  the  people  $.io,('0O,(i(i()  which  they  annuaUy 
pay  Uf>on  this  domestic  product.  Were  we  men  of  business,  governed  by 
the  principles  which  guiile  practical  men  of  afiairn,  this  burden  would 
have  been  and  could  have  been  removed  any  time  within  the  jwst  two 
yeara,  and  if  removed  two  years  ago  no  surplus  would  now  vex  the 
Administration  or  alarm  the  businens  of  the  country.  In  passing,  it  is 
suitable  that  1  should  Fay  that  within  the  period  named  no  hinderanco 
from  this  side  of  the  House  would  have  been  interposed  t<^>  the  abolition 
of  this  tax. 

It  is  also  suitable  that  I  should  say,  for  the  sake  of  the  truth  of  history, 
that  gentlemen  on  this  side  and  gentlemen  on  the  other  si<le  of  the 
jHouse  repeatedly  made  eflorts  during  the  lai*t  Con-jress  to  secure  recog- 
nition for  the  purpose  of  olTering  a  bill  to  aboH'^h  this  lax,  which  rtMjuest 
was  refused  by  the  presiding  oflicer  of  the  House,  and  refused,  too,  Mr. 
('hairman,  when  every  intelligent  representative  on  this  (loor  knew  that 
if  an  opportunity  was  given  to  vote  upon  a  bill  for  the  alKilition  of  that 
tax  it  would  have  received  not  Hini|>ly  a  nifijorily,  but  the  vote  of  fully 
■two-thirds  of  the  House. 

— McKiNLEY.  Reconl,  4748. 
327 


T^KP— RED 

IC<'l»ul»li<>aii  party  for  lub<»r-ltN  rocordi. 

.\«».  SOS.— The  Kepiihlican  par(y  lius  nmdo  a  record  on  the  labor 
(pieHMon.  Il  paHsed  laws  which  ^iWQ  hoirieH,  without  money  and  with- 
out price,  to  hundreds  of  thou.iands  of  American  citizens.  It  foiiuht  irre 
battle  of  freedom,  and  through  its  great  leader,  the  immortal  L'n( o'n, 
lifted  a  race  from  servitude  and  unpaid  toil  to  manhood  and  cilizcnshij). 
On  this  ([uestion  the  Republican  juxriy  is  inifjregnable  and  needs  no  de- 
fense. Recognizing  tariff  laws  as  abpolutely  indispensable  if  the  li-jhis' 
of  labor  are  to  be  protected,  the  Republican  party  stands  unflinchingly 
in  <lefen!-e  of  that  system,  ready  to  join  iFsue  wiihany  party  whit;h  as- 
saults it.  But  tl:e  Republican  party  is  equally  firm  in  its  defense  of  the 
business  integrity  of  the  country,  and  is  uniteil  almost  to  a  man  in  ifa 
opposition  to  the'  assault  which  this  bill  makes  upon  the  manafAduriug 
and  financial  interests  of  the  Northern  States. 

— Gallingeb,  Record,  3687. 

Republican  tarifT  and  Democratic  Ircc  trade  contrasted. 

^'o  809. — This  party,  by  its  wise  financial  legislation,  raised  money 
wi  ti  which  to  prosecute  a  long  and  bloody  war,  and  resumed  specie  pav- 
ments  long  before  any  Democratii;  statesman  thought  it  possible  to  do  ko. 
It  also  wiped  out  the  national  debt  at  a  rate  which  challenged  the  admira- 
tion of  foreign  financiers,  and  gave  to  the  Democratic  party,  when  it 
resumed  power  in  1884,  an  overflowing  treasury,  with  bonds  greatly 
above  par,  and  the  debts  of  the  Government  carrying  a  much  lower  rat© 
of  interest  than  was  ever  known  in  the  history  of  the  country. 

And  yet  in  the  very  face  of  these  lessons  the  Democratic  party  to  day, 
bncked  by  all  the  power  of  the  Federal  Administration,  is  ready  to  strike 
a  df^adly  blow  at  the  present  industrial  prosperity  of  the  United  States, 
and  this  Congress  is  expected  to  crystalize  into  law  the  behesta  of  the 
White  House  and  the  Treasury  Department  in  that  direction. 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3680. 

Redaction  or  daties  Increases  reTennes— ExaniplcH. 
No.  810. —  Tin-plate. — The  reduction  on  tin-plate  under  the  act  of  18S;: 

was  one-tenth  of  a  cent  per  pound,  while  the  duty  collected  in  1887  was 
$715,408.57  greater  than  in  1883. 

Bronze. — Bronze  in  powder  was  i*  duced  bv  the  law  of  1883  from  20  to 
15  per  cent.,  yet  the  sum  received  by  the  Government  for  duty  iu  1887 
waa  $14  000  more  than  was  received  from  the  same  source  in  1883 

Wriliriif  paper. — The  duty  on  writing  paper  was  reiluced  from  SS- per 
cent,  to  25  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  The  reeeipta  in  1883  under  the  h'gher 
duy  was  $19,400.87 ;  under  the  reduced  du'v  in  1887  the  receipts  were 
$242  210.27,  showing  an  excess  of  duties  of  $222,000  in  1887  over  1883. 

Moot. — The  du'.y  on  wool  was  reduced  by  the  act  of  1883,  and  the  in- 
crease of  importations  and  revenue  i.s  probably  the  most  tt^iking  of  any 
in  the  schedule.  The  importations  in  1882  were  63,016.769  ponmlV? ;  in 
1887,  114.404  174.  The  duty  collected  in  1882  was  $3,854,653  J8;  that  in 
1887,  $5,8')1).810  6.3. 

Wwdoir  ginsif. — The  duty  on  window-glaps  by  the  tariff  of  188.^  was 
reduced  25  per  cent.,  and  the  importations  increased  from  50.947,890 
pounds  under  the  old  law  to  01  ()27,'.»4H  pounds  in  1887  under  the  new 
law,  and  produced  to  the  Treasury  an  increased  revenue  in  the  latter 
year  over  the  former  of  upwards  r,f  $200,000. 

Brauljrire,  eir. — The  duty  on  braid,  phits,  laces,  and  trimmings  were 
reduced  by  the  act  of  1883  from  3(»  to  2<t  percent,  ad  valorem,  and  the 
Bum  oaid  in  duties  in  1887  was  $1  I4,4SJ  70  more  than  in  1883. 

— IIocsE  Rki>otit  Tariff,  No.  1496,  1-50, 
328 


REC— RED 

ICcci'iptH  uiid  ivvi>eii(litiir4>N.  ^ 

\o.  HI  I.— Fiscal  year  1887. 
The  ordinary  revenues  of  the  Government  from  all  soorcea  for  th© 
fiscal  year  ended  Jane  ?>0,  1887,  were: 

From  customs ~ _~  $217,280,803  IS 

From  in  prtml  rovenuo „ _  118.B-.:)  3'Jl  ■ri 

Fr'msaloriot  public  land? _  9,'2^,:if>  4U 

From  proUta  on  oiliiagr,  bullion  clcp<«lt8,  aod  aaaays. ^.._ 8,U'iU,'i:j'i  8:( 

Fnjm  lax  on  nallouil  bauk.s _  2,:;8"i.R)l  18 

From  looo— oonsu  ar,  louorM  patoui,  aiul  lauJ 3,:i(il  G47  10 

From  cu-'tnma  feoM,  iliips,  lonaliles,  oto 1  0St,i»:i7  80 

Fr>m  wilpa  of  InJIan  lan<ld 1,4"«.ij28  81 

From  SI  'Iters' 11' >mo,  prrirancnt  fund 1.220,2r>'j  47 

From  rtlnklnj-funcl  for  Paolflo  railways l,:i(>4,4:'.5  87 

From  rPi)aymeni  ■  f  luK^resi  l>y  faoillu  railways 0U.7«;i  IJ 

From  nil»»a  of  rild  public  bulMliigf , 624  8!'2  20 

From  nalra  of  Oovornmenl  properly Ki.631  :Vi 

From  lmmli;raii(  fund 258  4)ri  50 

From  tax  on  t^oalKkln^ 317  i.'i  7& 

From  deiK>»li3  by  lnillvldua>8  for  survo  Ing  public  lands 'M  28'j  70 

From  revenues'. f  the  Dlslrlcl  of  O^lumbla 3,307,809  01 

From  mlscellaneoua  sjurcea I,i58,07'i  Ui 

Total  ordinary  receipts 1371.403  277  oc 

The  ordinary  expenditures  for  the  same  period  were  : 

For  ciTll  pxponeoe _ $22,072,430  2T 

Bor  ^>^oI^;ll  Inicromree 7,104,4'JO  47 

Ftir  Indian  ssrvloo 6, 1114  522  W 

For  pen.>4ion8 , 75.1p2»,1u1  7» 

For  the  military  estabUtsbment,  Including  rivers  and  barbers  and  arse- 

nalH. 38,6C1,C25  8S 

For  tbo  naval  cmiablli'hment,  Including  vessels,  machinery,  and  Improve- 
ments a:  navy- yards 15,141,120  M 

For  misofllaneous  expenditures,  Including  public  buildings,  llgUt- houses, 

and  collecting  tho  revenue 62,002,047  40 

For  •  spendliurcs  on  accouni  of  the  District  of  Columbia 4,08.'v.251  39 

For  Iniorost  on  account  of  the  public  debt 47  711.577  25 

For  iho  sinking  fund _ 47,903.248  15 

Total  ordinary  espendlturee ^ 315,83^428  12 

Leaving  a  surplus  of, lVi.567,844  54 

— TKKAsrREK's  Kkimht,  I  UH'.  5,  1>SS7. 

KediK'f  ion  of  tPic  Niirpliis     \ot  the  purpoNC  oT  llvinorrnf  ic 
loat<l4'rN,  oIno  tli4>  iii(<>riiiil  tax  on  tobiK-ro  U4»iild  nil  ku. 

\o.  Hii. — It  is  i)r«j)o.^ed  by  the  MilLs  bill  to  make  ciTtaiii  (•l;ul;^:ea 
in  the  tariU",  whereby  it  Ih  eHtimate<l  by  tho^e  who  have  examined  tho 
subject  cuirefullv,  tluit  tlir  incfjme  of  the  (iovernment  will  In*  reduced  to 
the  extent  of  .f')L',000,i)()0.  lly  the  rrpfal  of  the  tobacru  tax  it  will  bo 
reduced  $24,000,OtjO  more,  the  total  reduction  amonntinv;  to  t-ome 
|70,0<)0,( !()(). 

Now,  I  undertake  to  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  if  tho  Mills  bill  shall  be- 
come a  law  the  rMlnrtion  of  the  receiptH  from  custom.s  will  not  be,  as 
gentlemen  suppose,  $.')!»,( )0O,(!fl0.  In  no  other  way  cau  you  be  so  certain 
of  preventinii  the  accuinula'ion  fif  a-hurpliL-J,  aboiit  which  we  have  heard 
BO  much,  aH  by  the  repeal  of  tho  tobacco  tax.  15y  lowerini;  the  mt«»H  of 
duty  on  certain  articles  it  may  be  that  the  amount  of  revenue  derived 
from  the  custom-houses  of  the  country  will  be  increased  rather  than  di- 
minished, and  I  believe  that  in  many  inntances  that  would  be  the  result. 

What  were  the  principal  dilliciiltie.M  with  which  we  were  confronted 
when  we  c^iiue  t<^)  this  capital  ?  Ttie  inost  iiniK>rtant  and  presHiiij;  one 
was  the  pref ence  in  the  Trea-ury  of  a  rapidly-increasing  surplus;  and  I 
repeat  a^rain  that  you  cannot  l>e  so  certain  in  any  other  way  of  reducin>{ 
it  as  by  the  repeal  of  the  tobacco  tax. 

(See  also  Nos.  12ol,  1252.)  —Wise,  Record,  6053. 

3'J9 


RED 

Itoductiun  of  rereuue. 

\o  HIS. — From  IstK!  to  1S8S,  a  period  of  twenty-two  yearp,  the  con- 
trol of  the  House  of  Kepreflentatives  has  been  equally  divided  between 
the  two  political  parties,  each  having  eleven  years. 
l)iirinf»  the  eleven  years  of  Republican  control  the  rev- 
enues were  reduced  (estimated) $362,504 ,r)()<) 

During  the  eleven  years  of  Democratic  control  the  revenues 

were  reduced ~ 6,308,935 


Difference  in  favor  of  the  present  minority  party  in 

the  House  of ?;i5(),l  35.(534 

— House  Report,  No.  145)6,  Record,  1-50. 

Redaction  of  reveune— Democratic  party  iu  eleven  yearM. 

No.  814. — On  the  4th  of  March,  1875,  the  control  of  the  Hoiine 
passed  to  the  Democratic  party  and  remained  with  it  until  the  4th  day 
of  March,  1881,  a  period  of  six  years.  During  these  years  the  internal 
revenue  was  reduced  $0,308,935. 

Since  the  4th  day  of  March  1883,  the  House  of  Representatives  has 
been  dominated  by  the  present  majority  party,  a  period  of  five  years, 
and  no  taxes  ha-s  been  reduced  and  no  curtailment  of  the  revenues  has 
taken  place,  although  warned  of  a  threatened  surplus  not  only  by  the 
present  administration,  but  by  the  preceding  one  of  President  Arthur. 

Total '. $0,308,935 

—House  Report,  No.  1496,  Record,  1-50. 

Redaction  orrevenae— Repablican  party  in  eleven  yearn. 
No.  N15. — By  the  act  of  July  14,  1870,  the  reduction  of  the  revenue 
from  customs  duty  was: 

Free  list ." $2403  000 

Estimated  reduction  from  dutiable  list 23,6J1,748 


Total $20,054,748 

By  the  act  of  May  1,  1872,  tea  and  coffee  were  placed  upon  the 

free  list,  making  a  reduction  of $15,893,847 

By  the  act  of  June  6,  1872,  tariff  duties  were  further  reduced,  and  the 
rediiction  by  the — 

Free  list $3,345,724 

Estimated  reduction  from  the  dutiable  list 11,933,191 


Total $15,278,915 

By  the  act  of  March  3,  18S3,  from  tariff- 
Free  list $1,36.5.99!> 

Etitiraated  reduction  from  dutiable  list 19,489,800 


Total  $20,855,799 

The  foregoing  eetimates  were  made  when  the  several  bills  were  passed. 
Of  internal  taxes  the  following  have  been  the  reduction  made  by  the 
parly  now  in  the  minority  since  the  conclusion  of  the  war: 

Bv  the  acts  of  July  13,  1800,  and  March  2,  1867 $103,381.1  !>'J 

B'y  the  acts  of  March  31,  1808,  and  February  3,  1868 64,802,578 

Bv  the  act  of  July  14, 1870 55,315 .321 

Bv  the  act  of  December  21,  1871 14,430,802 

Bv  the  act  of  June  Oi  1872  15,807018 

By  the  act  of  March  3,  1883 40077,082 


Total $284,421,200 

— House  Report,  No.  1496,  Record,  1-50. 
330 


RED— KET 

lloduction  of  revenue— How  to  be  done. 

So.  Htii. — It  irt  proposed  by  this  bill  to  rpdnce  the  revenues  of  the 
<Jovernmfnt  in  the  estimated  sum  of  $78,17G,0o4^2,  as  follows  : 

Internal  revenue _ t24,45.').fl07  00 

i'ree-liBi  (cue  oms) •n,lH'j,:,Oi  48 

KeducUon  on  dutiable  arliclea  ♦cuatouiB) 31,W0,»il  7* 

Total $78,176,0.4  M 

A  reduction  of  the  internal-revenue  taxes  is  proper,  but  if  it  shall  be 
•determined  to  discontinue  for  the  present  the  payment  of  the  national 
debt  and  continue  th6  policy  of  restricting  the  expendi'ures  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  objects  of  absolute  necessity,  then  the  propofce<l  reduction  of 
internal- revenue  taxes  is  not  sullicient. 

The  whole  reduction,  whatever  it  may  be,  tshonld  be  taken  from  the 
internal  revenue,  and  the  cuntoras  duties  fo  adjusted  as  to  afford  a  fair  and 
seasonable  protection  to  our  own  industries. 

Tlie  remission  or  reduction  of  customs  duties  without  regard  to  the 
■question  of  protection  is  vicious  in  the  extreme,  but  tuch  an  unwieo  and 
unpatriotic  course  would  he  particularly  destructive  on  the  Pacitic  coapt, 
■where  we  have  some  knowled{,e  of  the  effect  of  ciieap  labor  and  in  prod- 
ucts, and  the  necessity  for  protection  to  our  own  labor. 

— Morrow,  Record,  42G9. 
Revenue  and  impost  compared. 

Xo.  81T. — That  under  a  tax  upon  domestic  products,  the  coni^uraer 
-always  pavrf  the  tax  ;  whereas  under  a  tax  or  duty  imposed  upon  a  foreign 
product  the  consumer  does  not  always  pay  the  tax,  indeed,  he  very  rarely 
pays  it.  And  it  is  particularly  true  that  liescarcely  overpays  it  if  tlietax 
be  put  upon  a  competing  foreign  product.  Tliat  is  the  exact  dillerence  ; 
and  if  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  studies  political  economy  he  will  diH- 
•cover  that  such  is  the  difference  between  a  tax  uj)on  a  domestic  and  a 
foreign  competing  product,  the  one  being  paid  by  the  consumer  always 
and  the  other  being  paid  largely  by  the  diminished  prolit  of  the  foreign 
producer. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  511.3. 

Retrenf  liniont  aiKlreTorm— The  Governuienteeonomioally 
adiiiiiiiMtort'd. 

No,  HIH. — It  is  germane  to  the  subject  being  discussed  to  speak  of  the 
administration  of  the  Government.  There  is  a  familiar  reform  phrase 
relating  to  ttie  Government  economically  administered.  We  rememlwr 
four  years  ago  the  country  heard  from  the  press  and  the  hustings  many 
marvelous  tales  about  the  extravngance  of  the  party  then  in  power. 
Have  the  expenses  of  the  nation  been  reiluced  since  then  ?  If  so,  when 
iinil  where?  The  appropriations  for  the  liscal  year  ISS."),  regular, annual, 
and  permanent,  were  J;;ui.',17i>,:}Hl  T'.l;  those  for  18St»,  the  lirst  year  of  the 
present  eru  of  reform,  ran  up  to  if.'J.{0,ti4r),.")07  87,  an  increase  of  $JS,}(i<>,- 
!2().U  ;  Ihone  for  18S7  were  j:?')r),:{r)7,r)S4  5S,  an  increafe  of  $LM,71'J.(  7().71 ; 
those  for  IJSSS  were  $.%0,:]'>7,r)L'4  S:{,  an  increase  of  ft/JDlV'-lO.'Jo.  The  ea- 
timatfs  furnished  by  the  Departments  for  the  coming  fiscal  year  figure 
aip  *:W4  0!)4,r.27.r)S. 

A(Lled  to  this  we  find  the  appropriations  for  deficiencies  for  ISSC  to 
have  been  $i:{,H(><J,7rj.Li2,  and  at  this  set* ion  i^l4, 101,400.74,  making  a  total 
of$27/.)G«,lL'0:](i. 

These  deficiency  appropriations,  added  to  the  four  n»gular  annual  and 
permanent  appmpriai ions  for  the  four  yonn»  of  the  nresent  adminif-tra- 
tion,  will  make  an  increase  of  $l(<.>,88;{,L'(;ii.i.'l  in  coniiucting  national  af- 
fairs when  the  Government  is  economically  Hdmini8l»'reil. 

— o'Do.sNgi.t,,  Itecord.  <',s;}3. 


RET— REV 


Retro iicliiiioiit  uud  reform. 

]Vo.  811).— Tlio  Department  estimates  were  reduced  arf follows :  For 
ISSt;,  iJ14,J;;'J,70t>.(JL';  for  1887,  $:}l,775,220.4O ;  for  1888,  $15,.>i9,0(35.1G— a 
total  reduction  by  Congress  in  three  years  of !?!»!, 85o,<Ji)2.-18  from  the  esli- 
matts  of  the  heads  of  the  different  Departments  who  are  economically 
administering  the  Government.  ' 

To  make  the  figures  more  readily  understood,  they  aro  tabulated  below  ; 

Incr<>Ase  Id  approprlatl '  ns  for  fiscal  year — 

188(5 $28,406,126  U 

1^87 ^ 24  7r2,(nC7I 

1888 4  9«J9.9lO.'i5 

1889  (estltnated) , 23,737,0(W.7r> 

Deficiency  approprlatloDB  for  the  flecal  year— 

1886 13.806,719.  r.a 

1887 14,101.400.74 

$109,883,206.21 

It  should  be  remembered  that  another  deficiency  bill  is  to  come  in  this 
session  which  will  swell  the  amount  over  three  millions  more. 

I  remember,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  was  frequently  stated  four  years  ago  that 
the  Government  under  Republican  control  was  extravagantly  adminis- 
tered, and  several  of  you  gentlemen  piously  and  frequently  invoked  the 
people  to  "  turn  the  rascals  out."  The  people  alhteratively  ordered  a 
change.    But  they  have  repented  of  their  ill-considered  acts. 

— O'DoNNELL,  Record,  G833. 

Revenue  eollected  in  1887.    (See  No.  811.) 

Revenue  eolleete<l    on  imports— Percentage  for  eaeli  arti- 
cle from  1878  to  1887. 

No.  8t20. — The  following  table  gives  the  principle  articles  of  mer- 
chandise which  contribute  to  the  customs  revenue  of  the  United  States, 
with  the  percentage  for  each  to  the  total  income  during  each  of  the  past 
ten  years : 


B  u  g  a  r,  oonfectlonery 

and  molaaBee 

Wot.l: 

Unmanufactured 

Maaufacturea  of 

Iron  and  steel  and  man- 
ufactures of 

Flas,  h-»m(>,  jute,  etc: 

Dnmanuractuied 

Manufactures  of 

811k— naanufacturea  of.. 
Ootiou  —  manulacturee 

of 

Tobacco  and  manufact 

urea  of 

Liquors.  f)phltu<'Ud  and 

malt,  and  wines 
Chemicals,  drugs,  dyes, 

atd  medicines 

All  other  merchandise 


Total. 


1878. 

1 

1879. 

1880. 

1881. 

1882, 

1883. 

1884. 

1880. 

1886. 

30.47 

30.20 

23.10 

24.76 

22.77 

21.92 

25.71 

29  29 

37.34 

2  13 

13  50 

1.47 

12.62 

4.04 
11.96 

2.r.i 

11.57 

1.46 
11.75 

1.51 
13.84 

2.37 
14.39 

1.78 
13.«H 

2.76 
14.40 

2.58 

2.76 

10.50 

11.01 

11.19 

7.88 

7.78 

6.72 

7.73 

.65 
4.50 
9.55 

.86 

4.60 

10.51 

.77 
4.51 
1015 

.79 
3.98 
9.82 

.77 
3.77 
10.47 

.78 

4ua 

9.33 

.88 
4.07 
9.97 

1.09 

4.00 
7.86 

.97 
3.91 
7.35 

5.10 

4.93 

5.46 

5.58 

5.66 

5.81 

6.03 

6.14 

6.21 

3.C2 

3.19 

2.66 

2.40 

2.78 

3.64 

3.65 

4.13 

4.39 

4.16 

4.10 

3.45 

3.52 

3.32 

8.39 

3.29 

4.02 

8.80 

2  21 
21.5;} 

2.57 
22.29 

2.13 
21.27 

2.39 
21.61 

2.31 
23.76 

100.00 

2.87 
24.00 

1.95 
19.91 

2.13 

19.20 

2.29 
18.85 

100.00 

IW.OO 

10000 

imt.oo 

100.00 

100.00 

100.00 

100.00 

27.30 

2.7» 
14.0^ 

9.77 

91 
3.57 
7. 3  J 

6.52 

4.30 

3.49 

2.20 
18  75 

100.00 


— Editor. 
Revenue  reduction— Amount  and  mode. 

No.  821. — The  authors  of  this  measure  assure  us  that  it  will  work  a 
reduction  of  the  revenues  $78,000,000  annually.    To  accompliflh  this  it  is 
332 


RKV 

proposed  to  take  only  $24,000,000  from  internal  taxa'ion,  an<l  the  balance 
cf  $34  000,003  from  cluties  on  imj>orLs.  This  reducuon  of  .^•")4  m  0,000  on 
imports  is  soijghL  to  be  secured  by  transferrin!^  from  the  <luiiable  to  the 
free-list  a  large  number  of  articleH,  among  them  wool,  lumber,  salt,  (lax, 
and  other  products  of  the  fa'in  and  factory,  upon  which  a  revenue  was 
derived  last  year  of  |i22,O30,OOJ,  and  the  baiancj  of  $'.;2,COOO00  is  sought 
to  be  obtained  by  lowering  tl)e  duties  all  along  the  line  upon  ttiat  false 
theory  that  in  proportion  aa  you  lowtr  the  duly  on  imporis  you  will 
•diminitli  the  revenue  derived  therefrom. 

Now,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  affirm  that,  taking  this  measure  as  a  whole, 
no  man  living,  even  if  a  member  of  the  secret  cabal  tuat  framed  it,  is 
Audacious  enough  to  predict  with  any  degree  of  certainty  the  amount  of 
reduction  it  will  secure. 

— Burrows,  Record,  3450. 

KcTonao  redaction— Amounts  made  heretofore. 

Xo.  823. — Yet,  in  the  face  of  the  uniform  practice  of  all  parties  from 
the  fouudaiion  of  the  CJovernment,  the  gentleman  from  Texas  cnticifies 
the  course  of  the  Republican  party  in  this  regard.  Chagrined  at  the  dia- 
<lobure  made  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  McKinley]  in  the  views 
of  the  minori.y  that  the  Democratic  party  since  1SG13,  though  in  control 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  eleven  years  of  the  time,  has  reduced 
taxation  only  a  little  over  ^0,000,000,  while  in  the  eleven  years  of  Hepub- 
iican  control  we  reduced  taxation  more  than  $302,000,000,  he  seeks  to 
♦•scape  the  arraignment  by  criticising  the  character  of  our  reduction. 
Ssventy-eighl  million  dollars  of  it  came  from  putting  tea  and  collee  on 
the  freedist.and  other  modifications  of  the  taritl';  ^2Sl,OOO,0u0  by  remov- 
ing internal  taxes.  Hut  these  were  war  taxes,  impo&ed  for  war  purposes, 
and  to  have  retaine<l  them  would  have  been  an  exaction  as  unnecebsary 
as  it  would  have  been  despotic. 

— Burrows,  Record,  3449. 

Aeveunc  rednetion— EflTccts  on  our  indn.stries. 

j\'o.  8S3.  —liut  what  isthe  revision  proposed  by  this  bill?  First, bv  put- 
tingonttielree-liotarticles  which  last  year  yielded  a  revenue  of  fii'2,(HX),000. 
Xow,  all  p;ir  i»^  ag'ee  that  anything  and  e/ery thing  which  is  not.  and 
cannot  be  pro  luce<l  in  this  country,  and  cannot  therefore  cume  in  com- 
petition with  any  domestic  industry,  shall  l)e  admitted  free  of  duty.  But 
the  free-list  in  this  bill  goes  far  beyond  thai,  and  exposes  to  foreign 
assault  many  of  uur  mo't  important  industries,  particularly  those  of  agri- 
culture. Tliere  is  not  a  schedule  of  our  tariff  it  does  not  invade.  The  great 
wo'^1 -growing  interest  of  the  country,  a  matter  of  prime  interest  to  a  civ- 
ilized people,  only  in  the  infancy  of  ils  developm"n\  capable  of  pro<luc- 
ing,  if  properly  fostered  and  encouraired,  the  material  for  tlie  clothing  of 
all  our  people,  is  to  be  expo.sed  to  a  ruinous  foreign  competition  which 
Avill  surely  prove  i'.s  ultimate  deetruciion,  with  all  the  capital  invested 
therein.  Ttio  mnjority  of  the  ('ommiltee  on  Ways  anl  >IeanH,  in  their 
report  on  this  bill,  seek  to  delude  tin'  peoplt»  with  the  idea  that  free  wool 
means  cheap  wool,  and  with  it  cheaji-r  rlntliiuL',  and  that  the  farmers 
tarmers  can  well  afford  to  submit  to  ttie  destruction  of  sluH'p  husbandry 
that  they  may  thereby  obtain  cheaper  woolen  gocxls. 

— Burrows,  Record,  34.50. 

Reveiine— Only  the  doctrine  and  frndition   ol'  Ihe   Itenio- 
crutic  party. 

Xo.  H21. — 1  api^eal  to  them  to  stand  up  to  the  tradition"*  of  our 
party.  A  tariir  for  any  hing  else  than  revenue  is  r.uihidM  the  traditions 
and  principles  of  our  pnrty.  and  at  war  with  its  pleilgea  and  hi.-*tnry.     It 


is  foreipn  to  onr  platform.  We  have  given  to  tlie  people  the  a^suranc^ 
of  our  niteritioii  lo  <lo  tlli^  l.wt  us  j)rove  our  faitli  hy  onr  works  [Ap- 
plause on  the  Dernocratir  Bide.]  I^t  us  engrave  upon  the  iinpcrishiibl©- 
tablets  of  the  law  the  truth  of  tlie  doctrine  we  liave  proclaiiut'd. 

Ifyou  want  the  Democratic  party  to  live,  jjivo  it  a  principle  that  will 
8uetain,it.  Ifyou  want  it  to  die,  Btimulate  it  with  a  policy  foreign  to  its 
nature, 'which  will  destroy  it  just  as  Burely  as  poison  will  consume  th& 
human  frame,  though  it  may  lor  a  time  impart  to  it  the  >;Iow  of  youth 
and  (liiHh  of  health.  A  man  canno*,  at  this  time,  upon  tliis  floor,  he  a 
Democrat  and  he  in  favor  of  the  continuance  of  the  present  Bystem.  If 
ho  is  for  j)rotection  for  protection's  Fake,  then  he  is  apainRt  his  party 
upon  the  principal  issues  that  divide  the  parties.     [Applause.] 

— Raynkr  (Dem.),  Record,  3678. 

Revenue— Reducing  clntieN  iiicrenNeti. 

Xo.  H25.— The  estimate  of  the  majority  of  the  Ways  and  Means^ 
Committee,  based  upon  the  importation  of  hist  year,  of  the  amount  of 
reduction  to  be  effected  hy  the  rates  of  duties  upon  articles  which  still 
remain  dutiable,  although  at  a  reduced  rate,  is  as  follows : 

Importations  of  dutiable  arilcloa  for  year  ending  Juno  30,  1887,  upon  which 

by  iho  Mills  bin  some  duty  la  Btlll  loft $n8,:{'2'.t,04» 

DuUes  collected  upon  these  for  year  1887 117  663,127 

Proposed  reducUon  of  amount  of  duties 3l,KU),U41 

Per  cent. 

Average  ad  valorem  rate  now  on  theee  articles cr>.9» 

Average  ad  valorem  rate  proposed  itiere9n  by  MUlBbUl 48.30 

Amount  to  be  remitted,  average  rate 17.68 

By  the  timffof  1867  for  the  year  eadine  June  30,  1883,  we  collected  of 
revenue  on  wool  a  sum  total  of  $.3,174,628.  Our  importa'ions  for  that 
year  were,  as  before  stated,  o:5,049,{)65  pounds  under  a  tariffduty  of  about 
6  per  cent,  less  ad  volorura  equivalent.  We  collected  revenue  on  wool 
for  the  year  endinj;  June  30, 1887,  a  sum  total  of  $5,901,469  on  an  impor- 
tation of  114,404,173  pounds.  So  that  it  is  here  seen  how  a  reduction  of 
duties  increases  importations,  and  consequently  increases?  the  revenue. 

— BooTHMAN,  Record,  6751. 

Revenue  reforni  (True). 

fio.  N2tt.— Sir,  I  reply  to  such  suggestions  in  the  language  of  a  reso- 
lution which  I  submitted  to  the  House  of  Reprepcntatives  more  than 
seventeen  years  ago,  on  the  I'ith  of  December,  1870,  and  which  was 
adopted  with  but  six  dissenting  votes.  It  expressed  the  almost  unan- 
imous sentiment  of  the  people,  which  had  not  been  then  corrupted  by 
the  influence  of  the  "  whisky  ring"  as  it  has  heen  during  the  inter- 
vening years. 

It  was  as  follows: 

"Remlied,  That  the  true  principle  of  revenue  reform  ywints  to  tin 
abolition  of  the  internal-revenue  system,  which  was  created  as  a  war 
measure  to  provide  for  extraordinary  expenses,  the  continuance  of 
which  involves  the  employment,  at  the  cost  of  millions  of  dollars  annu- 
ally, of  an  army  of  assessoi-s,  collectors,  supervieors,  detectives,  and  other 
ofDcerfl  previously  unknown,  and  requires  the  repeal,  at  the  earliest  daj^ 
consistent  with  the  maintenance  of  the  faith  and  credit  of  the  Govern- 
ment, of  all  stamp  and  internal  taxes." 

— Kkllbtv-,  Record,  3198. 

Revenuo  tnrifr— 1%'hat  U  In. 

3io.  sa7.— First,  what  is  a  revenue  tariff?    Upon  what  principles 
does  it  rest?     It  is  a  tarilf  or  tax  placed  upon  such  article.^  of  firoiga 
334 


REV 

protliirtion  imported  here  as  will  proiluce  the  larj?eet  revenue  with  th© 
smallest  tax  ;  or,  as  Koliort  .1.  Walker,  late  Secretary  of  the  Treapiiry  and 
Hutfior  of  the  tariiy  of  is4ri,  from  whom  the  advocates  of  the  measure 
dr.iw  their  inspiration,  put  it: 

"The  only  true  maxim  is  that  which  experience  demonstrates  will 
brinkr  in  each  case  the  lar^cest  revenue  at  the  lowest  rate  of  duty,  an<l  that 
no  duty  be  imposed  upon  any  article  above  the  lowest  rate  wh-ch  will 
yield  the  larj?P8t  amount  of  revenue.  The  revenue  (said  Mr.  Walker), 
from  ad  volorem  duties  hist  year  (1845)  excee<Ied  that  realized  from  npe- 
cific  duties,  althouijh  the  average  of  the  ad  valorem  duties  was  only  L'.'I.'i? 
per  cent,  and  the  average  of  the  specinc  duties  41. :>0  \n^r  cent.,  pres'-nl- 
inp  another  strong  proof  that  the  lower  duties  increase  the  revenue." 

A  revenue  tariff  seeks  out  those  articles  which  domesti ;  production 
can  not  supply,  or  only  inadequately  supply,  and  whiclT  the  wants  of  our 
people  demand,  and  imposes  the  duty  upon  them,  and  permits  as  far  as 
possible  the  competinj?  foreign  product  to  Ih*  iraporfe<l  free  of  du'iy.  Tliis 
principle  is  ma(le  conspicuous  in  the  bill  under  consideration  ;  for  ex- 
ample, wool,  a  ft:)mpetinK  foreign  pfoduct,  which  our  own  flock  masters 
can  fully  supply  for  domestic  wants,  is  put  upon  the  free-list,  while  sugir, 
with  a  home  product  of  only  one-eleventh  of  the  home  consumption,  is 
left  dutiable. 

As  the  CJobden  school  of  political  science  puts  it,  "The  moment  it  is 
made  clear  that  a  tax  is  a  benefit  to  home  producers  then  tlie  free-tra<ie 
dogma  candemuH  it.  The  test  is  simple  and  easy  of  application.  Free- 
trade  or  a  revenue  tariff  does  not  allow  any  import  duties  being  imposed 
on  such  articles  as  are  likewLse  produced  at  home."  Or  if  produced  at 
home  a  revenue  tariff  would  soon  destroy  their  production. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  47-18. 
Kovonnc— The  NOarceM  ol'. 

No.  H2N. — We  find  the  two  chief  sources  of  revenue  to  be  :         ' 

From  cusuims t217,286,89t  1$ 

Frtim  lni«  rual  revenue 118,8"i',3yl.?i 

The  first  is  that  which  is  imposed  as  a  duty  or  tax  on  all  imports,  and 
is  not  borne  directly  by  the  people,  but  is  collected  through  the  cuHtom- 
houses  of  the  nation.  It  may  bo  said  to  be  a  tax  on  foreign  production, 
paid  by  the  foreign  producer,  except  where  like  articlrs  are  r.ot  !;.i;.'ily 
produced  here,  when  the  consumer  pa>R  it  inthea<lde<i  ct)st  The  ee<'T.nd 
is  that  direct  tax  upon  certain  objects  within  the  country,  and  is  at  i>re6- 
ent  derived  as  follows: 

InUmal-ramite  taxet  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1S,S7. 

Splrlw ~ -„ _ „ Kl.^,8■.•?,:«•.•1.7l 

To>iacoo „...„ Si,i'H(«;7.l3 

Fci  mcuted Ufiuors „ ai.iCJ.lH;  49 

Oif'<iiiarK>irlno _".,."! VjJ.lilH  t»4 

Uank  flrculailon _ 4,.h--  n 

Ponaltlc«.  etc „ _. aao,20*  h» 

OoUecUana  undor  repoaled  laws ^ is.a'.i  6.S 


tll8.KU,a91.33 
— Hkioiann,  Record,  470U. 

Revoliitionnrj   nttlicrN  art<>«l  nM  n  prot«>rtiv«>  titrifl' ff>  thl» 
<-oiinlry. 

No.  S'JiK — The  kr»ntleman  from  .MiPHinnipj)]  [Mr.  Hooker]  ha.'-  recili-d 
several  historical  incidents,  but  he  (ir»'w  no  infi'micti  from  tliem.  I  pro- 
pose to  take  the  same  hi-*orical  incidintp  and  draw  an  inference  founded 
upon  the  history  of  the  country,  and  to  Inciuire  whether  that  infi-renco 
does  not  support  the  Republican  theorvon  this  fjue^tion  of  a  protective 
tariff 

3S5 


RIC 

When  our  fathers  rebelled  because  of  the  oppression  of  tbe  mother 
country  the  mere  fact  of  organizing  armies  and  placing  them  in  the  field 
operated,  how  ? 

It  not  only  stopped,  but  finally  repealed  this  oppressive  legislation  of 
the  English  government  and  made  our  colonies  free,  and  enabled  our 

f>eople  to  estAblish  forthemselves  manufactories  in  their  midst,  which  to- 
ieved  them  from  the  necessity  of  dependingupon  the  importation  of  the 
ijheap  products  of  pauper  labor  in  Europe. 

What  wag  the  result?  Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  even  during  the  Revolu- 
tion the  armies  of  George  Washington,  composed  of  our  forefathers,  ope- 
••ated  as  a  protective  tariff  to  this  country.  The  people  of  the  colonies,  as 
I  liave  already  said,  established  manufactories  for  themselves.  Everj' 
reader  of  history  knows  that  at  the  close  of  the  war  mauufaeturing  es- 
tablishments ha4  sprunsr  up  to  such  an  extent  that  labor  had  been  given 
employment,  that  the  farmer  had  found  a  market  at  his  doors,  and  that 
the  people  were  in  fact  more  prosperous  than  when  the  war  begun,  not- 
withstanding it  had  lasted  seven  years.  That  is  a  historical  fact  to  which 
I  invite  the  attention  of  my  friends  on  the  other  side  of  the  House. 

— HouK,  Record,  4102. 
Rice.  . 

lIVo.  830. — Another  Southern  product  which  might  properly  be  given 
a  taste  of  tariff  reform  is  rice.  Just  why  the  agricultural  products  of  the 
North  should  be  left  practically  unprotected  by  the  Mills  bill,  and  thus 
put  in  competition  with  thecheaperprodnctsof  Canada,  while  rice,  which 
to-day  is  protected  by  a  tariff  nearly  four  times  as  large  as  it  was  before 
the  war,  is  left  undisturbed,  is  a  conundrum  hard  to  answer.  True,  rice 
is  grown  entirely  south  of  the  Potomac — it  is  exclusively  a  Southern 
product — but  that  ought  not  to  be  a  valid  reason  for  exempting  it  from 
the  provisions  of  so  sweeping  a  measure  as  the  one  we  are  now  consider- 
ing. 

Bpfore  the  war  rice  was  raised  in  quantities  that,  after  supplying  the 
home  demand,  left  some  for  export.  To-day  the  production  is  50  per 
cent,  greater  than  in  1860,  the  annual  product  now  being  one  hundred 
and  fif  y  million  pounds.  If  it  was  raised  at  a  profit  before  the  war,  the 
profit  now,  under  the  high  tariff  of  2  cents  per  pound,  must  be  exorbi- 
tant, and  if  it  is  the  settled  policy  of  the  Democratic  party  to  reduce  the 
tariff  on  agricultural  products  I  inpist  that  the  rice  planters  of  the  South 
t;hould  be  given  some  of  this  Southern  revenue-reform  medicine. 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3692. 

Rice—  A  farm  prodnct  must  not  go  on  the  fVee-list. 

'No.  831. — Rice  \b  a  farm  product,  just  as  hay,  wheat,  corn,  oats,  and 
potatoes.  Can  any  one  tell  me  why  these  latter  should  go  on  the  free- 
list?  The  laborer  in  the  rice- field  of  the  South  gets  $8  a  month.  The 
labor  cost  of  rice  is  lees  than  5  per  cent,  of  its  product,  and  yet,  in  the 
face  of  the  protestations  of  the  majority  that  there  is  already  too  great  a 
■.lifference  between  the  amount  of  the  tariff  duty  and  the  wages  paid  the 
laborer,  the  duty  on  rice  is  increased  by  thi^  bill. 

I  will  tell  you  how  this  extraordinary  duty  was  placed  on  rice.  Rep- 
resentatives of  that  interest  came  to  the  maj  :/rity  of  the  committee  and 
■said  if  would  never  do  to  put  it  on  the  free-li&t ;  that  it  would  niin  them. 
As  one  of  them  said,  "  For  God's  sake,  keep  the  protection  on  us."  The 
r'lce-grower  was  heard  and  the  protection  was  kept  on.  The  renreeenta- 
lives  of  the  Farmers'  Alliance  received  no  hearing  before  this  committee. 

— Owen,  Record,  5551. 
Rice— Amount  consumed. 

Xo.  832. — The  production  of  rice  during  the  last  twenty  years  has 
been  gradually  increasing,  as  the  owners  of  the  abandoned  rice-fields 
336 


RIC 

liave  become  able  to  reclaim  them  from  the  dilapidation  into  which  they 
had  fallen  during  the  late  war,  and  an  the  labor  employed  in  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  grain  hag  become  more  efficient  than  it  was  during  the  period 
of  misrule  and  anarchy,  extending  as  late  as  twelve  years  ago  in  some 
sections.  So  that  we  fin  1  in  the  crop  year  of  18S6-'87  the  total  domestic 
production  was  155,707,060  pounds,  while  the  consumption  of  the  article 
during  the  same  year  was  244,175,01)0  pouu'ls.  The  annual  importation 
of  rice  from  foreign  countries  is  about  90  000,000  pounds,  nearly  three- 
eights  of  the  consumption.  In  1873-74  iho  domestic  production  and  the 
importations  were  about  equal  in  amount,  but  since  that  year  the  domes- 
tic production  has  excfeeded  the  importations. 

— Dibble,  Record,  5958. 

Rice  and  snpar  cannot  be  rood— Democratic  theory. 

Xo.  833. — The  Democratic  party  would  reduce  the  revenue  by  lessen- 
ing the  tax  upon  food,  clothing,  and  other  necessaries  of  life.  The  Repub- 
lican party  would  effect  such  reduction  by  curtailing  the  tax  on  spirits  and 
tobacco.  Upon  the  issues  thus  joined  the  Democratic  party  is  ready  for 
trial,  before  Congress  first  and  the  people  afterwards. 

—Shaw,  Record,  3543. 

Rice— Comparative  wages. 

"No.  834. — From  a  letter  recently  received  from  a  prominent  rice- 
planter  of  Georgetown  County,  South  Carolina,  Mr.  William  Miles  Haz- 
zard,  I  submit  the  following  table  : 

'  KATE  OF  WAGES  PER  DAY  FOB  RICE-FIELD  LABORERS,  EIGHT  HOURS,  IN  SOUTH 
'  CAROLINA,  NORTH  CAROLINA,  GEORGIA,  AND  LOUISIANA. 

"  Women,  per  diem,  40  cents  to  60  cents;  house,  fuel,  garden  lot,  and  1 
acre  rice  land  free. 

"  Men,  per  diem,  40  cents,  60  cents,  to  $1 ;  house,  fuel,  garden,  and  1  acre 
rice  land  free. 

"  Boys,  per  diem,  25  cents  to  35  cents;  with  parents,  one-halfof  anacre 
of  rice  land  free. 

"  Girls,  per  diem,  25  cents  to  35  cents ;  with  parents,  one-halfof  an  acre 
of  rice  land  free." 

— Dibble,  Record,  5956. 

Rice— Comparative  wages. 

No.  835. — But,  as  to  the  value  of  labor  in  the  rice-fields  of  China, 
we  learn  from  a  report  of  the  United  States  Minister  at  Peking  (United 
Siaies  Consular  Report  No.  83,  September,  1887,  paee  489)  as  follows: 
T  ie  average  wage's  of  an  able-bodied  young  man  $12  per  annum,  food, 
straw  shoes,  and  free  shaving. 

Iq  Japan,  fi-^ld  hands  receive  their  food  and  lodging,  with  wages  from 
|8  60  to  $12.95  p  'r  annum.  The  wages  of  females  are  about  $6  per  an- 
num. (See  United  States  Consular  Reports  No.  48,  December,  1884, 
page  732 ) 

In  British  India,  we  learn  from  the  British  Indian  Famine  Report, 
1871  to  1881,  that,  in  Delhi,  occasional  labor  is  paid,  for  miles,  per  diem, 
6  cents  ;  for  females,  1  \  cents ;  for  children,  1  cent.  In  Kurnal,  the  high- 
est permanent  wages,  with  or  without  one  meal  per  diem,  is  per  month 
60  cents.  In  Borat,  men,  employed  by  the  year,  get  from  80  to  lOi)  pounds 
of  grain  per  month,  and  from  44  V  cents  to  $1.98  per  annum.  In  Bombay 
and  Madras,  laborers  are  paid  from  6  to  12  cents  per  diem,  and  when 
employed  throughout  the  year,  if  furnished  food,  22 J  cents  per  month, 
and  without  food,  60  cents  per  month. 

—Dibble,  Record,  5956. 

xzii  337 


RIC 

Ri<>e.  one  hundred  per  cent.  duty. 

'So.  H'M\. — The  iniporta  of  rice  into  this  county  the  past  year  were,-, 
cleaned,  .">."), 7;]  14()J  pounds;  uncleaned,  4,0U0,(J42  pounds;  paddy,  or  rice 
having  the  outer  hull  on,  2,152  pounds;  total,  37, 7:;4,2.">7  pounds.  This 
bill  proposes  to  put  the  duty  on  rice  at,  for  cleaned  an  equivalent  of 
100.47  ppr  cent.,  and  for  uncleaned  an  equivalent  of  59  GO  per  cent.  This 
bill  puts  the  vegetables,  flax,  meats,  poultry,  and  wool  raised  by  our 
Eastern  farmers  on  the  free-list.  Here  is  a  chance  to  correct  an  "  ine- 
quality," but  I  am  confident  it  will  not  be  corrected.  Here  is  an  oppor- 
tunity to  abolish  a  "  war  tax."  Why  does  not  the  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means  make  the  same  cut  on  rice  and  su^ar  that  they  have  on  the 
farm  products  of  the  North?  Sugar  is  left  at  about  GS  per  cent,  and  rice 
at  over  100  per  cent,  and  yet  we  are  told  tliis  is  a  bill  to  reduce  and  sim- 
plify taxes  and  to  correct  inequalities  in  the  tariff. 

—Buchanan,  Record,  G622. 
Rice— Protection  reducevcost. 

Xo.  8;i7. — A  reference  to  the  table  (in  the  American  Almanac  of  this 
year)  of  highet-t  and  lowest  prices  of  rice  in  the  New  York  market 
shows  that  in  1873,  when  the  consumption  of  rice  in  this  country  was 
only  one-half  the  present  consumption,  and  was  supplied  equally  by 
domestic  production  and  by  importation,  the  wholesale  prices  of  rice  at 
New  York  were  from  7  to  91  cents  per  pound,  while  in  188(i,  when  the  con- 
sumption of  rice  was  double  that  of  1873,  and  five-eighths  of  the  supply 
was  from  domestic  production  and  only  three-eighths  was  from  importa- 
tions, the  wholesale  prices  of  rice  in  the  New  York  market  were  from  3 
to  5  cents  per  pound. 

We  find  therefore  that  the  consumer  of  rice  has  been  benetited  by  a 
reduction  of  prices  to  one-half  during  a  period  of  thirteen  years  just  past, 
in  consequence  of  the  domestic  supply  increasing  158  per  cent.,  while 
the  foreign  supply  increased  50  per  cent.  These  figures  show  that  the 
healthy  compstition  between  the  domestic  and  the  foreign  producers  of 
rice  under  the  existing  tarlfl'  has  inured  to  the  benefit  of  the  American 
purchaser. 

— DiBBLB,  Record;  5958. 

Rice— Shows  necessity  I'or  protection. 

No.  83S.— This  statement  of  the  rice-growers  is  a  most  striking^ 
demonstration  of  the  wisdom  and  necessity  of  protection.  It  shows 
what  is  true  in  the  North  is  true  in  the  South.  The  chief  and  controlling 
question  is  one  of  labor,  and  so  long  as  the  labor  cost  here  in  any  depart- 
ment of  employment  exceeds  the  labor  cost  in  Europe  so  long  we  must 
have  a  productive  tariff  which  shall  compensate  for  this  difference.  And 
whether  the  labor  is  the  rice-fields  of  Georgia  end  of  the  Carolinas,  or  in 
the  wheat-fields  of  the  Northwest,  in  the  factories  of  New  England,  the 
mines  of  Maryland  and  Virginia,  or  the  furnaces  of  Pennsylvania,  Ohio, 
and  New  Jersey,  it  must  be  protected  against  the  less  rewarded  labor 
whose  products  come  in  competition  with  theirp.  Either  this  tariff  must 
be  maintained  to  maintain  the  difference  of  wages  or  one  of  two  things 
must  inevitably  occur :  We  must  abandon  production  in  many  of  toA 
most  valuable  fields  of  industry  here  or  our  labor  must  come  down  to  the 
standard  of  the  competing  labor ;  and  we  may  discuss  our  theories  until 
the  frosts  of  December  and  we  cannot  alter  the  fact. 

This  is  the  is^ue  and  it  cannot  be  evaded. 

— McKiNLKY,  Record,  4754. 

Rice— Why  the  duty  is  not  too  iiij^h. 

X«.  H:J0.— I  know  from  my  own  experience  a  great  many  planters 
who  have  been  bankrupted  by  putting  the  little  capital  they  possessed- 
338 


into  rioe- culture.  I  presume  the  number  of  those  who  have  failed  to  suc- 
ceed in  rice-culture  in  tlie  last  twenty  years  will  e(juiil  tho8e  who  have 
made  even  a  moderate  fortune  from  it."  It  is  subject  to  many  varying  con- 
ditions. It  is  pubject  to  f:e.«h«jtb ;  it  is  sul)ject  to  the  danger  which  arises 
from  the  possible  brtakageof  the  embankmonti*,  like  the  breakage  of  the 
levees  of  the  Mississippi ;  it  is  subject  to  heavy  annual  expense  for  the 
repairs  to  the  dikes  and  damn  ;  and  the  contingencies  of  the  weapons  af- 
fei^t  it  very  seriously.  Some  seasons  the  rice-planter  makes  a  ^'ood  crop 
and  realizes  a  handsome  profit ;  but  possibly  the  next  year  he  may  make 
no  profit  at  all,  and  the  next  year  »»  disaster  may  come  upon  the  crop, 
either  from  drought  or  freshet,  and  he  may  lose  nil  the  profits  of  the  pre- 
vious year".  — fhnr.i.K,  Record,  5957. 

ieoUb(>r.>.    (Set-  Xo-x.  III.  2I.">.  5««. ) 

IColibosw— <'liarK<'  of  i*(><lii<'e«l  lo  am  ubMur«lit.v. 

X«».  S 10. — Since,  then,  we  pay  to  protected  industries  the  ei|uivalent 
of  the  duty  which  is  imposed  on  imnorted  arti<-le'?,  we  have  only  to  cal- 
culate the  amount  of  this  payment  thus  lost  to  the  country  to  find  just 
what  we  have  been  doing  and  where  we  are.  Our  manufactured  products 
in  18S0  were  !r5  .'JTO.lXiO.OOO.  If  you  add  less  than  one-third  for  increase 
you  will  have  for  the  year  1887  the  figures  given  i)y  the  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  ^7,OU(\000,OUO.  If  you  take  only  one- 
half  of  this  sum  fts  bein^  under  protection,  and  calculate  the  duty,  you 
will  find  that  the  sum  uselessly  paid  is  more  than  one  thousand  millioua 
of  dollars. 

Since  1S80  more  than  six  thousand  six  hundred  millions  of  dollars  have 
been  wrested  from  the  people,  and  six  thousand  six  hundred  millions 
would  have  bought  every  acre  of  farming  land  in  the  United  States  at  the 
outbreak  of  the  war.  If  you  carry  back  the  baleful  calculations  to  the 
day  when  we  Republicans  took  charge  of  the  country,  you  will  find,  if 
the  President  be  right,  that  we  have  thrown  away  the  whole  value  of  the 
land  we  lived  in,  and  instead  of  turning  over  to  civil-service  reforms 
country  worth  $44,000,000,000,  we  turned  over  a  rack-rented  farm  mort- 
gaged far  beyond  its  value. 

— Rekd,  Record,  4068. 

Kobbery— ChnrKC  of  riMliK'tMl  to  an  abMiirdify. 

Xo.  Sll. — The  belief  that  what  I  have  figured  out  is  absolute  truth 
pervades  the  Democratic  mind  from  one  extremity  to  the  other;  from 
the  very  head  to  the  very  tail. 

The  Hon.  John  Randolph  Tucker,  then  a  member  from  X'irginia,  aa 
delighthd  in  private  life  as  he  wa«  able  in  the  service  of  his  country,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1882,  in  a  speech  delivered  M.tv  5,  on  the  twenty- 
fifth  page  of  the  same,  made  the  annual  sum  thus  phindered  from  tho 
people  eight  hundred  millions  for  the  year  1S80.  That  speech  w;i8  the 
most  frank  and  hone?t  grappling  with  the  question  1  liavo  "ncn,  except 
perhaps  the  speech  of  the  gentleman  frfin  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Hemp)- 
fiill].  In  the  same  year,  on  the  20th  day  of  .April,  in  a  speech  dehvered 
that  day,  on  page  6  thereof,  the  chairman  of  tlie  ( 'oiumittee  on  Military 
Affairs,  the  member  from  Illinois,  proclaimed  the  astounding  fact  that 
dnririg  the  last  nineteen  years  thes«'  ungodly  manufacturers  had  swindled 
the  people  out  of  f!l">,000,000,<M)0.  I^t  me  be  nxact,  for  the  calculation  is 
specific  and  precise.  The  exact  sum  was  ^I'xMi.?  754,<!4.").  These  amaz- 
ing plunderers  had  in  their  pockets  fifteen  thousand  millions  in  1S82- 
have  had  eight  hundred  millions  a  year  since — in  all,  nineteen  thousana 
eight  hundred  millions,  or  three  thousand  millions  more  than  tliis  whole 
country  is  listed  for  taxation. 

— Rkkd,  Record,  4008. 
»        :;39 


ROV-SAL 

Kovintc  fruiiio.*)     I*roto<>tioii  Ibr  tbc  South. 

X«.  Hl'i. — Mr.  RAYNK.  This  case  is  in  keepinjf  with  the  general 
BCbemi"  ot  this  1)111.  Tlio  Kt?ntlemen  who  framed  it  do  not  understand 
the  fiubjctt-niiUter  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  iiY.N'U  M.     What  machinery  is  the  gentleman  inquiring  about? 

Mr.  H  \YNK.     Roving  fraiue.M.     I  want  to  know  what  they  are? 

Mr.  HY.M'.M.     Do  ytiu  know  what  "  roving"  means? 

Mr.  H.VYNK.     Y'e.s,  1  know  what  it  means. 

Mr.  15 Y  .\  U  M.    What  does  it  mean  ? 

Mr  IJAYNE.    It  nieaas  moving,  perambulating  around,  as  the  Demo- 
cratic party  is  doing  these  days,  hunting  for  a  platform.     [  Laughter.] 
«  »  *  *  «  «  « 

G'^ntlemen,  that  is  not  the  explanation.  These  things  are  wanted  in 
the  South. 

Mr.  RUSSELL,  of  Massachusetta.  Oh,  no;  they  are  wanted  in  my 
dietriot. 

Mr.  BAY'NE.  They  want  them  in  the  South,  as  they  want  cotton-ties, 
as  they  want  many  other  things  down  there;  anri  because  they  are 
wanted  in  the  South  gentlemen  on  the  other  Hide  propose  to  make  them 
fiee  ;  yet  they  say  this  bill  is  not  sectional.  [Derisive  cries  on  the  Dem- 
Oi-ratic  side.]  When  I  say  the  bill  is  sectional,  gentlemen  may  regard  it 
as  empty  talk;  but  noise  and  truta  sometimes  go  together.  The  erup- 
tion of  a  volcano  has  sometimes  a  terrible  efl'ect  on  the  surrounling 
country.  What  I  say  is  the  truth  about  this  matter,  and  you  can  read  it 
in  every  line  of  this  bill. 

— Baynk,  Record,  5G81. 

Royalty  on  Americau  markets.    (See  No.  006.) 

s. 

Salt. 

Xo.  8 13. — But  taking  into  consideration  the  entire  salt  industries  of 
thu  United  States,  from  the  best  information  I  can  gather,  more  than 
f  10  000  (.00  capital  is  invested  in  this  business  and  over  seven  thousand 
pert^ona  engaged  in  the  several  branches  of  its  manufacture  and  more 
than  nine  thousand  persons  directly  interested  in  and  supported  by  its 
mauufac'ure. 

Tn«  entire  salt  product  of  the  United  States  for  the  year  1886  was  7,7' )7,- 
081  barrels,  being  three  fourths  of  the  entire  consumption,  of  which  6,- 
108,820  barrels  were  manufactured  in  Michigan  and  New  York,  and 
1,5!)8,261  harrels  were  produced  in  thu  otiier  States  and  Territories. 

Previous  to  the  development  of  the  salt  iniiusiry  in  Michigan  the  cost 
of  salt  along  the  Great  Lakes  was  about  $2.3')  per  barrel,  or  47  centa  per 
busliel.  In  18i)(i,  after  the  .Michi..'aa  works  had  b«ien  in  operation  about 
six  years,  the  price  hail  fallen  to  $1.80  per  barrol.  In  1883.  when  the 
War.--aw  works  had  fairly  begun  operations,  it  had  fallen  to  81  cents  per 
barrel.  In  1886  it  had  fallen  to  GO  centa  per  barrel,  and  in  1887  it  was 
freely  offere<i  at  55  cents  per  barrel. 

The  above  prices  mean  salt  delivered  on  board  the  cars  at  the  works 
and  in  lude  the  barrel,  and  estimating  them  at  25  cents  each,  would  leave 
COS'  of  salt  on  board  the  cars  at  the  works  30  cents  per  barrel,  or  5  cents 
per  bushel. 

— ^Sawyeb,  Record,  4559. 
Nalt. 

No.  S  41.— Foreign  salt  pays  duty  as  follows  :  Imported  in  bags,  sacks, 
bar; els.  or  other  packages  12  cents  per  100  f>ounds,  packages  included; 
im^wrted  in  bulk,  8  cents  per  100  pounds. 
340 


SAL 

The  amount  of  salt  imported  in  1SS7,  as  appears  by  Dr.  Switzler's  re- 
port, and  not  incluiJint?  salt  imported  and  used  in  curing  tisli,  up»n  wliich 
the  dufy  is  remitted,  is  as  follows:  Imported  in  packages  327,37!»,530 
pounds,  valued  at  $9^9,504.78  ;  duties  paid  .'{=892,8.'35 -14  ;  .ad  valorem  rate 
of  duty  39.30  per  cent.  Imported  in  bulk  35.3  OlL',544  pounds  ;  value  fiSCti,- 
442.18;  duties  ?L'84,010.0G;  ad  valorem  rate  of  duty  79(58  per  cent.,  mak- 
ing total  amount  imported  OSii  392,074  pounds,  or  2,433,114  barrel^  ;  total 
value  $1,355,940  9().  Total  amount  of  duty  received  was  $670,805.50,  and 
the  average  ad  valorem  rate  of  duty  was  49.92  per  cent. 

From  this  official  statement  it  appears  how  greatly  mistaken  the  dis- 
tinguished Jtentlemauof  Kentucky  [Mr.  McCrearyJ  was  in  hia  speech 
made  in  this  debate. 

His  statement  that  the  tariff  compels  the  purchase  of  salt  from  home 
manufacturers  at  a  price  nearly  doubled  by  the  tariff  duty,  or,  in  other 
words,  salt  could  be  bought  at  the  rate  of  3  cents  per  bushel  were  it  not 
for  the  duty,  is  too  absurd  to  need  refutation  in  view  of  the  facta  above 
Btati'd. 

— Sawyer,  Record,  4550. 
Malt. 

'So,  8 15- — Not  as  a  citizen  of  Michigan,  not  as  a  citizen  of  a  State 
having  some  interest  in  this  industry,  but  as  an  American  I  would  put 
such  a  duty  en  salt  as  would  stimulate  its  development  in  Texas  and 
Louisiana  to  such  a  degree  that  in  five  years  we  would  drive  the  foreign 
producer  of  salt  from  our  market  and  produce  our  supply  ourselve.>^;  and 
mstead  of  paying  $2.50  a  barrel  you  wouM  buy  it  all  along  the  Southern 
coast  for  00  cents  tj  75  cents  a  barrel,  and  reduce  the  price  of  salt  to  the 
American  consumer.     [Applause  on  the  Republican  pide.] 

So  I  say  this  question  involves  something  more  t!ian  tiie  mere  reduc- 
tion of  revenue.  The  gentleman  from  New  York  [.Mr.  Cox]  say^,  "  We 
make  this  reduction  because  it  lesions  the  revenue  ;  that  is  the  main  ob- 
ject;  revision  of  the  tariff  ij  incidental."  True,  you  take  out  of  the 
Treasury  $076,000  which  is  now  annually  paid  by  the  Coreign  producer  of 
salt,  but  you  do  much  more  than  that ;  you  destroy  the  salt  works  in  New 
York  ;  you  drive  us  out  of  the  market  we  now  have,  and  biml  the  whole 
Southern  country  under  the  feet  of  the  foreign  producer  of  salt. 

This  is  what  free  trade  leads  to.  I  bog  you,  gentlemen,  although  this 
may  reduce  the  revenue,  I  beg  you  to  consider  something  else.  I^et  us, 
instead  of  reducing  the  iluty  on  salt,  maintain  it,  and,  as  I  said  before, 
the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  you  will  develop  the  great  salt  industry 
throughout  the  South,  in  Texas,  and  l/iuisiana,  and  instead  of  paying 
enormous  prices  for  foreign  salt  you  will  buy  the  domestic  salt  at  le«s 
than  one-half  the  present  price  ;  you  will  give  investment  to  your  capital, 
you  will  give  employment  to  American  labor.and  contribute  something  to 
the  wealth  and  glory  of  the  Republic.     [.Vpplause.] 

— BuKRows,  Record,  5447. 

Halt— .imerican  bettor  than  imported. 

X<>.  HlC— It  i.s  claimed  thit  the  quality  of  American  salt  is  inferior 
to  the  Ijest  foreign  salt. 

Whatever  truth  there  may  have  been  in  that  statement  in  the  past,  it 
is  certain  that  it  is  not  true  now. 

The  mf)st  noted  produ'cr  of  creamery  butter  is  the  Klgin  Butter  Com- 
pany, of  Illinois,  and  they  use  .\mericau  dairy  salt  exclusively. 

i\lr.  W.  II.  Ilintze,  the  president  of  that  company,  in  a  letter  to  the 
Genesee  Salt  Company,  of  the  Warsjiw  district,  Siiys  : 

"After  making  the  most  thorough  tests  we  have  Hul>ptituted  the  Genesee 
salt  for  the  .\Bhton,  heretofore  used  iu  our  creameries,  and  have  use«l 

341 


SAL 

nearly  two  caw  of  it.  We  believe  the  salt  to  be  fully  equal  to  Aehton  in 
purity  antl  |K'rfertion  of  ^rain,  and  greatly  superior  to  it  inetrength.  Tlio 
salt  liana  ^reat  sale.  All  our  cuHtomers  are  u^^inK  it,  and  their  experi- 
ments fully  contiriii  our  own,  and  give  the  Genesee  a  greater  make-weight 
power  than  ia  pos-sesaed  by  any  other  salt." 

At  the  meeting;  of  the  js'ational  Butter  and  Cheese  Apsocialion,  held 
in  Chieago  in  issi!,  the  majority  of  the  prizes  for  butter  and  cheese  wei(^ 
tikeu  by  the  userd  of  American  ialt,  and  at  a  meeiing  of  the  same  asso- 
ciation held  at  Mani^hester,  Iowa,  in  November,  1SS7,  lifteen  preuuuiii>i 
were  awarded  on  butter,  of  which  thirteen  were  taken  by  butter  Baited 
with  American  salt. 

— Sawykb,  Record,  45(»2. 

Malt— <'4>Ht  orprodiioinii;. 

Xo.  S  17. — The  cost  of  a  ton  of  salt  is  made  up  of  these  items:  B'-ine, 
40  cents;  fuel,  ^l..")l(>;  ianurance,  repairn,  and  taxes,  .0236  cent«;  olfice 
expenses,  clerk-hire,  etc.,  2  centa;  labor,  ^l.iiiJd. 

Now,  it  the  freed ibt  of  this  bill  is  adopted,  wh  it  will  be  the  ro«ult? 
The  biine  will  cost  as  much  as  it  dues  to-day  ;  fuel  will  be  no  cheaper  ; 
insurance  and  taxes  will  not  be  diminished  in  the  least;  tha  manutact- 
urers  will  not  be  able  to  stand  more  loss,  and  they  will  be  left  to  close  up 
business  or  reduce  wages. 

— Bklden,  Record,  5458. 

Salt— C'ONt  to  f armors. 

\o.  K4H.— There  is  now  a  duty  on  coarse  salt  of  8  centA  per  100 
pouuds,  or  $l.»iu  per  ton.  The  farmer,  if  a  large  one,  may  use  500  pounds, 
and  hero  w^uld  oe  a  saving  of  40  cents.  Th  •  duty  on  line  salt,  Uhed  for 
da'r^ing  purposes,  is  12  cents  per  100  pounds.  One  pound  of  salt  is 
usually  added  to  10  pounds  of  butter,  so  the  duty  on  the  salt  in  one  pound 
is  one-sixteenth  of  a  cent.  If  the  farmer  makes  a  ton  of  butter  he  will 
use  125  pounds  of  salt,  on  which  the  duty  would  be  7}g  cents.  So  the 
farmer  would  sive  on  hia  salt  the  princely  turn  of  47J;{  cents  annually. 

— GitouT,  Record,  440L>. 

Halt  in  X'ow  York. 

>o.  S19. — I  desire  to  appeal  to  this  House  in  behalf  of  a  large  section 
of  my  diatrii.-t.  The  manufacture  of  salt,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  one- of  the 
oldest  industries  in  the  United  States,  and  Syracuse  is  one  of  the  first 
places  on  this  continent  in  which  the  production  of  salt  was  begun.  It 
13  not,  as  is  claim  ;d  for  many  of  the  industries  of  this  country,  a  mere 
infant,  but  it  has  been  carried  on  for  more  than  one  hundred  yejirs  by 
the  Indians  and  by  the  whitee  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city  in  wkiich  I  live. 
It  isargued  that  the  tax  upon  salt  is  a  burden  upon  the  American  people; 
yet,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  a  tarilf  so  light  that  1  doubt  if  there  is  a  tax  in 
existence  to-day  which  i  ^  borne  with  so  little  sense  of  burden  as  thisone. 
Sfa'istcs  show  the  averageconsumptionof  salt  in  the  United  States  to  be 
50  or  GO  pounds  per  capita.  Tlie  tarilf  upon  salt  is  only  i  cents  per  hun- 
dred pounds,  so  that  it  will  be  ."een  that  the  tarilf,  even  if  we  admit  for 
tlie  s.ike  of  argument  that  it  is  paid  by  thecjnsumer,  does  not  amount  to 
more  than  5  cents  per  annum  for  each  individual. 

— Belden,  Record,  4202. 

Nalt— i^annfactiiro  and  (M»Ht. 

Xo.  H!iO. — Take  the  article  of  salt,  which  is  sold  in  Saginaw  at  W 

cents  f  )r  2S(i  pounds,  including  the  baTci,  wliich  is  worth  2it  cents  leav- 
ing 40  cents  for  the  salt      If  the  President  is  correct  wiiea  he  says  the 
duty  is  a  tax,  or,  to  use  his  own  words,  those  who  buy  aome.stic  articles 
342 


SAL-SAV 

of  the  same  class  pay  a  sum  at  leaat  approximately  equal  to  this  duty  to 
our  home  manufacturers,  then  if  the  duty  is  deducted,  beinj;;  at  the  rate 
of  12  cents  per  100  ixjunds,  over  '.VSi  cents,  the  salt  could  be  produced  for 
G'l  cents  for  2S0  pounds.  Who  would  believe  that  so  low  a  measure  of 
cost  could  bo  obtained,  but  will  not  rather  wonder  that  salt  can  now  be 
produced  at  the  price  with  the  duly  added,  that  is,  for  40  centH?  I>e^  us 
examine  further.  The  census  of  ).s7<t  shows  the  prodncLion  of  17,Oim;,105 
bushela  of  salt,  valued  at  f4,.sis,2l?.),  while  the  census  of  IsSd  fixes  the 
produ'tion  at  1".i,ho(»,2;»8  buflhels,  with  a  less  total  value,  bit  of  the  amount 
of  $4,817,().';0.  If  such  results  as  these  happen,  why  is  it  necessary  to  put 
salt  on  the  free-list,  opening  our  market  to  the  foreign  product,  tending 
to  produce  unsteadiness  in  value,  with  no  ce»-tainty  of  producing  any 
result  but  uncer.ainty?  The  price  is  now  sutruiently  low,  if  not  below 
the  pri'je  of  remunerative  wa.:e3  and  fair  dtaling.  Prosperity  comes 
through  fair  wages  and  reasonable  profit  on  invested  capi'al. 

— StYMOLK,  Record,  4413. 
Satll     I*r<><lii(*tioii  and  <'ONt. 

Ao.  JS51. — L'ntil  about  twenty-five  years  ago,  America  i)0sse86ed 
bnt  a  limited  salt  industry,  chiefly  confined  to  the  environs  of  the  city 
of  Syracuse,  in  the  State  of  New  York,  the  salt  fields  there  located  being 
the  properly  of  the  State  and  not  of  individuals.  At  that  time  the  coun- 
try depended  almost  entirely  on  the  products  t»f  this  field,  together  with 
a  pretty  large  quantity  of  the  imported  article,  and  the  price,  owing  to 
the  limited  domestic  competition,  was  high.  About  the  year  1S(M»  the 
manufacture  of  .'^alt  was  commenced  in  the  State  of  Michigan,  and  in  a 
lew  years  develope<l  with  surprising  rapidity,  so  that  by  isiKiilie  prii  e 
of  salt  had  fallen  from  a  very  high  figure  tu  the  then  low  price  of  1^1. so 
per  barrel  for  ''  common  fine  "  .-alt,  this  grade  constituting  ihe  main  bulk 
of  American  salt.  Asthese  fields  became  further  developed  and  competi- 
tion more  active,  the  price  of  salt  fell  during  sunceedini;  years. 

About  the  year  l.ss:i  the  discovery  of  salt  in  Western  5sew  York,  dis- 
tant about  12')  miles  from  the  Syracuse  field,  led  to  an  extenaive  develop- 
ment of  this  industry  in  that  region,  and  with  the  result  that  common 
fine  salt  was  freely  otl'ered  during  isscand  18S7  as  low  as  .V>  cents  per 
barrel  (barrels  worth  2')  cents  included),  being  eijuivalent  to  0  cents  a 
bushel  for  the  net  salt. 

Domestic  competition  has  been  the  chief  factor  in  re<lucing  the  price 
of  salt. 

— Grosvenor,  Record,  4057. 
.Salt     ^Vliat  it  t'OMtH— Who  cares? 

>«.  H.'SU. — This  is  but  another  illustration  of  the  absurdity  of  the 
charge  that  tariff  is  robbery.  The  original  cost  of  the  salt  is  a  mere 
trifle.  It  is  the  transjiortation  from  the  manufacturer  to  the  consumer 
that  may  be  opjjressivc.  It  is  not  the  tarifl ;  but  concede  that  the  tariff 
does  add  something,  did  you  ever  hear  a  sensible,  well-posted  farmer 
complain  of  tiiis  tariti  ?  No.  Why  no?  Because  he  knows  that  he 
buys  at  a  nf)minal  sum  from  •">  to  7  pounds  for  a  cent  lb*  turns  it  into 
beef  or  pork  for  whi<'h  hegetrf:!  cents  per  pound,  or  by  adding  1  jxiund  of 
salt  to  14  pounds  of  butter,  he  is  able  to  sell  the  salt  again  at  from  2")  to 
3o  cents  p«r  pound. 

— Pktbrs,  Record,  4717. 
Sail.     (Sir  also  \o.  '25U.  > 

.Sai  iiiKM-lvaiiks.     <  S. .   \o<h.  UU,  (>7,  As.  U».) 
NaviiiKs-liaiiks  aii<l  labor. 

Xo.  S."5:i. — I^t  ine  also  call  attpntion  to  the  fact  that  there  is  in  New 
England  a  form  of  banking  almost  exclu'iively  for  the  protection  of  the 

343 


SAV 

earnings  of  labor.  The  New  England  syetein  of  eavinge-banks- 
stands  apart  from  all  other  linancial  enterprises.  The  savings-banks  in. 
these  six  States  hold  in  trust  the  enormous  sum  of  five  hundred  and 
seventy-five  million  dollars,  or  considerably  more  than  one-lialf  the 
amount  in  all  the  savings-banks  of  the  country,  which  aggregates  one 
billion  three  hundred  and  seventy-eight  million  dollars.  In  the  report 
of  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency  I  find  mention  of  but  one  savings- 
bank  in  the  Southern  States,  having  on  deposit  eleven  thousand  six 
hundred  and  seventy-two  dollars.  There  are  in  the  United  States  forty-two 
ollicial  trust  companies,  aggregating  about  two  hundred  and  forty-eight 
million  of  resources.  Nineteen  of  these  companies,  representing  fifty- 
seven  millions,  or  nearly  one  fourth  of  the  whole,  are  in  New  England. 
There  are  none  in  the  twelve  Southern  States,  and  for  trusts  and  guaran- 
ties they  rely  on  the  North 

In  New  England  there  is  deposited  in  savings-banks  over  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  dollars  for  every  man,  woman,  and  child,  while  in  the 
South,  upon  the  ba?is  of  the  figures  of  the  Comptroller,  there  is  just 
about  onefuurth  of  a  cent  per  capita.  This  immen?e  fund,  five  hundred 
and  seventy  five  million  dollars,  represents  to  a  large  extent  the  earn- 
ings of  the  laboring  classes  (including  the  farmers)  of  New  England,  and 
is  of  itself  the  grandest  possible  tribute  to  their  industry,  thrift,  and  ca- 
pacity. And  when  are  added  the  millions  of  New  England  capital  in- 
vested in  loans,  in  property  in  Western  cities,  and  in  Western,  Southern, 
and  transcontintal  railways,  some  idea  can  be  formed  of  the  prospority 
of  ner  people 

— Gallinqer,  Record,  3690. 
SaTings-banks— DepoHits  in. 

Xo.  85  1. — The  marvelous  increase  of  the  wealth  of  our  country  withia 
a  score  of  years  is  an  unfailing  source  of  public  felicitation,  but  I  refer  to- 
it  merely  to  say  that  even  free-trade  authorities  concede  that — 

"  In  proportion  to  the  increase  of  capital  the  relative  share  of  the  total 
product  failing  to  the  capitalist  is  diminished,  while,  on  the  contrary, 
the  laborer's  share  is  relatively  increased." — Ras.iat. 

An  additional  fact  may  be  stated  that  the  deposits  ic  savings-banks  of 
no  other  country  approach  the  aggregate  deposits  of  the  savings-banks  of 
the  Unite<l  S:atefl,  where  they  are  chiefly  made  in  monthly  driblets  by 
laboring  men  and  women,  and  here,  under  a  protective  tariff,  the  amount 
in  1872,  $060,329,917,  had  in  18SG  increased  to  $1, 235,736 0(.i9.  While  this 
was  being  accumulated  $947,320,816  of  the  principal  of  the  debt  was  paid 
by  our  country  up  to  March  1 ,  1888,  besides  a  large  sum  of  interest.  Thu.s 
it  appears  that  these  laboring  men  and  women  have  on  deposit  in  these 
savings-banks  a  sufficient  amount  to  have  paid  on  March  1,  1888,  the 
whole  of  our  national  debt  of  $1,202,454,714  and  Btill  have  thirty-three 
millions  surplus. 

This  illustrates  the  great  fact  that  while,  under  the  operations  of  a 
protective  tariff,  domestic  productions  are  largely  increased,  yet  in  the- 
distribution  the  laborer's  share,  compared  with  that  of  the  cupUaluit,  is 
always  relatively  most  increased. 

— Senator  Morkill,  Record,  3019. 
Saviii(;s-baiiks— Voice  of. 

Xo.  HiiH. — A  many  times  millionaire  stood  in  his  place  here  the 
other  day  and  (lung  opprobrious  names  at  the  advocates  of  protection. 
I>et  us  pee  how  this  so-called  "exce.ssive  taxation,"  "the  proceeds  of 
wliich,"  he  savs,  "  go  to  the  support  of  grasping  monopolies,"  affects  the 
people  of  his  S'ate. 

In  the  year  1886-'87  the  average  amount  of  deposits  of  savings-banks 
in  Pennsylvania  was  $42,219,099,  by  156,722  depositors,  an  average  to 
344 


SAW-SEC 

each  depositor  of  $269.39.  This  vast  sum  representa  the  wage- money 
accnmulation  of  the  people,  anil  this  is  the  pernicious  result  of  protection 
to  the  laboring  people  of  Pennsylyania.  This  is  not  rhetoric,  nor  as- 
sumption, nor  prophecy — it  is  fat;t. 

But  to  make  refutation  more  complete,  let  us  take  a  broader  illustra- 
tion :  In  eighteen  SUiles,  inoluiiine  Maryland,  Delaware,  North  Carolina, 
and  the  Diotrict  ot  Columbia,  embracicg  in  ISSO  a  populaiion  of  -8,.')0J,- 
000.  the  aggregate  amount  of  deposits  in  their  savings  banks  in  the  year 
1880-'87  was  |!1,235,247,871,  credited  to  3,418013  depositors,  being  an 
average  to  each  depositor  of  ;fl!t)1.39. 

This,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  the  fruitage  of  the  protective  system.  It  is  no 
fancy  drawn  sketch.  It  is  not  rhetorical  rot.  It  is  the  solid,  proved,, 
tangible,  computable,  arithmetically  demonstrated  object-lesson  which 
the  industrious  laboring  men  of  the  country  of  every  craft  and  pursuit 
bring  to  this  Congress  in  refutation  of  the  fallacious  assumption  of  the 
free-trade  theorists. 

— Stbwabt,  Vermont,  Record,  4538. 

No.  856. — Take  another  article  which  has  just  occurred  to  me.  Be- 
fore the  tariff  of  1801  there  was  no  duty  on  paws  by  name,  and  all  the 
saws  used  in  this  country  were  imported.  To-day  under  a  duty  of  8  cente- 
per  linear  foot  upon  cross  cut  saws  and  43  per  cent,  ad  valorein  upon 
hand-saws,  buck-eaws,  etc. — the  saw-makers  of  the  United  States  hold  all 
the  saw  market  of  the  United  States  and  export  towards  a  million  dol- 
lars' worth  of  saws  at  the  same  time.  They  must  be  as  cheap  here  as  in 
the  foreign  free-trade  country  or  they  could  not  be  exported. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1014. 

Kootional  diKcriininalion. 

No.  S57. — The  l)alance  of  protection  in  favor  of  Southern  interests  as 
agaiiibt  Northern  and  Western,  as  shown  by  this  table,  is  $73,OOG,()78 — 
only  a  tride,  but  such  a  trille  as  this  will  open  the  eyes  of  the  West  if  it 
cannot  waken  the  conscience  of  the  majority  of  this  House. 

It  will  be  observed  from  this  table  that  the  principal  advantage  to- 
Northern  agriculturists  comes  from  the  duty  laid  on  imported  wool,  which 
is  $10,424,479,  and  that  this  is  now  proposed  to  be  taken  from  the  West- 
ern farmer  and  presented  to  the  foreign  growers  of  wool.  It  will  be  ob- 
served also  that  the  principal  item  of  protection  to  the  Southern  planter 
is  that  on  sugar  and  cane  products.to  wit,  $74,519,007,  and  this  is  to  be  main- 
tAined  with  slight  modification.  And  this  is  done  by  a  party  that  says 
that  it  is  not  the  enemy  of  American  rainufacturers,  laborers,  an  1  pro- 
ducers ;  that  it  has  come  to  power  like  the  Holy  One  of  old,  to  prepare 
the  way  of  redemption  of  tbese  same  laborers  and  producers  from  the 
bondage  of  war  taxes.  Sugar  is  protected  to  the  extent  of  $')(i, 000,000  a 
year,  or  $1  per  head  of  the  entire  population  of  the  Unilevl  Siaten,  paid 
into  the  Treasury  as  duty  on  the  imported  sugar  consumed  by  the  country. 

— Fakquiiar,  Record,  4492. 

Nectlonal  diNcrimiuatioii. 

'So,  HUH. — What  else?  Here,  for  example,  are  cotton-ties;  which 
present  another  queer  freak  in  this  bill.  lOverybody  knows  what  cotton- 
ties  are;  they  are  hoop-iron  cut  into  lengthsjusi  larno  enough  to  go  round 
a  bale  of  coUon.  Now,  if  the  Snuihern  cotton-planter  wants  some  of  this 
hoop  iron  with  which  tobail  his  cotton,  he  goes  to  the  custom-house  at 
New  York  or  (Charleston  an<l  cutrf  olfiiil  he  wants  ;  and  hoiloesuot  haver 
to  pay  a  cent  of  duty  ;  but  if  the  farmer-constituent  of  my  friend  who  sits 
before  me  [Mr.  Nelson],  or  your  farmer  constituent,  want  some    hoop- 

345 


SEC 

iron  of  procisaly  the  same  width  and  tai»kness,  and  goes  to  the  custom- 
house to  get  it,  the  Government  makes  him  pay  one  cent  and  a  half  upon 
every  pound  he  takes,  wliile  it  lets  the  cotton-planter  take  his  for  noth- 
ing. If  the  Western  farmer  wanis  it  for  his  bucket  or  his  barrel  or  to  go 
on  his  Wcigon-bed,  or  if  the  washerwoman  wants  it  for  her  washtub,  every 
one  of  these  must  pay  a  cent  and  a  half  a  pound,  under  the  philosopfiy 
of  the  gentleman  who  framed  th's  bill,  while  the  cotton-planter  gets  his 
for  nothing. 

— McKiNi.EY,  Record,  4740. 

ScctioiiuliNui— Free  trade  North,  protection  South. 

"So.  S50. — The  friends  of  this  bill  in^it-t  upon  free  Halt.  Salt  is  (!0 
centra  a  barrel  in  Saginaw  today.  Mi/higm  produces  425,000  barrel.-)  of 
salt  in  the  month  of  June,  and  a  to*al  of  1,S00,000  barrels  of  salt  since 
January  1,  and  this  product  of  the  districts  repre-ented  by  my  colleague 
Mr.  Whiting,  and  my  c"»lleague,  Mr.  Tarsney,  sells  at  GO  cents  a  barrel, 
280  pounds  to  the  barrel,  ami  the  barrel  itself  costs  20  cents. 

Y<is,  those  gentlemen  take  the  tax  off  salt,  which  goes  into  the  con- 
sumption of  the  whole  country,  an  average  of  about  50>pounds  to  each 
person,  and  insist  that  those  things  which  are  raised  south  of  Mason  and 
Dixon's  lioe  in  infinitesimal  quantity  compared  with  the  amount  used 
shall  be  protected  by  a  tarift",  in  the  same  breath  charging  us  wiMi  be'ng 
eeclional.  We  do  not  ask  the  p3ople  of  the  South  or  the  North  for  any- 
thing except  fair  play  and  fair  treatment,  and  if  these  gentlemen  think 
they  can,  with  impuni'y,  strike  at  every  industry  in  the  great  State  of 
Michigan,  as  they  seem  to  think  they  can,  they  will  find  out  more  about 
that  after  the  election  than  perhaps  they  know  now. 

They  say  we  will  put  copper  upon  the  free-list  and  destroy  the  copper 
trust;  that  we  will  keep  a  tariff  on  sugar  and  destroy  the  sugar  trust; 
using  opposite  remedies  for  the  same  disease. 

—Allen,  Record,  6752. 

Sectional  IcKi^lutiou. 

No.  HttO. — The  Mills  bill  is  the  first  tariff  measure  in  the  legislation 
of  our  Government  that  has  been  open  to  the  criticism  of  sectionalism. 
It  places  every  article  grown  in  the  North  and  Northwest  on  the  free- 
list,  and  retains  the  tariflf  on  every  article  grown  in  the  South.  Hoop- 
iron  or  wire,  when  used  to  bale  cotton,  is  imported  free,  but  when  used 
to  bale  hay  pays  1  \  cents  dutv  per  pound.  Wire  for  fencing,  an  article 
unused  in  the  South,  but  everywhere  used  in  the  North  an  J  West,  pays 
the  highest  duty  on  the  list. 

Lumber,  copper,  salt,  and  wool  are  placed  on  the  free-list,  while  coal 
and  iron  ore,  in  which  \irginiaan  1  Alabama  are  interesred,  are  carefully 
cared  for  under  the  wing  of  protection,  lii'.e  is  handled  with  gloves, 
and  South  Carolina  retains  llo  per  cent,  tariff  on  it.  Louisiana,  whose 
six  Congressmen  were  going  t)  fly  the  track  and  vote  against  the  bill  if 
sugar  was  molested  in  its  82  per  cent,  protection,  is  placited  by  readjust- 
ing the  proposed  20  per  cent,  reduction  in  a  way  that  is  quite  satisfac- 
tory, and  the  vote  of  the  Louisiana  delegation  remains  solid. 

— Owen,  Record,  5549, 

Sectional  protection  not  wanted. 

\«.  Httl. — I  would  protect  our  country  against  foreign  invasion, 
whether  it  be  armed  troops  to  lay  waste  our  happy  land  or  the  manu- 
factured products  of  half-pai  I  labor  to  cripph;  our  indu.'t'rles  and  destroy 
the  occupation  of  our  laboring  people-  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  not  here  to- 
day to  plead  for  the  protection  of  any  special  class  or  interest  as  against 
.any  others  that  are  equally  worthy.  The  policy  of  the  frienda  of  protec- 
o4G 


SEL 

tina  whould  be  to  build  up  and  maintain  a  system  which  reaches  out  and 
includes  every  man,  whether  rich  or  poor,  whether  living  on  the  plains 
of  the  West  or  among  the  hills  of  Now  England  ;  whether  on  the  lakes 
of  the  North  or  the  orange  groves  of  theH:)uth;  a  system  which  builds  up 
and  sacredly  protects  every  honest  industry  in  which  an  American  citi- 
zen secures  employment  or  invests  a  dollar;  a  system  which  benefits 
not  only  those  who  are  directly  engaged  in  the  protected  industry,  but 
all  others  who  have  the  good  fortune  to  be  American  citizens. 

A  tariff  bill  based  on  any  other  principle  is  one-sided  and  dispropor- 
tioned,  and  ought  to  be  honestly  adjusted,  or  otherwise  permitted  to 
perish  in  its  own  narrowness  and  sellishness.  Protected  coal  for  Vir- 
ginia and  free  wool  for  Ohio  is  not  a  protective  system.  Protected  sugar 
fir  Louisiana  and  free  salt  for  Michigan  is  not  a  j^rotective  system.  Pro- 
tected rice  for  South  Carolii'a  and  free  lumber  for  ( >regon  is  not  a  pro- 
tective system.  Protected  wheat  for  Minnesota  and  free  fruit  for  Califor- 
nia is  not  a  protective  system.  Such  a  scheme  is  little  souled,  narrow- 
minded,  partisan,  and  sectional,  and  unworthy  of  a  place  among  the 
plans  of  Btatepmen.  Such  is,  indeed,  the  character  of  the  bill  whiith  we 
are  called  upon  to  consider  at  this  time.  It  bears  the  ear-marks  of  the 
politician  in  its  partiality  to  those  States  the  Democratic  party  hopes  to 
carry  at  the  next  Presidential  election. 

— Sv.MKS,  Record,  4313. 

>ielf-KOvornnient. 

No.  8<tS. — I  believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  in  the  early  dawn  of  crea- 
tion, when  the  waters  and  the  earth  were  divided,  and  that  great  smil- 
ing valley  of  the  Mississippi  looked  into  the  face  of  its  Creator,  He  blessed 
it,  and  said  that  at  some  time  there  should  spring  up  a  race  upon  its 
fertile  soil  which  should  stand  as  a  montiment  of  self-government,  chief 
among  the  nations  of  the  world.  And  I  believe  that  when  oar  infant 
nation  took  its  first  uncertain  and  tottering  steps  on  the  untried  shore 
of  self-government  and  our  life  was  assailed,  that  same  power  gave  us 
a  Washington  and  a  Continental  army.  And  when  the  foul  stain  ef 
slavery,  that  gave  the  lie  to  our  boast  of  freedom,  was  to  be  stricken, 
with  secession  and  treason,  forever  from  our  soil,  the  same  Great  Keeper 
of  the  destinies  of  the  world  gave  us  a  Lincoln,  a  Grant,  and  a  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic.     [Aj)plause.] 

— Mason,  Illinois,  Record,  4S32. 

f<elf-prcNervatiou  tlio  liiKliost. 

Nn.  HiMt. — It  is  said  that  the  safety  of  an  empire  centers  in  her  stand- 
ing army,  but  the  safety  and  the  welfare  of  a  republic  depends  upon  the 
prosperity  and  the  happiness  of  her  yedinanry. 

The  protcctiv*^  system  Las  given  to  the  American  laborer  better  waees 
for  himself  and  better  schools  for  his  children  ;  more  books  to  read,  more 
leisure  time  to  read  them,  and  as  the  result  in  this  country,  where  there 
is  no  royal  road  to  success,  thousands  of  men  from  the  humbler  walks  of 
life  have  carved  their  way  to  fortune  and  to  fame. 

The  principle  of  protection  is  to  give  preference  to  American  goods. 
American  industries,  and  to  American  labor.  Under  that  system  our 
nation  has  grown  and  strengthened  until  our  tlag  floats  on  every  8ea,  and 
our  name  io  respecfeil  in  every  land. 

iVIr.  Chairman,  there  is  no  hiiilier  law  than  the  law  of  self-preservation. 
It  is  as  much  the  law  of  nations  as  it  is  of  individuals.  The  ("ongresa  of 
the  United  States  is  expected  to  leirisla'e  for  the  prosperity,  happiness, 
and  welfare  of  the  people — not  of  England,  but  of  America. 

347 


SHE 

We  are  a  nation  of  sixty-millions  people,  who  are  better  housed,  better 
clothed,  and  better  fed  than  the  people  of  any  nation  upon  the  face  of 
the  earth. 

Our  valleys  and  our  mountain  slopes  are  dotted  with  the  homes  of 
freemen,  whose  labor  is  bo  adequately  rewarded  and  so  elevated  and  dig- 
nified that  every  man  who  earns  his  bread  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow  con- 
tributes to  the  honor  and  the  glory  of  the  nation,  and  early  in  November 
next  the  supreme  rulers  of  the  nation,  the  people,  will  declare  in  no  un- 
certain tones  tliat  they  have  no  use  for  an  administration  whose  free- 
trade  policy  destroys  American  industrie.?,  and  degrades  Americm  labor, 
so  that  tLu  laborer  stands  alone  and  unaided  in  his  competition  with 
foreign  pauper  labor.     [Applause] 

— Yardlev,  Record,  4143. 

Sheep  HH  I'ertilizerH. 

Xo.  ,S61. — The  destruction  of  the  wool-growing  industry  in  this 
country  would  not  only  be  a  loss  to  the  farmer  of  the  profits  now  derived 
from  wool  and  mutton — it  would  have  a  tendency  to  impair  to  a  very 
considerable  extent  the  productive  capacity  of  the  soil,  which  is  his  only 
capital.  There  is  no  question  of  such  vital  importance  to  the  farmer  as 
the  question  of  fertilization. 

Farmers  are  warned  by  the  diminished  productiveness  of  the  soil  that 
their  methods  of  farming  must  be  changed.  Less  land  must  be  jilowed 
and  cultivated  and  more  devoted  to  pasture;  less  grain  must  be  raised 
and  sold  and  removed  from  the  farm,  and  more  must  be  consumed  on 
the  farm.  The  attention  of  the  farmer  must  be  given  more  than  it  hith- 
erto has  been  to  the  raising  of  live-stock  of  a  kind  which  will  be  most 
beneficial  to  his  land.  I  submit  to  those  at  all  acquainted  with  farming 
ihat  there  is  no  class  of  animals  so  useful  as  sheep  for  that  purpose. 
There  are  none  which  can  live  so  almost  entirely  on  pasture,  whicti  re- 
quire 60  little  grain,  which  do  so  little  injury  by  tramping,  and  which  so 
quickly  restore  an  apparently  exhausted  soil  to  a  comparatively  fertile 
condition. 

— PcGSLKY,  Record,  6742. 

^illeep— FlockH,  iiuiuber. 

Xo.  805.— There  are  70f»,000  flock  owners  in  the  United  States.  In 
18o0  we  had  but  L'l  OUO.UUO  sheep  in  the  United  States.  In  1860,  after 
ten  veara  of  Democratic  Adminidtraiion,  we  had  but  22,000,000  nheep. 
In  187U  we  had  2'J,l)00,000 ;  in  1880,  in  round  numbers,  44,000,000 ;  in 
lSS.i,  50,000,000,  or  m  jre  tliau  double  what  we  had  in  1800.  This  in- 
dustry iurnished  employment  for  1,200,000  men.  It  employed  aiore  than 
$500,6o<.),000  of  capital,  and  was  producing  a  product  of  about  3  per  cent, 
net.  Strike  down  this  industiy,  and  you  destroy  $000,000,000  of  the 
wealth  of  the  country  only  in  so  far  as  the  carcasses  of  the  sheep  reduce 
the  grand  aggregate  of  destruction. 

— Gbosvenor,  Record,  09G5. 

Sheep— \ninbers  of. 

\o.  ,S00.— I  notice  that  in  1808,  just  after  the  law  of  1807,  the  whole 
number  of  sheep  then  in  America  was  25,000,000  head.  Witbin  sixteen 
years  after  the  enactment  of  the  law  of  1807,  wliich  increased  the  duty, 
the  number  sheep  was  increas?d  to  50,000,000.  This  shows  conclusively 
that  the  increased  duly  stimulated  the  production.  But  as  soon  as  the 
reduction  of  duties  on  wool,  1 1  and  12  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  by  the  act  of 
1883,  the  number  of  sheep  began  to  decline,  and  we  suffered  a  loss  of 
6,000,000  head  in  the  four  years  which  followed. 

— Caswell,  Record,  6748. 
34S 


SHE 

Slieop—X umber  ol*. 

Xo.  S07.— What  will  be  the  effect  of  withdrawing  all  protection  from 
wool?  To  me  this  is  not  a  ditHciilt  problem.  The  wool  interest  has 
pown  out  of  weakne83  into  strength  under  protection.  For  fifty  years 
It  struggled  for  a  foothold,  and  in  all  these  years  it  but  doubled  its  prod- 
uct. In  twenty  years,  under  the  stimulus  of  a  protective  tariff,  our  na- 
tional sheep  flock  increased  from  2L',0()0,nOO  to  ovor  50,000,000,  and  the 
raw  wool  from  100,000,000  to  over  ".(H),(KX),000  pounds.  An  increase  at 
this  ratio  for  twenty  years  more  and  our  own  clip  would  have  equaled 
our  demand.  But,  sir,  in  1883  we  reduced  the  tariff  on  imported  wools, 
and  the  world  knows  what  happened.  In  three  years  5,807,312  sheep 
disappearetl  from  our  fl<X'k3  and  43,000,000  pounds  of  woo!  from  our 
markets.  If  this  marked  decrease  is  not  the  result  of  our  discouraged 
tariff  1'  gislation,  to  what  is  it  attributable?  It  iscertiin  that  under  tree 
trade  this  industry  languished — that  under  protection  it  has  had  a  large 
and  steaily  increase.  It  is  true,  also,  indisputably  tnn»,  that  when  our 
tariff  duties  were  reduced  there  was  a  notable  shrinka^'t-  in  pheep  and 
in  wool  and  an  increase  in  wool  and  woolen  importations.  In  this  we 
have  but  repeated  the  sad  experience  of  Ireland.  I  will  let  the  Irish 
World  tell  the  story  : 

''A  brief  recital  of  historical  facta  is  here  in  order.  Previous  to  the 
so-called  'Union'  Ireland  possessed  among  other  protected  industries 
manufactures  of  wool,  carpet*,  blankets,  silk,  linen,  calico,  flannels,  stock- 
ings, etc.  Of  all  those  only  one,  linen,  remains  vigorous.  Started  nearly 
tw<j  centuries  ago  and  nurtured  by  liberal  protection,  when  in  1820  such 
protection  was  withdrawn  it  was  sufficiently  matured  to  stand  Btron>:and 
vigorous,  and  is  now  not  only  recognized  as  one  of  the  leading  indu  tries 
of  Europe,  but  bo  cosmopolitan  in  reputation  that  the  prefix  of  Irish  is 
a  sure  guaranty  of  excellence  of  fabric  throuirhout  the  world.  Not  so 
with  wool  and  its  manufactures,  an  industry  which  from  the  birth  of  the 
lamb  to  the  finished  fabric  of  the  loom  gave  pleasant  and  profiiable  em- 
ployment to  farmers,  manufacturers,  and  operative?,  besides,  from  a 
mysterious  virtue  in  the  excrements  of  the  sheep,  restoring  worn-out 
lan-ls  and  fertilizing  hilbides  where  other  agencies  could  not  be  applied. 

"  The  Union  continur'<l  the  protection  on  woolens  twenty  year.-,  when 
by  a  sliding  scale  the  import  duties  were  irradually  diminished  to  noth- 
ing, and  in  1840  the  woolen  manufacturers  of  Dublin,  who  numbered  91 
in  18(X),  were  dwindled  down  to  12  in  1S40,  and  the  employes  in  the  same 
time  were  numerically  nduced  from  4,'.)18  to  G02  persons.  T lie  same 
statistics  show  the  decadence  in  Dublin  thus:  Ma-^ter  wool-combers  in 
1800  30;  in  1834,5;  operative  wool-combers  in  180J,  230;  in  1834,  66; 
car{)et  manu'"a4;tnrers  in  1800,  13;  in  1841,  1  ;  carpet  operatives  in  1800, 
720  ;  In  1S41,  10.  There  werp  1,000  flannels  looms  in  the  county  of  Wick- 
low  in  ISdO.  In  1841  not  one  remained.  Similar  results  in  many  other 
industries  could  be  presented  did  space  permit." 

— Bbownk,  Record,  3527. 

Nhoep— Nunibor  and  viiliic  orNlicop. 

Xo.  WOS. — We  have  l.l'yi.ODO  flock-maf^ters  in  America.  We  have  in- 
veslciJ  in  the  United  States  $ll!>,()(»0,000  in  sheep.  That  is  the  amount 
invested  in  sheep  alone.  In  the  land  used  for  the  Hustenai.ceand  cjin^of 
the  flocks  we  have  flOS.OOO.O'K)  invested,  making $527,00(i,(XKt  invest^'din 
the  wool  industry  in  this  country.  The  valu"  of  tin-  wool  ami  tlie  sheep 
sold  last  year  was  $0.'),00i),(X)0;  the  amount  paid  for  labor  was  $7'.>.0(M).(M)0  ; 
the amountof  profit  wa.s$i()  (MjO,(tO(),a  hnh-  less  than  3  per  cent.onthe  total 
amount  invested  in  th«'  in<lustry.  And  l>*t  mo  say,  here,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  there  is  no  "  water  ''  iti  thiii  great  stock  in  lustry  ours. 

349 


SHE 

We  raise  about  one-half  the  wool  that  is  consumed  in  America — 260;- 
000,000  pounds  last  year.  We  buy  of  imported  wool  and  woolen  good* 
2»  14 ,000 (RIO  pounds.  In  short,  we  raise  one-half  and  import  oni'-half  of 
what  we  consume.  I  would  have  the  American  hills  covered  with  Hoiks 
until  that  industry  of  ours  should  supply  the  people  of  America  entirely, 
and  make  tiiem  independent  of  all  other  portions  of  the  world. 

— Kennedy,  Record,  4.357. 

Klit^cp-  \iiiiib«>r  aiKl  vuliio. 

Xo.  ^OiK— Why,  then,  when  the  wool  tariti' was  reduced  in  IS"^:'.  did 
(J.OOO.oitO  slieep  disappear  in  three  years  and  the  wool-clip  shrink  4.'5,U',)0.- 
000  pounds?  When  wool  was  free  sheej)  were  worth  50 cents  apii'c*,  and 
now  they  are  worth  $;>.  The  capital  is  the  sheep,  the  fleece  is  th«»  inter- 
e,st-bearint;  bond,  which  i.s  clipped  every  spring.  Tass  this  bMl  with  its 
free-wool  and  its  free-animal  importations  and  how  long  would  it  be  unl  il 
the  slaughtered  25  cents-a-heau  sheep  of  the  La  Plata,  in  refrigerator 
ships,  would  be  landed  at  $1  apiece  in  New  York  ? 

— OwKN,  Record,  5546. 

Kheop  in  Oliio. 

\'o.  H70. — I  want  to  say  here  that  I  have  no  time  to  spend  in  an 
elaborate  and  philosophic  argument  upon  the  question  involved.  It  is 
enough  for  me  to  know  that  in  18»i0  we  had  in  Ohio  a  trifle  ovc- •_' 090  000 
sheep,  and  that  in  1868  we  had  increased  this  to  the  enormous  number 
of  7.608,485.  This  increase  went  on  until  the  reduction  of  ls.s3.  Rut 
from  that  time  on  down  to  the  present  the  wool  industry  of  Ohio  has 
gone  steadily  down,  until  to-day  the  latest  reports  of  the  Hocks  in  Ohio 
t-how  that  we  have  only  about  4,100,000. 

— Grosvenor,  Record,  6966. 

Mlie<>i»-raisiiig  in  .Mifliij^nn. 

Xo.  H7I. —  I  find  from  the  census  reports  for  the  years  here  given  the; 
following  facts:  In  the  year  1860  the  census  report  shows  there  wer& 
l.L'Tl  ,74;{  sheep  in  Michigan ;  in  1870there  were  1,985,906,  and  in  1880  ther© 
were  2,189,:589. 

In  1867  there  was  no  official  report,  either  State  or  national,  showing 
the  number  of  sheep  in  Michigan,  but  if  my  colleague  will  take  the  pain* 
to  look  at  the  census  reports  he  will  find  there  must  have  been  consider- 
ably less  than  ^',000,000  sheep  in  Michigan  at  that  time,  or  less  than  one- 
half  the  number  stated  by  him.  According  to  the  returns  made  to  the 
Secretary  of  State  for  Michigan  in  1884,  under  t'tie  State  census  of  that 
year,  there  were  2,896,911  sheep  in  the  State,  which  largely  exceeded  any' 
number  before  that  given.  I  concede  that  since  the  reduction  of  the  dutjf 
on  wool  under  the  act  of  188:5  there  has  been  a  reduction  in  the  number 
of  sheep  in  our  State.  This  has  been  caused  partially  by  a  rec'uction  of 
the  duty  at  that  time,  and  partially  comes  from  the  fact  that  for  ten  yeara 
there  has  been  no  single  ( 'on.^re3S  that  there  has  not  been  a  bill  pending 
here  to  re  luce  the  duties  upon  foreign  imports,  wool  and  other  articles. 
These  bills  have  hung  like  a  pall  over  the  indastries  of  the  country,  and' 
our  flock-raisers  have  aufl'cjred  heavy  losses  by  reason  thereof;  and  to- 
day they  are  receiving  from  5  to  8  cents  less  for  each  pound  of  their  wool 
than  they  would  have  received  had  not  this  bill  been  pending. 

— Brewer,  Record,  6753. 

Mli4'4'|» -Koiitii  Anioricaii  t'Oiupetitioii. 

\<».  S72. — Why,  sir,  on  the  pampas  of  Argentina  there  now  roam,  ac- 
coriinu:  ti  the  best  estimate  I  have  from  credible  sources  90,000,000  sheep, 
14,000.000  horned  cattle,  and  six  or  seven  million  horses*    There  is  a 
:r)0 


SHE 

railroad  from  Buenos  Ayrea  westwanl  toward  Chili,  which  is  already  coin- 
pleted  to  Mendoza.  at  the  eastern  hiuie  of  the  Andes,  (iOO  miles  across  the- 
pampas:  and  the  Andes  are  being  bored  in  order  to  establish  railroad 
communication  with  Chili.  Four  or  live  years  will  be  occupied  in  boring 
throutrh  that  monstrous  mountain  barrier,  and  then  Santiaeo  will  be 
reached,  HO  miles  from  Mendoza,  and  near  by  is  the  port  of  \alparaiso, 
80  that  the  productions  of  Argentina  can  come  by  way  of  Chili  and  the 
western  coast. 

From  that  section  of  South  America  you  can  bring  wool,  hides  and  all 
animal  productions  in  full  supply  to  your  own  doors.  In  those  South 
American  regions  animals  need  no  food  stored  up;  they  live  upon  the 
plains  from  year's  end  to  year's  end.  Nothing  is  necessary  u{)on  the 
pampas  except  the  sinking  of  a  few  wells,  which  may  be  artificially 
worked  by  wind  power,  as  m  Spain  and  Portugal,  for  an  occasional  time 
of  drought.  Thus,  with  slight  cost  innumerable  ma-ssea  of  animal  prod- 
ucts are  now  obtained,  and  vastly  more  will  be  hereafter  obtainable  and 
thrown  into  the  channels  of  the  comuaerce  of  the  world. 

— BrcKALEw,  Record,  4yS7. 

Slioep— World'N  coiiip<>^tilion  in. 

"So,  H7H. — What  does  this  attatik  on  wool  mean?  Are  our  markets 
to  be  thrown  to  the  wools  of  the  world,  and  must  the  American  farmer 
hereafter  compete  with  the  wool-raisers  of  India,  South  Africa,  the  Ar- 
gentine Republic,  Russia  and  Au'^tralia?  Sir,  the  annual  woolrlip  of 
these  countries  is  over  1  ,(i00,()O0,0OO  pounds,  and  of  these  about  7(H>,(»00.- 
000  pounds  are  the  product  of  the  River  Platte  country  in  South  Amer- 
ica, the  South  .\frican  colonies,  and  Australia,  where  sheep  are  raised 
almost  without  cost  of  pa8tura;_'e  or  labor.  No  one  can  doubt  the  dis- 
astrous consequences  of  such  a  competition.  This  industry  is  of  to«> 
much  importance  to  our  people  to  be  either  sacrificed  or  put  in  jeopardy. 
Let  us  see  the  extent  of  the  capital  and  the  labor  employed  in  it. 

For  the  year  lss4  oflicial  statistics  show  : 

Number  of  sheep  In  the  United  States 50,C26,f>26 

Pounils  of  wool-clip :iO8.(t(H),000 

Value  »V)l.lC.8.iMi<t 

Pounds  of  raw  wool  Imported Ki.'itt.yai 

Valuo $i:».5Wi,2fl» 

Value  of  manufactures  of  w<x)l  Imported 51,48l,ff;2 

The  statistics  of  ISSO,  as  to  domestic  woolen  manufactures,  show  : 

Number  f if  oetabllshmenta 2,08» 

Cajiltal  Invested $16»,0'Jl,80i» 

Bauds  employed ICl.MT 

Wages  paid »47,:<lftV«7 

Valuo  of  priKluct 267,iVi,<Ji:t 

Cost  <if  material  u»ed 104,371,651 

Value  of  sheep 119,0tU,7O» 

These  statistics  do  not  inclu<le  the  value  of  land.",  barns,  sheds,  and 
implements  employed  in  sheep-raising,  which  is  estimated  ai  $4US,000,0<iO. 

Sir,  more  than  l,<tOO,lM)0,  or  nearly  one-twelfth  of  the  voters  of  ttie 
United  States  are  Hock-owners,  and  the  wool  product  is  more  valuable 
than  pig-iron  and  than  the  combined  output  of  our  gold  and  silver 
mines.  It  exi-eeds  in  value  our  unmanufactured  tobacco  by  $:{4,0(K),- 
(MiO,  is  one-half  the  value  of  our  coal  minc^,  while  woolen  manufactures 
exceed  in  value  those  of  cottons  by  more  than  ^■'>0,iK)0,00o. 

—  Hrownk,  Record,  :>ol?7. 

SliHr<'  4>r  uaK<'-w4>rk<M*«i  in  |»r<>>»|»«>rily. 

Xo.  ^»7I. —  With  us  the  paramount  question  is,  shall  those  who  con- 
tribute to  our  prosperity  by  their  labor,  the  wage-workers,  be  remitted 

;;.M 


SHE— SHI 

to  the  condition  of  those  upon  the  other  side  of  the  water,  or  shall  they 
-continue  to  share,  a«  now,  in  the  protitd  resulting  from  a  union  of  capi- 
tal with  labor  in  the  tield  of  productive  etlbrt? 

— BuTTKRwoBTH,  Record,  43W3. 

Klioet-irou— ItM  reduced  price. 

>'o.  H75. — KuH8i;in  sheet-iron  sold  at  18  centa  per  pound  in  this  coun- 
try for  many  years  before  its  luannfacture  in  thin  country;  under  a  pro- 
tective duty  of  2J  centa  per  pound  manufacturers  for  American  sheet-iron 
were  established  and  put  into  competition  with  the  Kassian.  Ku>>i»ian 
siieet-iron  has  fallen  to  !)i  cents  per  pyund  and  American  sheet-iron  is 
sold  for  still  less.  The  skilled  workmen  employed  in  thin  industry  are 
paid  very  high  wapes.    The  Russian  workmen  are  paid  very  low  wages. 

Thus,  the  American  consumer  saves  8J  cents  per  pound  on  every  pound 
of  eheet-iron  he  buys.  But  according  to  the  statement  of  the  President 
and  his  followen?,  the  2i  cents  per  pound  should  be  added  to  the  price 
l>efore  the  taritl'  and  sheet-iron  would  sell  for  20^  cents  per  pountl.  If 
the  tariff  tax  were  taken  off  and  the  Amerioan  eheet-iron  factories  closed 
the  product  of  the  low  wages  of  Russia  would  again  flood  the  country  ani 
prices  would  advance,  because  there  would  be  no  local  competition. 

— Symkh,  Record,  4308. 

Sherman,  John  (Senator),  assailed  Tor  voting    to   reduce 
tarill'on  wool. 

\o.  H70. — When,  after  opposing  all  I  could  the  unwise  reduction  the 
duty  on  wool  in  1883,  I,  with  great  reluctance,  voted  for  the  tariff  bill  of 
that  year,  because  its  other  provisions  would  reduce  the  surplus  revenue. 
I  was  assailed  by  the  Democratic  Legislature  of  Ohio,  and  by  every 
Democratic  paper  in  that  State,  for  voting  for  a  bill  that  reduced  the  duty 
on  wool ;  and  now  a  Democratic  President  recommends  its  entire  aboli; 
tion  I  If  a  reduction  of  20  per  cent,  of  duly  slaughtered  5,000,000  sheepi 
what  will  be  the  eflect  of  the  entire  repeal  of  the  duty  ? 

— Senator  Shkrman,  Record,  203. 

Shirking  responsibility  has  its  cost. 

No.  ^»77. — The  government,  which  derives  all  its  powers  from  the 
people,  mnst  be  mindful  of  their  interests,  considerate  of  their  character, 
and  in  every  way  passible  favor  their  preparation  for  the  responsibilities 
with  which  they  are  charged.  It  is  a  broader  question  than  the  price  of 
the  foreign  or  the  domestic  product.  I  submit  the  following  five  propo- 
sitions for  consideration  : 

I.  A  nation  should  make  what  it  can  make  cheaper  than  it  can  buy  it. 

II.  The  cost  of  a  thing  is  what  we  part  with  to  obtain  it. 

III.  A  nation  parts  with  raw  materials  when  she  devotes  them  to 
productive  manipulation,  thus  using  them  up. 

IV.  A  nation  does  not  pirt  with  her  capital  or  her  labor.  Their  pro- 
ductive employment  costs  her  no  more  than  their  idleness. 

V.  Therefore,  the  only  element  of  cost  in  domestic  production — so  far 
as  concerns  the  producing  nation — is  the  nature  of  the  materials  u^ed  up] 
their  value,  that  is,  to  the  nation  in  tiheir  natural  site  and  condition. 
Comparing  the  condition  of  the  nation  at  the  inception  of  the  a<;t  of  pro- 
duction with  its  condition  at  the  completion  of  the  act,  the  only  differ- 
ence due  to  the  act  that  can  be  discovered  is  the  impairment  of  her 
natural  resources. 

Thus,  with  BufDcient  spare  capital,  and  sufficient  spare  labor,  it  pays  us 
to  do  our  own  manufacturing,  even  at  an  enhanced  cost  to  the  individual 
—that  is,  it  pays  the  nation. 

— EOBKBT  P.  POBTJEB. 

352 


SHI 

Sbip-biiil(liiiK> 

^'«.  ^>7^i-— Mr.  ()'Ni;iLL,  of  Penuaylvania.  Mr.  Chairman.  I  feimply 
want  to  say  a  woni  or  two  to  the  gentleman  from  .>Iichinan  [Mr.  TarH- 
ney],  now  that  he  has  closet  1,  beoaufle  I  did  not  want  to  interrupt  him 
•while  he  was  on  the  floor.  Hi  slali-d  that  a  hirj;e  numb.^r  of  the  mem- 
bers of  this  House,  with  Senators  and  (ii9tiumii.shed  ollicials,  had  j;one 
to-day  from  \Vashin;_'ton  to  I'l.  iladeli)!na  to  see  the  inaumiration,  as  I 
hope  it  will  provo  to  be,  of  the  new  Navy — to  be  present  at  the  launch 
of  the  cruiser  and  the  dynamite  vessel  from  the  ship-yanl  of  Mt-ssrH. 
Cramp  A  Sons,  of  Philadelphia,  on  tin-  Delaware  River.  I  am  e.xtremely 
-sorry  that  the  gentleman  irom  Michii^an  [Mr.  Tarsney]  himself  is  not 
praseat  there  to-day  ;  but  I  presume  he  could  not  leave  on  account  of  his 
desire  to  make  his  tarilf  speech.  If  the  gentleman  had  gone  on  that  trip 
he  would  have  seen  euiployed  in  that  ship-yard  over  two  thousaml  nu-n, 
skilled  mechanics,  skilled  laborers,  and  laborers  unskilled,  all  at  work 
and  all  drawing  large  wages,  wages  sutlicient  to  support  them  and  their 
families,  men  who  are  etlicient  and  happy  in  the  occupation  which  they 
follow. 

Now,  sir,  if  this  bill,  which  I  call  a  free-trade  bill,  passes  in  the  form 
in  which  it  comes  from  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  it  will  break 
up  that  industry.  I  call  it  a  free-trade  bill.  It  may  not  have  been  in 
the  mind  of  the  gentleman  from  Michigan,  when  he  framed  a  part  of  the 
plank  in  the  national  Democratic  platform,  that  he  was  framing  or  help- 
ing to  frame  a  free-trade  platform,  but  certainly  his  President  in  the  an- 
nual message  has  framed  a  free-trade  platform  and  has  spoken  out  in 
the  clearefct  language  of  the  Democracy  for  free  trade  and  against  pro- 
tection. 

— O'Neill,  Pennsylvania,  Record,  3645. 

MhipN  for  Ainorica  to  be  built  in  ICiiKlHud. 

No.  .S7y.— Biit  the  honorable  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  does  not  rest 
here.  lid  sees  another  directio.i  in  which  we  can  legislate  in  the  inter- 
ests of  Great  Britain,  and  promptly  seizes  npax  it.  He  says,  in  the  same 
report: 

'^'A  citizen  of  the  United  States  may  buy  a  foreign-built  vessel  in  a 
'  foreign  port;  he  may  put  the  United  States  Hag  upon  it  and  trade  with 
all  the  countries  of  the  world  except  his  own.  Our  (rovernment  will 
protect  him  with  all  its  power  in  such  trade;  but  if  he  brimrs  liis  ship 
with  our  flag  upon  it  to  one  of  our  ports,  our  Government  will  cinti^cate 
it  or  impose  prohibitory  duties.  He  may,  however,  put  th^*  tlag  of  any 
other  country  on  that  same  ship  and  bring  it  to  his  home  without  molf  s- 
tation  by  our  Government;  it  is  then  protected  bv  the  power  of  a  foreign 
•country.  It  is  dilHiMilt  to  understand  why  it  ^uld  not  ln^  well  to  so 
change  our  navigation  laws  as  to  allow  foreign-built  ships  owne<l  by  our 
citizens  to  come  and  go  between  this  and  other  countries  while  beariUi^ 
the  (lag  of  the  country  of  their  owners." 

What  the  Secretary  means  in  the  first  ten  lines  of  this  quotation  i^ 
beyond  my  comprehension.  I  have  always  believed  tiiat  the  only  way 
to  determine  the  )iationality  9[  a  ve8.H'l  wius  liy  an  examination  of  her 
papers,  and  it  is  an  entirely  novel  doctrine  that  a  Hug  settles  the  tjues- 
tion.  There  is  hardly  a  foreign  BteaniHliip  entering  an  .\m»'rican  jK»rt 
that  does  not  hoist  the  American  (lag.  Nor  wan  I  aware  before  that  a 
vessel  could  trade  at  any  port  of  any  commercial  country  without  carry- 
ing such  paf)ers,  regardless  of  the  (1  ig  she  was  (lying.  The  last  four 
iinee  are  iinmistakal)le.  The  Secretir/  >'.dvi.sep  the  prompt  repeal  of  our 
laws  which  provide  that  no  loreignbuilt  vesf-el  shall  be  ad'eitteti  to  an 
American  register,  also,  of  course,  of  ail  restriction.s  now  j  roterting  our 
xxiii  :'„>;{ 


SUO— SOD 

coastwise  trade.  In  other  worda,  the  Secretary  accedes  to  the  demande* 
of  CriL'at  Britain  that  she,  with  her  cheap  coal,  iron,  steel,  and  labor,  sbalt 
huild  i\]\  of  o'lr  Bliipa.  To  be  Bure  they  are  90  per  cent.  labor;  what  of 
th:it?  This  Administration,  from  President  down,  prefers  to  employ, 
feed,  and  clothe  English  workmen  to  American.  To  be  sure,  such  a  sur- 
render would  destroy  our  coa=?twiae  fleet  and  trade;  but  what  of  that,  the 
Englidh  and  Canadians  would  serve  our  people  more  cheaply. 

— Senator  Fbye,  Record,  652. 

Shoemaker.    (See  Cliiuesc  labor.) 
Slioemaker  and  cheap  shoes.    (See  No.  78.) 

SiiiiondM  rolliiif;  machine. 

Xo.  8S0.— The  Simonds  rolling  machine,  said  to  be  "  the  grandest 
mechanical  invention  of  the  age,"  by  Mr.  Simonds,  of  Fitehbnrg,  is  de- 
scribed as  a  machine  in  which  two  flat  surfaces,  acting  vertically  or  hor- 
izontally, and  moving  in  opposite  directions,  with  adjustable  dies  fixed 
upon  them,  roll  in  one  motion  a  piece  of  metal  of  regular  and  irregular 
shape,  and  in  almost  any  pattern  desired.  The  work  is  quick  and  accu- 
rate, and  by  one  movement  a  conical  shot,  or  chair-screw,  bolt,  axle,  or 
spindle  is  produced,  and  the  machine  is  hkely  to  supersede  the  lathe, 
the  trip-hammer,  and  other  methods  of  forging  as  to  an  immense  num- 
ber of  useful  articles. 

— Senator  Morbill,  Record,  3020. 

Sodu.     (See  Nos.  32,  33.) 

Soda— American  manufacturers  of,  fUte   of,  under   Mills 
bill. 

No.  §81. — The  immense  importance  of  soda  manufacture  to  the 
TJnit'?d  Scates  will  be  seen  when  wo  r/)n8ider  that  it  is  an  article  of  '■  »t- 
versal  use.  Not  a  family  in  the  country  but  what  uses  it  in  some  man- 
ner or  shape  ;  not  a  physician  but  what  uses  it  in  some  of  his  pre'=;crip- 
tions  as  an  important  ingredient,  and  in  the  arts  and  sciences  it  is  indis- 
peneable. 

If  the  American  manufacture  is  crushed  and  wiped  out  and  our  enp- 
plies  are  henceforth  to  be  taken  from  the  foreigner  under  the  delusion 
that  we  shall  get  them  cheaper,  then  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  any 
European  power  our  supply  would  be  cut  ofi"  and  the  United  States,  so 
far  as  soda  is  concerned,  would  be  in  the  same  helpless  condition  as  that 
in  which  the  late  civil  war  found  the  Southern  States. 

— Baker,  New  Yonk,  Record,  6336. 

Soda-ash.    (See  TariWnot  a  tax.  No.  981.) 

Sodu-ash. 

jVO.  883. — But  to  farther  illustrate  the  unsoundness  of  the  Preeident'e 
theory  we  have  only  to  refer  to  the  manufacture  of  soda-ash  in  the 
"United  States.  Before  1881  there  was  noae  manufactured  in  this  coun- 
try, and  we  imported  every  pound  at  a  csf  of  about  $18  per  ton.  We 
consume  about  175,000  tons  in  the  manufacture  of  glass  and  other  prod- 
uta.  A  duly  of  $5 per  ton  was  imposed.  A  company  was  organizecl  and 
commenced  manufacturing  in  January,  1884,  with  a  capacity  of  50,000 
tons  annually.  Was  the  duty  of  $5  per  ton  added  to  the  $18,  thereby  ad- 
vancing the  cost  to  $53  a  ton  ?  That  is  the  President/a  theory.  The  $5 
per  ton  was  not  added  to  the  costs,  but  on  the  cmtrary  the  price  fell  in 
the  American  mai-ket  in  three  years  as  low  as  $28  per  tou. 

— Thomas,  Kentucky,  Record,  4559. 
354 


SOD— sou 

Noda-UMh. 

\o.  SS:J.— Speakincr  of  the  industry  of  soda-ash.  I  desire  to  state  liow 
imiKDsino:  a  duty  upon  it  does  benefit  the  consumer  by  re<iu(;ing  the  i>rice 
one- lialf  after  the  imposition  of  the  dufy,  but  that  one  indusfy  in  Syra- 
cuse is  employiDK  a  capital  of  |!l,")00  0(l6.  It  has  paid  in  wuj^es  annu;illy 
$S00,000.  It  hap  paid  in  frei^'hts  fUO.OOO  a  year  to  the  railroads  and 
$12,600  a  year  to  the  canal  companies.  It  consumes  annuallv  70,01)0 
tons  of  coal,  100,000  tons  of  limestone,  10,000  tons  of  coke,  100,01)0  (ouh  of 
palt,  and  employs  1,500  people.  This  is  one  industry  built  up  by  the  im- 
poeition  of  the  duty  of  5»5  a  ton,  by  which  duty  soda-ash  manufacture  has 
been  established  in  this  country  at  the  point  named,  the  only  one  exist- 
ing this  side  of  the  Atlantic;  and  while  it  has  given  employment  to  labor 
and  distributed  this  amount  of  money,  and  provided  for  the  use  of  our 
materials — coal,  coke,  salt — to  these  numerous  amounts,  it  has  at  the 
same  time  reduced  the  price  of  the  product  to  the  American  consumer 
one-half  in  three  years. 

— Burrows,  Record,  G3:j4. 

fiiontli  ueglected  to  take  advantage  ortarifi'  lawH. 

No.  884. — The  South  tinds  fault  because  other  sections  of  the  coun- 
try have  taken  advantage  of  the  tariff  laws,  while  she  has  left  her  natu- 
ral resources  undeveloped.  And  this  committee  of  Southern  pjentlemen 
seek  Vjy  this  bill  to  protect  every  article  of  minufaclure  or  agriculture 
produced  in  the  South,  and  if  in  the  protection  to  the  South  any  North- 
ern enterprise  shall  bo  accidentally  protected  we  are  welcome  to  it. 

But  the  gentlemen  say  that  I  am  drawing  sectional  lines.  Mr.  Chair- 
man, I  am  not.  I  draw  attention  only  to  the  sectional  lines  that 
they  have  already  drawn.  This  bill,  and  every  other  bill  coming  from 
the  majority  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  has  been  a  direct  at- 
tempt on  the  part  of  the  majority  to  protect  the  interests  lying  in  the 
South,  regardless  of  the  interests  of  the  North,  the  East,  and  the  West ; 
and  when  I  go  through  my  district  and  see  laboring  men  and  manufac- 
turers there  and  know  that  under  protection  there  is  better  promise  than 
ever  for  the  future,  it  grinds  me  to  know  that  their  affairs  and  their 
business  are  in  the  hands  of  such  men.  [Laughter  and  applause  on  the 
Republican  side.] 

— Mason,  Record,  4S32. 

South  skould  learn  from  New  EngSand. 

No.  885.— To  enforce  this  plea  comparisons  will  be  made  between 
New  England  and  the  Southern  States,  and  the  letwona  that  I  would  en- 
force is  that  the  South  should  not  drag  New  England  down  by  hostile 
legislation,  but  rather  than  she.  freed  from  the  incubus  of  plavery, 
should  imitate  New  England  thrift  and  enterprise;  should  plant  manu- 
factures on  her  streams;  should  call  forth  from  her  soil  the  mineral 
wealth  there  hidden,  and  that  the  New  South,  forgeftinn  the  things  of 
the  past  and  pressing  forward  in  the  onward  march  of  indu'^trial  art  and 
enterprise,  should  become  a  worthy  rival  of  the  States  for  wfiich  I  make 
my  plea  to-day.  If  in  the  discuosion  I  seem  to  be  too  enthuMia.''tic  over 
the  prosperity  and  enterprise  of  my  own  section,  I  shall  certainly  en- 
deavor not  to  be  unfair  toward  the  South,  ftsecfion  of  th<M-ountry  which, 
to  my  mind,  is  one  of  the  great  possibilities  but  neglected  opportunities. 

— Gallinoeb,  Record,  3688. 

Sonthoru  coal.    (S.o  No.  128.) 

Npecillc  and  ad  yaloreni  diilieN.    (Soo  Non.  151.  101.) 

355 


ST  A 

Slurdi— A  inurkot  Tor  potatooM. 

\o.  NSO. — In  the  northern  part  of  my  State— the  most  fertile  region 
of  Maine — the  potato-starch  industry  is  a  most  important  factor  with 
re>?ard  to  the  interestH  of  tiie  farmer.  During  some  years  psvat  the  starcli 
factories  of  this  country  liave  probably  consumed  annually  something 
like  o.OOn.OOl)  or  4,(i(>(>,000  bushels  of  potatoes,  and  the  production  of 
starch  has  been  L'"),()00,UOO  or  :iO,000,OU()  pounds.  The  starch  factories  are 
located  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  potato  fields.  The  farmer  digs 
)>is  potatoes  and  sells  them  almost  at  his  very  «loor.  Daring  a  nund>er 
of  years  past  the  farmers  of  Aroostook  County,  Maine,  whore  this  in- 
dustry is  largely  carried  on,  have  been  enabled  to  sell  their  potatoes 
without  assortment,  large  and  small,  just  as  taken  from  the  field,  at  prices 
varying  from  L'5  to  8U  cents  a  bushel  to  the  starch  factories.  Without  these 
factories  those  farmers  would  have  no  market  for  that  class  of  their  po- 
tato product  that  is  not  adapted  to  table  use. 

— BouTELLE,  Record,  6649. 

Star<*li  Hiid  potatooM— ln<'onMi<4t<'iiry. 

.>o.  HS7. — We  have  already  provided  that  there  should  be  fifteen 
cents  a  busliel  duty  upon  potatoes,  the  raw  material  out  of  which  starch 
Is  made.  Out  of  a  bushel  of  potatoes  you  can  make  ten  pounds  of  starch. 
At  the  present  rate  of  duty  tliat  gives  a  protection  of  twenty  cents,  which 
is  five  cents  for  the  manufacturer,  in  addition  to  fifteen  cents  which  has 
already  been  put  upon  the  raw  material.  It  is  proposed  to  reduce  the 
tariff  on  starch  to  one  cent,  which  will  give  you  a  tax  on  the  raw  mater'al 
of  fifteen  cents,  and  a  tax  on  the  manufactured  article  of  ten  cents,  an  in- 
consistency that  is  very  obvious.  In  addition  to  that,  the  sole  object  of 
putting  fifteen  cents  upon  a  bushel  of  potatoes  must  be  to  increase  the 
market  for  that  article  of  farm  produce.  Now,  one-half  of  the  potatoes 
which  are  produced  in  this  country  are  sold  to  starch  factories.  If  those 
factories  cease,  then  one-half  the  market  for  the  potatoes  of  the  farmer, 
whom  we  desire  to  protect,  will  be  destroyed.  So  that  with  one  hand 
you  retain  the  duty  for  the  benefit  of  the  farmer,  and  in  order  to  strike  the 
manufacturer  you  incidentally  take  away  one-half  of  th;  market  which 
the  farmer  has  for  his  potatoes  ;  and  in  addition  to  that,  \  ou  are  guilty 
of  the  gross  inconsistency  of  having  a  larger  tax — to  use  the  phraseology 
you  delight  to  employ — upon  the  raw  material  than  you  have  upon  the 
manufactured  article. 

— Rked,  Record,  6614. 

Staroh—lOiroots  of  reduction. 

\o.  HSS. — The  present  duty  on  corn-etarch  is  2  cents  a  pound ;  re- 
duce the  tariff  to  1  cent  a  pound  as  this  bill  proposes  and  you  put  the 
factories  that  make  corn-starch  in  this  country  in  competition  with  cheap 
foreign  labor  ;  not  cheap  foreign  lal)or  in  the  manufacture  of  corn-starch, 
but  cheap  foreign  labor  in  the  manufacture  of  potato-starch.  You  have 
potatoes  on  the  free-list  now  ;  that  strikes  at  our  farmers.  Now  you  pro- 
pose to  reduce  the  tariff  on  starch  so  that  foreign  nations  can  make  their 
potatoes  into  starch  and  send  it  here  and  sell  it  cheaper  than  corn-starch 
can  be  made.  This  will  ruin  the  manufacture  of  corn-starch  in  this 
country.  The  farmer  will  lose  his  market  for  1:3,000,000  bushels  of  corn. 
He  will  lose  his  home  m:irket.  This  will  destroy  the  opportunity  of 
four  thousand  laborers  who  now  find  remunerative  labor  in  this  business  ; 
this  will  cause  the  ten  millions  of  capital  invested  in  corn-starch  manu- 
facture in  this  country  to  be  destroj^ed.  You  do  not  open  the  markets 
f)f  the  world  by  this  blow  at  atarch-malliDg,  but  you  open  your  own  mar- 
kets of  the  world. 

— NuTiiNG,  Record,  0569. 
356 


Stur<-li— K\(oiit  ot  tlio  l>iisiii«'*»N. 

\o.  NH1>.— Thig  industry  is  carried  on  in  at  least  five  Staler,  Ne<v 
York.  Ohio,  Indiana.  Illinois,  and  Iowa.  There  is  plant  enoui^h  now  in 
existence  and  in  proce.s.s  of  canstnietion  in  this  country  to  supply  the 
wants  of  the  entire  poptilation  of  the  United  States. 

In  the  last  vear  slanh  niannfiu-tured  amounted  in  value  to  about  $l"i,- 
000,000.  The  capital  invested  in  ttiis  bn-iness  is  about  $IO,ii(X),00.').  The 
amount  of  money  paid  durint:  the  last  vear  to  laborers  wa.s  about  2.O0O,- 
(iiX).  The  number  of  acres  of  land  whfch  it  takes  to  raise  the  corn  that 
is  made  into  starch  4S(I.(KM»  acres.  It  gives  nearly  fifteen  thousand 
farmers  steady  employment  to  raise  the  corn  nece.ssary  to  keep  tl  e 
twenty-four  corn-starch  lactorieB  in  this  country  running.  These  llfteen 
thousand  farmers,  because  of  these  starch  factories,  have  a  steady  home 
market  each  yearfor  1.{,(XI0,000  bushels  of  corn.  Not  only  this,  but  these 
lift6-^n  thousand  farmers  have  families.  Not  less  than'  forty-thousand 
people  are  interested  in  raising  the  corn  used  in  making  starch,  if  you 
count  four  or  five  to  each  farmer's  family.  Then,  too,  there  are  four  or 
five  thousand  laborers  who  tind  steady  employment  in  these  factories  at 
good  wages. 

— Ndtting,  Record,  0569. 

Starch— \o  benefit  froiu  rodiit'tiou  of  tarifT. 

'So.  NttO.— The  average  amount  of  money  which  the  .Vmerican  family 
pays  for  starch  during  the  course  of  a  year  is  less  than  L'">  cents,  and  there 
18  no  burden  on  the  people  by  the  duty  on  starch.  Tue  amount  received 
upon  importations  of  starch  into  this  country  is  less  than  $7,000.  Sj 
that,  by  reducing  this  duty,  you  are  not  going  to  do  anything  consider- 
able in  the  way  of  a  reduction  of  the  surplus.  Nor  would  you  reduce 
the  price  of  starch.  I  believe  the  majority  of  the  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means  onlv  claim  that  by  this  reduction  upon  starch  the  surplus 
will  be  reduced  to  the  extent'of  about  $,'),000, 

This  reduction  will  not  reduce  the  surplus,  for  you  will  find  that  the 
1  cent  per  pound  tariff  which  this  bill  leaves  will  bring  more- revenue 
than  the  2  cents  has  brought.  The  imfKjrtations  will  increase  enough  to 
more  than  make  up  the  difference. 

— XuTTiNO,  Record,  0569. 

Stareli— PrlooH  ro«lnood  by  protootion. 

\o.  891. — It  cannot  be  said  that  the  price  of  corn-starch  has  been 
kept  up  by  the  tariff,  because  we  find  that  in  Isc")  the  export  price  of 
starch  was  O.s  cents  per  pound  ;  and  in  is?'), ten  years  after\vai»<l,  thr  ex- 
port price  was  ■'>  7  cents  per  pound,  a  reduction  of  nearly  one-half  In 
18H5,  ten  years  later,  the  expert  price  was  4  cent-s  a  pound  (I  am  taking 
the  average) ;  and  in  1SS7,  the  last  vear,  the  average  export  price  was 
less  than  :i  cents  a  pound.  So  that  during  all  this  time,  while  we  had  a 
tariff  of  2  cents  a  pound  on  starch,  the  price  to  the  consumer  Btea<lily 
decreased. 

The  present  duty  of  2  cents  is  not  prohibitory,  as  the  following  figures 
will  show  : 

Pounds  of  starch  imported  into  this  country  in — 

1SK4 1,620,2J1 

1885 (-,14  s7".t 

1886 4H,4JI 

1887 :ni,s."><) 

I  have  shown  this  tariff  on  starch  is  not  added  to  the  cost  of  starch  to 
the  consumer,  for  starch  has  steadily  decrea.'^d  in  cost  to  tlie  consumer 

357 


6TA— STE 

nntil  it  is  now  less  than  4  cents  per  pound  on  an  averaee,  when  twentjr 
years  ago  it  was  more  than  twice  that  in  cost  to  the  consumer.  Competi- 
tion between  manufdcturers  in  this  country  has  retluced  the  price. 

— NcTTiNG,  Record,  6569. 

Starch— Potato  Mtarch  to  the  wall. 

Xo.  ^»91!i• — In  a  recent  interview  on  the  subject,  Mr.  Alba  Holmes,  one 
of  the  leadnii  starch  manufacturers  of  Aroostook  C;mnty,  Maino,  stated 
emphatically  that  the  removal  of  the  duty  on  starch  would  close  every 
factory  in  that  countv.  The  reduction  of  the  duty  to  1  cent  per  pound 
woiiM  probably  be  quite  as  disastrous.     Mr.  Holmes  said  : 

"The  avera;.;;e  prit-e  of  starch  for  some  time  past  has  been  4  cents  per 
pound.  Owing  to  the  prices  we  pay  for  potatoes  and  labor,  there  is  onlv 
a  very  small  margin  for  prolit.  In  fact,  we  could  not  continue  the  busi- 
ness and  Hell  at  a  less  price.  We  Qnd  formidable  competitors  in  Germany 
and  Holland,  who,  owing  to  their  starvation  labor  prices  and  the  low 
prices  paid  for  potatoes,  are  enabled  to  export  large  quantities  of  starch, 
pay  a  duty  of  2  cents  per  pound,  and  sell  for  4  cents  and  make  a  profit, 
^ake  off  the  duty  and  we  could  not,  nor  would  we  try  to  compete  with 
them.    I  shall  close  my  factories  that  moment  the  duty  is  taken  off." 

— BouTEi.LS,  Record,  (3G49, 

Stcol— Imnionsc  rodnetion  oT  cost. 

Xo.  89;j- — The  liret  caat-steel  establishment,  or  at  least  the  first  to  en- 
dure, was  founded  about  ISGO. 

So  well  did  the  tariff  of  ISGl  do  its  work  that  in  a  dozen  years  the  steel 
manufacture  of  Pittsburgh  alone  amounted  to  more  than  the  entire  im- 
portation of  steel,  while  the  remainder  of  the  country  manufactured 
almost  as  much  as  was  imported  (and  these  figure3  do  not  include  Bes- 
semer and  steel-headed  nails).  This  product  was  furnished  to  consumers 
at  from  2  to  3  cents  per  pound  less  than  it  was  ever  furnished  for  prior  to 
the  establishment  of  the  American  industry,  even  though  the  duty  on  the 
foreign  article  was  now  three  times  as  great  as  under  former  tariffs,  and 
to-day  American  manufacturers  of  steel  have  taken  the  contract  in  suc- 
cessful competition  with  those  of  Great  Britain  for  the  steel  for  our  new 
armored  crusiers  and  steel  guns  of  caliber  equal  to  those  of  any  European 
power. 

When  the  first  Bessemer-steel  works  were  undertaken  in  America  the 
price  of  steel  rails  purchased  for  American  railroads  and  delivered  at 
English  ports,  when  the  present  duty  was  imposed,  was  |)li55  a  ton  in 
gold.  Now  American  mills  furnish  them  at  $31.50  to-$33.50  per  ton,  giv- 
ing the  English  minufacturer  not  over  $15.50  per  ton  after  paying  the 
duty  to  pay  freight,  if  any,  all  the  cost  of  raw  material  and  labor.  Does 
anybody  believe  that  without  American  competition  their  rails  would 
have  been  furnished  them  for  twice  the  money  ? 

—Gear,  Record,  4287. 

Steel  billets— I>nty  increased— Why  ? 

Xo.  891. — Th«'re  is  another  singular  thing  in  connection  with  this 
bill,  and  I  have  nowhere  seen  attenuon  called  to  it.  No  one  would  have 
supposed  from  hearing  this  discussion  but  that  the  bill  reduced  duties 
all  along  the  line.  Yon  never  wmld  have  suspected,  had  you  listened  to 
the  gentleman  from  Texas  [Mr.  Milln],  or  the  gentleman  from  Pennsyl- 
vania [Mr.  Scott],  or  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  [Mr  Bynura],or  other 
gentlemen  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  that  this  bill  increased 
duties,  would  you  ? 

Now,  hi'TPi  is  a  single  item,  steel  billets.  The  present  du^y  on  steel 
billets  is  45  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  la  this  bill  it  is  increased  to  $11  per 
358 


I 


.SIK— SIO 

ton,  which  is  equivalent  to  08.33  per  cent. — an  advance  of  45  per  cent. 
Do  you  know  what  ia  mailo  out  of  these  steel  billets?  Wire  fencing, 
whivh  incloBee  the  great  fields  of  the  West;  and  the  raw  material  is  in- 
treai^ed  4")  per  cent,  by  this  bill  ;  and  if  the  principle  of  the  gentlemen 
-who  advocate  the  billhe  true,  that  the  <luty  is  added  to  the  cost,  every 
pound  of  wire  fencing  that  goes  to  the  West  will  be  increased  from  one- 
quarter  to  one-half  a  cent  a  pound;  all  this  under  a  Democratic  bill. 
What  else  is  made  out  of  steel  billets?  Nails,  which  everybody  usee, 
which  enter  into  every-day  uses  of  the  people.  The  duty  upon  nails  is 
reduced  2.")  per  cent.,  and  the  raw  material  is  increased  45  per  cent.  Ag 
a  friend  near  me  huggests,  when  one  end  goes  up  the  other  goes  down; 
and  the  latter,  I  trust,  will  be  the  fate  of  this  bill. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4740. 

Stool  railH— Rodaction  in  coNt  or. 

Xo.  H95  —In  ISdS  we  male  in  tliis  country  of  all  kinds  of  steel  .30,000 
toiiH;  in  ])S78.  819,814  tons;  in  1880,  2,870,003  tons;  while  during  that 
ywriod  we  have  reduced  the  price  of  steel  rails  in  America,  which  was 
$158  per  ton  in  18G8  to  $20  per  ton  in  1880,  while  the  price  in  England, 
by  means  of  this  protective  tarill  of  ours,  was  redu<;ed  from  $01.50  in 
18G8  to  $18  in  1886,  though  it  mu.st  be  said  in  fairness,  however,  that  this 
reduction  is  not  wholly  due  to  the  influence  of  competition  under  the 
taritr of  1881,  since,  during  that  period,  the  royalties  on  Beaaemer  steel 
ran  out.  But  the  decline  without  that  is  ample  to  point  the  moral.  So 
that  I  am  confident  that  whenever  you  make  the  application  of  thisgen- 
-eral  rule  with  reference  to  any  of  our  industrieb  you  will  liud  the  same 
rebult — an  enormous  lowering  of  prices,  increased  competition,  better 
goods,  and  a  round  advantage  in  a  thousand  ways  to  the  people  at  large. 

— Allen,  MaKsachueetts,  Record,  3842. 

I^teol  pcn$t — American  nianufncturo  to  l»o  doNtroyod. 

I¥o.  896. — There  are  in  the  United  States  only  three  establishments 
making  metallic  pens,  and  ther.>  are  not  over  a  dozen  such  establish- 
ments in  the  world.  The  (tost  of  making  these  pens  in  Birmingham  is 
only  8  cents  per  gross,  that  being  the  aggregate  of  the  material  and 
labor. 

It  costs  in  the  Ignited  States  to  make  the  same  pen,  by  reason  of  the 
increased  cost  of  labor,  '0  cents  a  gross.  By  taking  off  the  duly  of  12 
<;ent8agro83  upon  the  foreign  pen  the  foreign  pen  comes  into  this  country  on 
an  f  xact  level  with  the  domestic  product.  If  we  take  the  duty  off,  of  12 
«ent8  a  groas,  the  foreign  producer  of  the  pen  can  put  the  product  in  this 
markft  at  eo  low  a  figure,  as  it  coats  20  cents  here  to  produce  it,  as  actu- 
ally to  destroy  this  industry. 

Then  the  proposed  duty  of  35  per  cent,  is  a  little  over  2.8,  making 
under  this  bill  the  cost  of  the  pen  to  the  foreigner  in  this  market  only 
10.8  cents. 

It  is  proposed  to  adinit  the  foreign  pen,  which  can  he  put  in  this 
market  at  It)  cents  a  gross,  when  it  cannot  be  produced  in  thie country  at 
Jens  than  20  centa  a  gro."s,  and  are  sold  at  25  cents  a  gross,  bwing  a 
onargin  of  5  cents.    It  simply  closes  the  industry. 

— Burrows,  Record,  6468. 

Stono-cnttor?*— Wngos. 

]Vo.  W!)7.— In  ordf'r  to  show  you  how  this  question  is  regardpfl  by 
utoiit-cuiter.",  I  will  fend  to  the  fork's  desk  and  liave  read  the  following 
from  an  experienced  stone-cutter. 

869 


SUB 
The  Clork  read  as  follows  : 

TALKS   ON    THE   TARIFF. 

"  P,B.  Laird,  an  old  Btone-cutter  of  Syracuse,  gives  the  Press  the  follow- 
in;:: 

'•  'I  am  an  old  stone-cutter,  and  worked  from  1S51  to  1801  as  a  granite 
stone-cutter,  most  of  the  time  in  Boston,  and  during  a  period  of  Democ- 
racy and  free  trade.  The  best  workmen  umoni^  us  did  not  earn  in  any 
year  of  that  period  more  than  $1  50  per  day.  l>om  the  time  we  got  the 
tariff  on  monuments,  in  ISdl,  to  the  election  of  Grover  Cleveland,  f^ood 
workmen  were  able  to  earn  $4  per  day,  a  ditierence  in  our  pay  per  year 
of  ^750  in  favor  of  protection. 

"  '  Up  to  ISGI  the  number  of  men  engaged  in  manufacturing  monuments 
for  the  home  trade  did  not  exceed  300.  We  were  importing  from  Scjt- 
land.  In  1884  20,000  men  were  engaged  in  making  our  monuments,  and 
pauper- fed  Scotchmen  were  keeping  their  work  at  home. 

''  '  Up  tol8(il  I  did  not  know  of  a  single  stone-cutter  who  had  l^eenable 
to  earn  and  pay  for  a  home.  In  1884  I  knew  of  hundreds  who  paid  for 
their  homes  with  the  work  of  their  hammer  and  chi.sels.  The  tariff  trave 
us  these  homes;  the  Republican  party  gave  us  the  tarifl'.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  is  trying  to  take  it  away.  The  Mills  bill,  indorsed  by  their 
convention, removes  all  the  duty  from  monuments,  which  will  injure  the 
marble-cutters  more  than  it  does  the  granite-cutters.  Stone-cuUers  in 
Italy  do  not  earn  more  than  oO  cents  a  day.  I  can  show  by  a  diary  kepi 
since  1851  that  I  have  bought  tlie  necessaries  of  life  for  my  family  a.« 
cheap  during  the  past  twelve  years  as  under  the  free- trade  rule  from 
1851  to  1801. 

•' '  In  conclusion,  I  will  say  the  tariff  has  given  me  a  good  ho?ne  and 
double  the  pay  I  would  have  made  under  free  trade,  and  I  hope  my 
right  hand  may  wither  before  I  again  vote  myself  and  fellow-workmen 
on  an  equality  with  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe.  Laboring  men  have 
been  endeavoring  for  years  to  prevent  convict-made  goods  from  coming 
into  coaipetition  with  our  own  work.  Now,  will  it  not  lower  prices  of 
labor  j'lst  as  much  to  have  them  made  in  Europe,  and,  if  Democracy 
prevails,  sold  in  our  markets  free  from  duty  ? '  " 

—Parker,  Record,  C2G0. 

SubsidieH— Our  carry iiiR  trade. 

Xo.  898. — And  gentlemen  who  have  for  years  refused  to  vote  even 
the  smallest  subsidies  to  our  shipping  have  the  temerity  to  say  that  pro- 
tection has  demolished  our  carrying  trade.  Somebody  the  other  day 
quoted  .Tames  Russell  Lowell  upon  this  subject.  That  gentleman  is  not 
gooi  authority  in  New  ICngland.  He  began  life  pretty  well,  but,  asi 
George  Francis  Train  once  said  of  Lord  Brougham,  "  He  has  been  a  sort 
of  cucumber  politician— best  when  he  was  green."  He  has  become  so 
galvanized  with  the  notions  of  Old  England  that  New  England  can 
hardly  recognize  that  he  is  one  of  her  sons,  and  is  beginning  to  be  sorry 
for  t!ie  fact  that  he  is. 

It  is  not  the  tariff  that  has  affected  our  carrying  trade  unfavorably. 
Its  decline  began  in  1855,  long  before  the  present  tariff  was  instituted. 
Afterwards,  from  1801  to  lst)5,  our  Fhips  were  swept  off  the  ocean  by- 
Democratic  cruisars  of  English  build,  and  Democratic  hostility  to  pro- 
tective legislation  for  our  foreign  carrying  trade  has  completed  its  ruin. 
Our  domestic  carrying  trade,  which  has  had  the  benefit  of  protection,  is. 
in  a  fairly  flourishing  condition.  But  even  that  our  free-trade  Democracy^ 
•wish  to  surrender  to  the  foreigner. 

— MiLLiKEN,  Record,  4254. 

3G0 


SUG 

Nuy:::r.  ■* 

Xo.  SftO. — In  1KS7  we  consumed  :y>  pounds  per  pereon  annually  ;  irj 
18S4  it  reached  5:1,8  pounds,  and  last  year  it  is  estimated  at  oj  pounds. 

The  duties  paid  in  1866  amounted  to  $oO,263,53S,  and  last  year  to  $50,- 
507,4'.  t5. 

— Hesderson,  Iowa,  Record,  8076. 

Nu^ar— A  blind  ndiiiiiiistrution. 

>'o.  1MM>.— The  new  tanll  wint  into  oflect  in  1883.  The  readjus'- 
rnent  of  diities  necessi'.uied  a  reduction  of  drawback  rates.  In  1884  the 
amount  of  drawbacks  paid  on  sugars  exported  rea-'hed  about  $1,57'.>,000, 
a  tiirnre  which  it  had  several  times  before  reiu^-hed.  That  was  under  a 
Kepul)lican  Administration.  In  1885,  however,  it  suspiciously  jumpe<l 
up  to  six  millions  five  or  six  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  it  tojk  the 
Democratic  Administration  sixteen  months  before  thev  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that  there  was  something  wrong  about  it,  and  then  reduced  the 
rates  on  the  highest  grade  from  2.82  to  2.60  per  pound. 

— Weubb,  Record,  G.508. 

Sugar  and  niolaMSCM— C'levolaud's  nie*4sas:e. 

Xo.  ftOl. — The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  last  annual  mes- 
Bage  to  Congre-B,  told  us  that — 

'■  Our  progress  towards  a  wi.se  conclusion  will  not  be  improved  by  dwell- 
ing upon  theories  of  protection  and  free  trade.  Thi«  savors  too  much  of 
bandying  epithets.    It  is  a  condition  which  confronts  us,  not  a  theory." 

Most  true,  and  what  is  the  condition?  We  are  collecting  about  ij^OO,- 
000,000  more  revenue  each  year  than  the  expenditures  of  the  Ciovern- 
ment  require.  IIow  are  we  to  rid  ourselves  of  this  condition  ?  Of  course 
by  reducmg  the  aggregate  of  taxation  ;  and  the  President  gave  us  a  sug- 
gestion in  his  message  of  the  proper  line  of  policy  to  be  pursued  in  effect- 
ing this  reduction.     He  said : 

'' The  taxation  of  luxuries  presents  no  features  of  hardship;  but  the 
necessaries  of  life  used  and  consumed  by  all  the  people,  the  duty  upon 
which  adds  to  the  cost  of  living  in  every  home,  should  ba  greatly  cheap- 
ened." 

Must  he  not  have  had  sugar  and  molasses  in  mind  when  he  placed  that 
passage  in  his  message  ?  No  articles  are  of  more  universal  use  and  none 
are  more  generally  placed  in  the  list,  of  necessaries.  They  are  found  in 
every  home  and  are  consumed  by  all  of  the  people.  Why  not  place  them, 
on  the  free-list  ? 

— Senator  Wilson,  Iowa,  Record,  2808. 

Nn^ar  an<l  wool— Frotool ion  loonc,  tree  trado  totlio  otlior. 

\o.  i>0!i.— .\s  this  bill  stands  under  the  old  schedule  you  I'ollect  :i^5!),- 
000,0110  of  duty  to  protect  $17,000,000  of  sugar  produced  in  I.ouisiaiia,  and 
you  take  all  protection  from  265,000,000  pounds  of  American  wool  for  the 
benetit  of  tfie  114  000,000  pounds  of  foreign  wool  imported  into  this 
country  during  the  last  tiscal  year.  You  put  the  raw  wool  of  the  farmer 
on  the  free-list,  and  you  leave  the  duty  on  the  grade  of  woolen  goods 
which  he  must  buy.  Thus,  according  to  your  theory  of  the  ()peratii)n  of 
the  laws  of  trade,  on  the  one  hand  you  rob  him  of  the  advantage  of  the 
tariff  on  his  product,  and,  on  the  other,  to  borrow  your  own  language,, 
you  allow  the  manufacturer  to  "  rob  "  him  agiin  by  adding  the  duty  on 
ids  goods,  which  duty  you  refuse  to  remove,  to  the  price  which  the  farmer 
must  pay  for  them  as  necessaries. 

— Karqi'iiar,  Record,  4491. 
861 


SUG 

ti»UKar~Uee(M  aii<l  Morgbuni. 

Xo.  903. — As  a  nation  we  are,  in  my  opinion,  on  the  eve  of  a  great 
and  8uci;e8stul  era  of  sugar  manufacture  from  sorghum  cane,  if  not  from 
sugar-beets. 

It  haa  not  been  very  many  years  since  manufacturing  sugar  profitably 
from  beets  was  regarded  impracticable,  but  now  the  entire  (success  of 
that  method  is  aUested  by  the  more  than  GOO.OOO  tons  produce  in  Ger- 
many, over  460,000  tons  in  Austria,  400,000  tons  in  France,  over  300,000 
tons  in  Russia,  and  over  125,000  tons  in  H-odand;  so  that  to-day  one- 
half  of  the  sugar  product  of  the  world  is  made  from  beets. 

During  the  past  live  years,  and  particularly  during  1887,'under  the 
supervision  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  such  experiments  have 
been  made  as  fully  justify  the  conclusion  that  sugar-making  from  sor- 
ghum cane  as  a  profitable  business  is  assured,  and  that  a  good  article  of 
sugar  can  be  manufactured  from  cane  grown  in  Kansas  (and  if  in  Kan- 
sas, then  in  Iowa,  Missouri,  Nebraska,  and  other  States)  as  profitably  as 
from  another  quality  of  cane  in  Louisiana. 

— Struble,  Record,  4325. 

Susar— Beet  snjsrar  eiion(;li  to  supply  the  world. 

'So.  1>04. — But  I  would  still  not  sutler  the  American  sugar- planter  of 
the  South  to  go  to  the  wall,  for  one  section  of  this  Union  is  as  dear  to  me 
as  another.  I  should  favor  the  system  of  a  bounty,  not  only  to  the 
Southern  planter  of  cane  sugar,  but  to  the  Western  planter  of  the  sugar- 
beet.  A  new  process  has  been  discovered,  and  so  perfect  is  the  system 
of  extraction  of  sugar  from  the  beet  that  it  is  now  found  that  70,000  tons 
of  beets  will  yield  10,000  tons  of  sugar. 

In  answer  to  questions  submitted  by  me  to  Carl  Spreckles  during  the 
«ugar-trust  investigation,  that  gentleman  expressed  the  opinion  that 
with  proper  encouragement  we  can  in  eight  or  ten  years  raise  all  the 
eu?ar  that  America  would  consume.  California  produced  600  tons  in 
18S5  and  754  tons  in  1886,  A  million  tons  could  be  produced  in  Califor- 
nia and  an  equal  quantity  in  Ohio  and  Oregon,  and  largely  in  Kansas. 
Many  lands  will  yield  $100  per  acre  in  sugar-beets  which  now  yield  $10 
in  wheat,  and  will  enrich,  not  impoverish  the  soil.  Mr,  Spreckles  says: 
'  You  can  raise  enough  sugar  here  to  supply  the  world." 

— Hermann,  Record,  4765. 

jSngar  better  than   wool— One  raised  in  South,  the  other 
9iorth. 

Xo.  905. — Mr.  McMILLIN.  Has  not  the  gentleman  from  Maine 
been  in  favor  of  putting  sugar  upon  the  free-list? 

Mr.  DINGLE Y.  Only  with  a  bounty  to  go  with  it.  Sugar  to-day  has 
52  per  cent,  of  protection  and  the  gentleman's  bill  proposes  to  give  68 
per  cent.  I  favor  a  proposition  to  reduce  the  duty  to  40  per  cent.,  which 
18  the  average  protection  given  to  manufacturers,  or  free  sugar  with  a 
bounty  to  the  producer.  But  here  is  a  provision  to  compel  those  laborers 
who  work  in  bagging  mills  to  pay  this  68  per  cent,  duty  on  sugar  to  use 
as  food  and  to  compel  them  to  latwr  in  the  manufacture  of  these  bags  in 
tree  competition  with  the  coolies  of  Calcutta. 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  5675. 

Sngar— Bounty  cheaper  than  protection. 

So.  906. — I  do  not  wish  to  abandon  the  sugar  industry  of  the  United 
States.  1  do  not  wish  to  do  anything  prejudicial  to  the  prosperity  of 
Ijouisiana  or  Kansas  or  California.  I  want  to  strike  down  no  industry. 
But  I  do  not  want  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  continue  to  be  taxed 
io  the  amount  of  $60,000,000  a  year  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  one- 
•     362 


SUG 

eleventh  of  the  su}?ar  that  is  consumed  in  this  country.    That   i3  not  in 

the  hne  of  the  theory  of  protection  at  ail.    The  theory  of  protection  ia 

•hat  the  protected  industry  must  either  be  able  to  supply  the  home  de- 

land.ormust  be  of  such  a  character  that  it  may  within  a  reiisonable 

ime  be  HO  built  up  and  strengthened  as  to  beai)le  to  supply  the  domesiic 

onBumption. 

— Baynk,  Record,  6503. 

i^usar— Bounty  cheaper  Mian  (ariU*. 

No.  1>07. — In  1879  there  were  but  KSl  5'J2  acres  in  sugar-cane  in  Lou- 
isiana, and  the  United  States  but  227,77(5  acres.     In  the  seven  counlies 
■comprising  the  district  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  on  this  floor,  there 
were  in  cultivation  the  same  year  481,126  acres  in  corn  over  twice  as 
many  acres  as  there  were  in  sugar-cane  in  the  whole  United  Btates.  And, 
r,  the  agricultural  products  of  those  seven  counties  are  three  times  the 
alue  of  the  sugar  crop  of  the  United   States,  and  yet  we  are  taxed 
)8,000,000  annually  for  the  direct  benefit  of  the  sugar-planter.    Tuink 
.f  it  1 

And  yet  after  nearly  half  a  century's  protection  there  is  not  as  much 
sugar  grown  to-day  as  there  has  been  in  times  past.  This  country  doe^ 
not  produce  over  one-tenth  of  the  sugar  we  use ;  and  yet  the  people  of 
the  United  States  paid  during  the  past  year  nearly  $26  an  acre  in  the 
tarifl  on  sugar  as  a  rental  on  the  227,776  acres  in  the  cultivation  of  cane. 
I9  it  not  belter  by  far  for  us  to  pay  a  bounty  of  ^^20  a  hogshead  on  the 
sugar  raised  in  the  United  States  in  1887,  which  would  amount  to  about 
$7,000,000,  or  about  2  cents  a  pound,  and  thus  save  $49,000,000  which  will 
be  paid  this  year  in  the  shape  of  a  direct  tax  on  the  breakfast  and  tea 
table  of  every  family  in  the  land  ? 

—Gear,  Record,  4288. 

Sn$;ar— Bounty  cheaper  than  tarifl*. 

]Vo.  90S.— It  is  proposed  by  my  Republican  friends,  I  believe,  to  sub- 
istitute  for  this  duty  a  bounty  to  be  piid  directly  to  the  producer.  On 
principle  a  bounty  does  not  strike  me  favorably.  Once  eatablislied  any 
«ffort  to  decrease  or  abolish  it  would  encounter  the  moet  determined  op- 
position. But  I  do  not  propose  to  set  my  judgment  up  against  the  intel- 
'ijrent  opinion  of  my  party. 

It  is  satisfactorily  demonstrated  that  the  proposed  plan  to  repeal  the 
iiity  on  sugars  ana  grant  a  bounty  instead,  retaining  only  sulBcient  duty 
<i  meet  the  cost  of  this  bounty,  will  save  to  the  people  about  $5u,000,00i) 
^)er  year,  and  at  the  same  time  leave  the  producer  as  fully  protected  as 
*inder  the  present  law.    This  will  certainly  recommend  itself  to  every 
citizen  earnestly  desiring  a  reduction  of  income,  and  to  whoso  political 
ambitioa  ttie  surplus  scarecrow  Is  not  absolutely  essential.    Tl»e  planter 
ought  not  to  object,  for  his  protection  remains  intact.    The  consumer  cer- 
.  tainly  will  not,  for  he  will  be  saved  $')0,00,000  per  year.    The  Democratic 
politician  alone  will  feel  that  his  chief  ocjupation.  thatof  berating  Repub- 
licans for  heaping  up  the  people's  money  in  the  Treisury,  will  be  eone. 

— Haugkn,  Record,  4230. 

Susar— Bounty. 

Xo.  1)4)9. — 1  propose  a  bounty  for  the  production  of  sagar  in  the  United 
-tales,  not  thU  lam  in  favor  of  a  svstem  of  bounties, but  for  the  reason 
tiat  a  bounty  wouli  only  cost  $6,000,000  and  free  sugar  would  relieve  the 
itople  of  $60,000,000  of  tHxation  annually  an<l  from  $30,0  ;0,000  of  profits 
hey  are  compelled  to  pay  to  ttiesngir  triiHt  anniialiy,  and  for  the  addi- 
onal  reason  that  under  nearly  a  cimtury  of  enormous  protection  a  sugar 
iibc  rest  has  been  built  up  ia  Louisiana  that  produces  one-ten' h  of  the 

363 


sua 

sugar  we  consume,  and  it  may  not  be  just  to  foreake  even  that  small  in- 
dustry ;  and  for  the  additional  reason  that  in  Bome  parte  of  the  country, 
Ivansas  and  California,  it  ia  alleged  they  can  develop  a  sugar-prod ucinia: 
interest  from  sorghum  and  beets,  and  lam  willing  to  give  them  a  fair 
trial,  especially  as  the  people  would  save  $S4,00o,000  annually  by  trying-, 
the  experiment. 

— Cannov,  Record,  6577. 

NiiKar  l>oiiii(i<'M— I'Uiropoaii. 

Xo.  WIO.— We  are  all  aware  tliat  Russia  gave  a  bounty.  Germany 
pave  a  b  )Uiity,  France  gave  a  1)  )unty.  Ttie  sugar  industry  ia  each  of 
those  countries  has  been  fostered  for  a  great  many  years  by  bounties, 
and  by  means  of  tliin  encouragement  large  quanties  of  sugar  have  been 
produced,  France  and  Germany  actually  exporting  sugar.  But.  it  should 
remembered  that  the  geographical  position  of  those  countries  is  such  that 
they  cannot  avail  themselves,  as  we  can,  of  proximity  to  the  Island  of 
Cuba,  to  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and  points  in  the  South  American  States 
where  the  cane  grows  and  has  long  life,  and  where  the  saccharine  matter 
ctan  be  obtained  with  inlinite  less  labor  and  cost.  By  reason  of  our 
proximity  to  the  Island  of  Cuba  we  can  readily  obtain  from  that  island 
the  raw  material ;  or  if  we  reduce  the  taritf  duties  as  proposed  in  the 
amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  we  can  import  f=U2ar  so  that 
it  can  be  supplied  to  the  American  consumer  at  a  very  low  figure. 

— Bayme,  llecord,  0503. 

Susar— Ciioapor  in  Kiiropo. 

Xo.  im.— S.igar  is  not  as  cheap  here  as  it  is  in  Europe,  and  it  i* 
almost  the  only  article  that  goes  into  the  con.sumption  of^  a  family  of 
which  that,  can  b.'  said. 

In  England,  in  France,  or  in  Germany,  you  can  buy  sugar  of  that  kind 
at  the  rate  of  from  20  to  25  pounds  for  a  dollar— that  is  the  way  we  sell 
sugar  out  West,  sj  many  pounds  for  a  dollar — as  against  10  or  12  or  ]•> 
pounds  for  a  dollar  in  this  country,  and  that  difference  is  o\ying  to  the 
arrangement  of  the  tari  11' schedule. 

—Gear,  Record,  0499. 

^illc;ar— Colored  to  avoid  tlie  tarifi. 

\'o.  91S. — But  it  so  happens  that  the  classification  of  our  .sugar  tariff 
imposes  a  higher  duty  upon  sugars  lighter  in  color  than  No.  13  Dutch 
standard.  Hence  the  foreign  producer  has  a  strong  motive  to  darken 
the  color  of  his  sugar  in  order  to  take  advantage  of  the  lower  duty.  Iht 
changes  the  color  of  his  sugar  by  artificial  means  before  it  pas-^es  tli rough 
the  custom  house.  The  result  is  that  after  it  has  pa-s.sed  tlie  custom-house 
it  is  forced  to  go  through  the  relineries  in  order  to  get  rid  of  theartihciaf 
coloring  instead  of  going  directly,  as  it  otherwise  would,  to  the  breakfast 
table  of  the  American  consumer.  Hence  the  existing  suirar  tariff,  as  well 
as  the  Mills  bill,  for  the  Mills  bill  perpetuates  the  abuse,  compels  the 
American  consumer  to  pay  a  tribute  of  about  a  cent  a  pound  to  the 
bugar- re  lining  trust  on  a  large  portion  of  the  sugar  which  he  uses.  This 
is  the  evil  which  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  New  York  pro- 
poses to  cure. 

— Adams,  Record,  G5G1. 

SuKar— Dare  not  strike  down  trusts. 

X<».  1M:1. — And  if  you  go  to  the  country  this  fall  voting  against  that 
proposition  to  reduce  the  duty  to  41  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  and  attempt 
to  keep  the  duty  up  to  82  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  the  country  will 
draw  the  proper  inference  and  arrive  at  the  conclusi®n  that  the  gen- 
tlemen who  have  so  strongly  advocated  reduction  of  taxes— for  this  is  a 

3G4 


SUG 

tax — on  the  necessaries  of  life  ilid  not  mean  -.vhat  they  said,  but  that 
tl»ey  meant  to  protect  a  Louisianian  iiidustry  and  sugar  refineries,  and 
that  they  had  not  the  couraj^e  or  the  will  to  strike  down  the  supar  trnste. 
I  have  heard  declamation  on  that  side  of  the  IIouHe  against  trusts.  I 
have  heard  declamation  a<;;iinst  a  hi<:li  tax  on  the  necessaries  of  life.  You 
are  confronted  no  .V  with  the  opportunity  of  striking  down  trusts  and 
confront-ed  wi'h  the  opportunity  to-day  of  reducing  the  tax  on  a  neces- 
sary of  life.  Will  you  do  it'.'  We  shall  see  when  the  voters  pass  between 
the  tellers  on  this  proposition. 

— B.wNE,  Record,  6557. 

.SuKHF  docliiiiiig  aii<t  roftoii  niid  <-orii  Krowiiig. 

yio.  tm. — I  here  append  a  little  table,  taken  from  the  otlicial  figures, 
which  shows  the  agricultural  condition  of  Louisiana  for  the  year  ending 
December,  18S7,  and  by  that  it  will  be  seen  that  tlie  cotton  of  Louii^iana 
was  worth  $21,1 15,150,  while  the  sugar  was  worth  but  ^14,s31,9:]tj;  or  in 
■other  words  the  sugar  crop  was  worth  only  two-thirds  in  round  numbers 
of  the  cotton  crop  of  Louisiana,  while  the  corn  crop  was  worth  nearly 
$11,000,000.  It  appears,  therefore,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  liOuisiana  is 
abandoning  the  production  of  sugar  as  an  important  factor  in  her  pros- 
perity. The  acreage  in  sugar-cane  is  growing  annually  less,  while  the 
acreage  in  corn  and  cotton  and  the  other  cereals  of  that  splendid  agri- 
cultural region  is  growing  annually,  indicating  that  the  people  in  Louisi- 
ana understand  perfectly  well  that  the  sugar  industry  has  had  ita  day 
and  is  going  out. 

— Gbosvenor,  Record,  4656. 
Sugar  dccliniug  in  amount. 

\o.  015. — I  do  not  <loubt  what  my  friend  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr- 
Kelley]  said  in  regard  to  the  future  of  Florida  ;  but  I  have  been  waiting 
to  see  the  development  of  Florida  and  Louisiana  on  the  sugar  question 
until  now  I  am  getting  to  be  somewhat  advanced  in  years.  I  take  up 
from  year  to  year  the  reports  made  in  regard  to  that  industry,  and  I  find 
that,  instead  of  progressing  as  we  do  in  the  West,  instead  of  the  annual 
product  of  sugar  increasing,  as  does  oui  annual  production  of  hogs  and 
cattle  and  wheat  and  oats  and  dairy  products,  the  sugar  production  of 
Louisiana  is  going  down,  down,  down.  And  there  is  a  reason  for  this 
•decline.  The  sole  rea.son  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  their  climate  is 
not  adapted  to  the  production.  No  man  can  raise  a  sugar  crop  in  Louisi- 
ana when  the  season  is  adverse. 

— Gk.\r,  Record,  0499, 

Sus^ar— Fine  brau<'li  of*  the  suKar  truNt. 

\o.  OlO. — The  original  bill  brouglit  into  this  House  fixe<l  the  color- 
line  recjuiring  the  polari.scopic  test  at  No.  10  Dutch  standard  or  under, 
and  repealed  that  provision  of  existing  law  requiring  the  payment  of  a 
drawback  on  imported  refined  sugar  supposed  to  equal  only  tlie  amount 
of  the  duty  originally  collected,  less  one  per  cent,  retained  by  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

The  amended  bill,  as  reported  by  Mr.  Mills,  drops  the  color-line  to  No. 
13,  and  restores  the  provision  paying  drawbacks.  This  amended  bill,  this 
fiudden  change  of  front  on  the  part  of  the  committee — always  dangerous 
in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  so  tlie  military  authorities  tell  u's — this  over- 
throw of  sensible  intention  in  the  direction  of  true  reform,  point  sus- 
piciously to  the  fine  Italian  hand  of  the  sugar  trust ;  the  instrument 
uped  to  carry  out  their  purptjses  being  the  (Committee  on  Ways  and 
Mean-<  of  this  House,  their  reliance  for  success  being  the  complication 
of  the  subject  and  the  general  lack  of  understanding  of  its  practical 
working. 

365 


SUG 

I  do  not  charge  that  this  committee  was  coneciously  influenced  by  the 
agents  of  the  su|.'ar  trust;  but,  sir,  the  history  of  the  sugflr  frauds  nwu 
the  revenues  of  our  (iovernmeat  and  the  sudden  conveitiion  of  the  \\  ..\  >■ 
and  Means  Committee,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  fcchedule  sm  it  now  exibtti 
in  the  bill  comjiared  with  the  schedule  as  it  originally  came  to  the  Houee, 
seemingly  indicates  that  tne  controlling  sources  of  information  upon 
which  their  amended  action  was  baaed  were  the  agents  of  the  sugar 
trust. 

— Weber,  Record,  6559. 

SiiKar— Ileurinp;  the  head  or  the  tru.st. 

'So.  017. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  to  ask  a  question  of  the  majority 
of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  for  information.  I  desire  to  ask 
the  gentlemen  of  the  majority  of  the  committee  (and  I  see  three  of  them 

S resent)  whether  or  not,  on  tlie  2G'h  of  March  last,  Mr.  Havemeyer,  of 
'ew  York,  did  not  have  a  hearing  by  a  majority  of  the  committee,.or  by 
four  members  of  the  majority,  wilti  respect  to  Bugar  ?  I  know  that  on  the 
12th  of  March  there  was  a  hearing  and  an  examination  of  Mr.  Havemeyer 
before  the  Committee  on  Manufacture?,  but  I  want  to  know  now  whether, 
on  the  23d  of  March,  the  day  of  the  adjournment  of  this  House  by  reason 
of  the  decease  of  the  lamented  Chief- Justice  of  the  United  States,  the 
members  of  the  majority  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  did  not, 
individually  or  collectively,  some  of  them,  give  a  hearing  to  Mr,  Have- 
meyer on  this  subject  ? 

Mr.  BRECKINRIDGE,  of  Arkansas.  I  am  speaking  now  from  memory, 
and  I  will  sav  that,  at  my  request,  having  developed  before  the  Commit- 
tee on  Manufactures  an  interesting  line  of  investigation,  precisely  what 
the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  were  engaged  upon,  I  asked  him  to 
■wait,  aft^'r  he  was  done  with  the  Committee  on  Manufactures,  and  go 
with  me  to  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  room,  aa  1  wanted  him  to 
talk  there  with  one  or  two  gentlemen  of  the  committee.  It  related  to 
some  matters  of  a  technical  character  that  I  for  one  wanted  information 
about.   That,  I  sujipose,  is  what  the  gentleman  from  Maryland  refers  to. 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  0503. 

Sugar— Home  supply  inadequate. 

Wo.  918. — Sugar,  one  of  the  great  necessities  of  life,  as  made  from 
sugar-cane  proper,  can  only  be  produced  in  a  limited  area  of  the  United 
States.  It  matters  not  to  what  extent  we  foster  this  industry  by  a  tariff, 
we  cannot  extend  or  materially  develop  it.  The  amount  of  the  annual 
production  is  less  than  ^20,000,000.  A  fraction  over  one-tenth  of  the 
amount  consumed  is  produced  in  this  country.  Our  people  pay  a  yearly 
tax  of  over  $50,000,000  on  this  one  article  alone.  We  do  not  produce  to- 
day ne'^r  as  much  sugar  as  we  did  before  the  war.  In  1801-02  we  pro- 
duced 539,830,500  pounds  of  pugar;  in  I885-'86  the  production  was  302,- 
754,480  pounds.  While  our  home  consumption  is  increasing  at  the  rate 
of  10  per  cent.,  our  home  product  is  decreasing. 

During  the  past  ten  years  we  have  paid  out  over  $455,000,000  in  duties 
on  Butrar.  It  is  estimated  that  the  ordinary-sized  family  pays  not  less 
than  $5  in  duties  on  the  amount  of  sugar  consumed  in  a  year.  Eighty- 
two  per  cent,  ad  valorem  is  the  protection  given  sugar  under  the  present 
law.  This  protection  baa  not  increased  production,  but  has  enhanced 
the  price.  Now,  after  years  of  a  high  protective  tariff  of  2  cents  a  pound 
on  sugar  and  the  production  decreasing  and  equal  to-day  to  only  one- 
tenth  of  our  consumption,  is  it  the  part  of  wisdom,  I  ask,  or  of  states- 
manship to  longer  continue  the  duty? 

— Fuller,  Record,  0552. 
366 


SGU 

Sugar— How  price  i;*  iixed. 

No.  1>19. — Now,  the  price  of  refininp;  eugar  is  fixe<l  antagonisticalljr 
to  tlie  refiner  who  buys.  The  retiner  is  anxious  to  ^et  it  as  low  as  lie  can. 
The  price  is  lixetl  on  the  ccst  in  Cuba  with  the  tlnty  added.  In  October 
the  price  of  the  impC'eJ  sii^nar  wad  from  oj  to  (i,  and  the  price  of  the 
granulated  from  (i  to  GJJ.  In  November  there  was  a  martriu  of  three- 
forth  of  a  cent  between  the  actual  price  of  refining  eugar  and  the  selling 
price  of  granulated  sugar.  In  December  the  price  of  refining  sugar  was 
51  and  the  price  of  granulated  sugar  from  6J  to  7,  giving  an  average  mar- 
gin of  a  cent  a  pound. 

— Gav,  Record,  C471. 

Nagar  in  the  handH  oi*  l'oreiR:n  tru^tM. 

Xo.  020. — The  great  foreign  sugar  tnists,  the  great  amount  of  capital 
engaged  in  the  production  of  sugar  outaide  of  the  United  States,  would 
say  we  can  afford  to  loose  a  cent  a  pound  on  every  pound  of  sugar  we 
send  into  the  United  States  next  year  if  we  can  crush  out  the  product — 
which,  I  understand,  wa3  300,000,000  pounds  last  year.  When  every 
sugar  plant  in  Louisiana,  when  every  sugar  plant  in  Kansas,  New  Jersey, 
California,  and  Texas  has  been  closed  up,  then  we  would  be  in  the  power 
of  these  men  who  are  sending  us  millions  of  pounds  of  sugar  every  vear — 
we  would  be  in  their  power,  because  we  would  have  no  product  oi  sugar 
to  regulate  the  price  in  the  United  States. 

— Petkbs,  Record,  6497. 

Snt^ar— Iowa  granj^ers  for  protection. 

'So,  921. — At  the  last  annual  meeting  of  the  Iowa  State  Grange  the 
farmers  spoke  out  in  most  positive  terms  on  this  question.  I  read  part 
of  their  resolutions  : 

"  Rfmlvi'il,  1.  That  the  time  has  arrived  in  the  history  of  our  State  and 
nation  when  the  farmers  should  unite  for  the  prote<;tion  of  their  rights 
and  the  promotion  of  their  interests,  morally,  socially,  intellectually,  and 
financially. 

"  2.  We  demand  such  a  revision  of  the  tariff  laws  as  will  protect  the 
producer  as  well  as  the  manufacturer. 

"3.  That  that  part  of  President  Cleveland's  message  referring  to  the 
reduction  of  the  tariff  is  a  direct  blow  at  the  farmers  of  the  country,  and 
in  favor  of  monopoly. 

"  4.  That  a  great  reduction  of  the  tariff  on  all  raw  material  produced 
hi  this  countrv  would  greatly  embarraas  the  agriculturists,  while  it  would 
not  accomplish  the  obji^ct  sought ;  namely,  a  reduction  of  the  revenue. 

''5.  That  a  reduction  of  the  tariff  on  articles  produce*!  in  this  country 
will  not  reduce  the  revenue,  but  increase  the  surplus,  and,  therefore,  de- 
preciate the  value  of  our  produce." 

— ^Struble,  Record,  4328. 

SiiKar.   liOnlNiana— Protection      for     tlie     lew      producers 
auikiiiHt  tlie  many  conMuinerN. 

Xo.  92*-i.— After  wool— an  industry  that  concerns  almost  every  State, 
and  worth  $',»(),( >0t),()0()  annually — has' been  put  on  the  freo-list,  is  it  not 
somewhat  singular  that  sugar,  the  product  of  a  ninple  and  limited  section 
and  worth  less  than  |1H,1»00,0()0,  is  to  l>e  protected  by  a  yearly  tax  ot 
$45,000,000,  taken  from  the  resources  of  all  our  i)eople?  Sugar  is  princi- 
'pallv  a  production  of  Ixjuisiana,  although  I'loriila  and  Texas  make  it  in 
limited  quantities.  I  am  speaking  now  of  sugars  manufacture*!  for  our 
market.    Even  in  Louisiana  sugar  raising  is  not  the  leading  agricultural 

3G7 


SUG 


industry,  for  last  year  in  an  aggregate  of  $1)1,102,584,  it  was  put  at  $14,- 
831,93(5  only.  These  fitiures  are  furni.shed  by  the  American,  a  publication 
of  that  State,  frum  which  I  quote: 

"  During?  tlie  past  agricultural  year,  ending  with  December,  1S87, 
Louisiana  produced  the  following  crops,  which  bear  evidence  to  the  in- 
exhaustil)le  fertility  of  the  soil :  " 


Products. 


<3otton  » bales 

Sucar barrels 

Molasses galUins 

Rice pouuds 

Corn buflheU, 

Oat8 do... 

Poatoes,  sweet do.... 

PoUioes,  Irish do.... 

Hay tons, 

Fruits , 

Other  agricultural  products,  forage,  etc 

Total - 


Acreage. 


1,035,300 

177,044 

72,680 

073,142 

36,801 

19,462 

6,71'J 
28,200 

8,000 
10,000 


Yield. 


3,357,414 


468,802 
l,n5y,4'.!4 

l(>,'24:t,4yo 

0l,'J3l),831 

l'J,y27,:i2.l 

4'J8,(MM) 

l,8'J5,G'i2 

257,108 

71,200 


Value. 


$21,115,150 
14,8;ii,9:t6 

4,5IH,.')77 

3,II40,H88 

1  0,'.)ii:t,;ii;4 

•2t<:.,'Jl() 

H1'2,'J'J7 

3ii7,4ir2 

l,(i7y,iKI() 
30  l,(Mi) 

3,775,OW) 

$61,102,584 


It  will  be  seen  that  Louisiana's  cotton  last  year  was  worth  $6,500,000 
more  than  itn  sugar,  and  its  corn  only  $3,500,000  less.  This  is  the  size  of 
the  sugar  indu-^try  in  a  State  better  adapted  by  soil  and  climate  than  any 
other  for  its  culture,  after  an  experiment  under  the  most  favorable  con- 
ditions for  more  than  a  hundred  years.  And  this  industry  is  not  ecjual 
to-day  to  that  of  1854— thirty-four  years  ago — by  nearly  200,000,000 
pounds,  although  twenty-two  years  have  past  since  the  clo.se  of  the  war. 
In  18(j1-'G2  the  sugar  product  was  528,321,000  pounds ;  last  year  it  was  less 
than  300,000,000.  Our  home  product  is  not  increasing,  while  our  home  con- 
sumption is  at  the  rate  of  10  per  cent,  each  year.  In  1878  we  consumed 
1,552,875,112  and  in  1887  2,782,0)0,000  pound.4,  and  in  the  meantime  the 
annual  sugar  duty  has  increased  from  $3(J,378,4(J4  to  $5(3,507,405.  In  the 
year  just  past  these  duties  have  increased  $(j,341,y57. 

— Bbownk,  Indiana,  Record,  3527-8. 

^ingar— :TIiIlM  bill  changed. 

'So.  03:t. — You  can  l<^r.  raw  sugar  come  in  just  as  provided  in  the 
^lills  bill — and  none  other  i3  or  will  be  imported — and  then  if  you  go  to 
the  higher  grades  above  No.  13,  all  of  which  pass  through  the  refineries 
and  none  of  wh  ich  are  i  mported ,  and  decrease  the  amount  of  the  duty  u  i)on 
those  higher  grades  one-half,  you  will  just  cut  ofI'$14,0:X),0iX)  from  the 
profits  of  the  refiners  and  leave  them  $14,00  ),000  still,  and  I  say  a;_'ain, 
you  will  not  affect  the  revenues  of  the  Government  one  cent.  The  gen- 
tleman knows  that.  I  believe  he  is  on  the  Committee  on  Manufact- 
ures. I  think  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  know  it.  I  think 
they  knew  it  when  they  first  drew  their  1)111,  and  tirst  called  the  atten- 
tion of  the  country  and  the  IIoupg  to  it  and  boasted  of  this  reform  they 
were  going  to  make.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  when  the  bill  was  reported 
iind  the  refiners  protested,  the  refiners  and  the  trusts  were  left  in  the 
Mills  bill,  and  they  struck  out  the  reform  they  put  in  when  it  was  first 
drawn  up  and  reported  to  the  committee.     Why  did  you  do  it? 

— Cannon,  Record,  6553. 

>iat;ar— Not  entitled  to  protection. 

Xo.  921.— Bn^,  .Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  said  that  T  do  not  think  our  ^ 
friends  from  California  or  from  Kansas  have  shown  that  this  sugar  they 

3G8 


8UG 

talk  of  pindiu'ing  ha.«  bci'ii  eo  far  a  buccefififiil  exi>priment,  or  that  it 
an  be  produced  ineullicient  quantities  to  meet  llie  waDtB  of  our  p«*opk'. 
Ttiev  have  nDt  b.out^lit  theuiHelves  within  the  rule  to  claim  the  bene- 
fit of  the  great  economic  priuciplo  of  protection.  When  they  do  I  will 
be  swifi  to  throw  my  voice  and  vote  and  influence  in  favor  of  protecting 
them.  But  until  that,  timo  comes  I  protest  against  a  tributo  of  $100,- 
000  000  to  foreign  pockets,  taken  from  the  jackets  of  the  people  of  my 
district  and  of  my  country.  I  want  that  (iisiinctly  understood.  No  mat- 
ter what  did'eren'-e  may  exist  around  u.s  we  should  kindly  and  courag- 
eously meet  our  duty,  and  he  who  llindies  from  that  duty  will  have  the 
hardest  time  in  tiie  future,  in  my  judgment. 

— Henderson,  Iowa,  Record,  6o00. 

Saear  product  in  liOuiMiana. 

Xo.  Wti.'S.— Impoverished  by  war,  ruined  as  trie  people  of  all  the  Con- 

fe.l. -rale  Slates  wore,  their  banks  gono,  their  insurance  companies  without 
capital,  their  private  fortunes  exliausted,a  people  who  had  been  making 
about  500,000,000  pounds  of  sugar  per  year  found  that  in  lS(>4-'(>5  they 
could  produce  but  10,800,000  pounds,  though  in  lSGI-'02  they  had  pro- 
duced 528,000,000  pounds.  Now,  sir,  beginning  at  the  close  of  the  war 
with  wasted  estates  and  fortunes  broken,  they  have,  under  protection, 
raided  the  crop  from  less  than  11,000,000  poundn  to 303,C 00,000  pounds  in 
18S2-'8.3.  In  the  decade  from  1807  to  1870,  inclusive,  they  rained  1,121,- 
000,000  pounds  of  sugar.  In  the  nextdecuie  the  1.100,000,000  had  grown 
to  2  207,000,000  pounds,  or  largely  more  than  double  in  a  decade.  Sir,  I 
would  plant  myself  upon  the  record  of  Loui.siaua's  sugar  growing  tii  ce 
the  close  of  the  war  to  prove  the  beneficence  of  the  American  protective 
system. 

— Kellky,  Record,  6495, 

SuKar  production  reduced. 

I¥o.  920 — While  the  production  has  been  going  steadily  but  rapidly 
■down-hdl,  the  consumption  has  been  going  steadily  and  rapidly  Uj)-hill. 
By  the  combination  of  these  figures  it  will  beseen  that  the  largest  amount 
produced  in  the  United  States  in  one  year  was  from  18fil  to  1S02  when 
It  aggregated  nearly  54o,0o0,0O0  pounds,  while  in  1885  the  total  protluct 
exceeded  but  a  trifle  3(0,000,000  pounds.  But  in  1 880  we  consumed 
3.111,640,000  pounds  of  sugar,  being  more  than  ten  times  the  quantity 
produced  in  this  country.  Tlaerefore  nine-tenths  of  that  i)r<)du«t  on 
which  we  collect  $60,000,000  is  the  eame  kind  of  a  tax  in  (jualily  and 
essence  as  would  be  a  like  tax  levied  upon  tea  and  coffee. 

Tnere  was  in  1886  seven  iniudred  fewer  establishments  than  there 
were  in  1861,  and  yet  our  population  is  raj^idly  increasing  and  the  indi- 
vidual consumption  of  su^ar  al.-o.  In  1877  we  consumed  3()  pounds  of 
flutmr  per  annum  per  capita.  In  1884  it  reached  53  3  pouu'tp,  and  last 
year  it  is  estimated  at  55  pounds  to  every  human  being.  The  duties  paid 
in  1880  amounted  to  |^0,. 65,533,  and  las'l  year  to  J=5(;,5o7,405. 

— GuosvKNOR,  liecord,  4056. 

Sufcar— Protection  will  develop  tlie  iuduNtry. 

Xo.  1)27. — 'ihe  letter  is  aa  follows: 

"  Thakk,  Iowa,  .lAij/  0,  1888. 

Sir:  Mr.  E.  E.  Taylor  tells  me  that  von  wish  to  know  what  I  think 
about  taking  the  tariff  ciflf-uvar,  atul  also  what  1  think  about  paying  a 

gremium  on  sugar  martifactnred  in  the  T'nittd  State?.     I  am  not  in  the 
usiness,  and  therefore  have  no  i)en<nnal  ax  to  grind.     The  exiM«rimentH 
last  season  have  proven  that  witli  sugarat  present  prices,  using  tlie  dillu- 
XX  iv  3(;o 


SUG 

Bion  battery  and  vacuum-pan,  suparcan  be  made  from  eorgbum  anywhere 
where  corn  will  mature,  but  with  th6  tarillofl"  it  is  not  likely  that,  the 
necessary  capital  would  be  investeil  in  an  enterprise  while  there  is  no 
certainty  that  even  present  prices  will  be  maintained  for  any  length  of 
time  in  the  future.  Even  the  planters  in  the  Siuth  were  afraid  to  put  in 
the  best  mactiinery  on  account  of  the  continual  ra<5ket  about  hiyh  tarill 
and  free  trade,  but  ^'ive  them  assurance  that  trie  tariff  on  sufjar  will  not 
be  reduced  for  the  next  ten  or  even  five  yearp,  or  if  it  should  be  reduced 
a  premium  of  say  2  cents  per  pound  would  be  paid  by  Government  on 
home-made  sugar,  and  other  States  should  do  as  Kaneai  and  Iowa  have 
done,  pay  a  State  bounty,  it  would  be  but  a  short  time  till  factories  would 
spring  up  all  through  the  East,  West,  and  South,  and  give  us  sugar  at  s\u;h 
rates  that  beet  8Ugar  could  not  compete.  In  my  opinion  the  proper  thing 
to  do  would  be  to  let  the  tarifl"  on  sugar  alone  and  use  the  proceeds  to 
stimulate  home  manufacture.  You  will  notice  that  whether  sugar  is  put 
on  the  free-list  or  not,  the  Government  should  pay  a  bounty  on  hoini- 
made  sugar.  The  Hawaiian  sugar,  under  the  reciprocity  treaty,  comes  in 
free.  There  they  get  all  the  way  from  :5  to  7  tons  sugar  to  the  acre  of  cant- 
and  still  they  claim  they  can  hardly  make  ends  meet.  There  is  no  other 
nation  on  earth  that  has  as  great  an  extent  ofsugar  country  as  the  United 
States,  and  it  is  a  pity  that  we  only  make  about  12  per  cent,  of  the  sweets 
we  consume.  Please  excuse  my  using  a  pencil,  as  my  hand  is  too  un- 
steady to  use  a  pen. 

"  With  much  respect,  I  remain,  yours  truly, 

"JOHN  STUART." 
— Kkru,  Record,  0500. 

Nui;ar— Rc'MtiltN  orpolariscopo  test. 

No.  i)2S.— In  1S70  there  came  into  this  country  of  imported  sugar 
l,5'J8,UUO,()(iO  pounds,  of  which  1,597,000,000  pounds  came  in  a«  of  No.  13 
or  under.  In  1880  there  came  in  1,592,000,000  pounds,  of  which  I  589,- 
000,0()0  came  in  as  of  No.  KJ  or  under.  In  1881  there  came  in  1,809,000,- 
000  pounds,  of  which  1,867.000,000  pounds  came  in  as  of  No.  13  or  under. 
In  1882  there  came  in  1,913,000,000  pounds,  of  which  1,91  l,f:O0.(!0O 
pounds  came  in  as  of  No.  13  or  under.  In  1883  the  highest  number  of 
pounds  imported  of  sugars  above  13  was  3,0i0,000;  but  as  soon  as  the 
polariscope  test  was  applied  and  ihe  application  of  it  limited  to  No.  13  the 
amount  over  No.  13  grew  from  3,000,000  jwunds,  as  determined  by  the 
color  test,  to  288,000,000,  testing  by  the  polariscope  ninety-one  degrees, 
and  therefore  properly  belonging  to  a  colar  grade  above  No.  13,  and  sub- 
ject to  a  duty  under  the  law  of  2.75,  instead  of  2.04  per  pound.  That  w;.- 
in  1884,  and  in  ls85  the  amount  of  increase  had  grown  to  512,r00,000. 

In  1880  the  increjvse  in  the  importsof  sugar  over  No.  13  was 820,000,01  c 
pounds,  and  in  1887  the  increase  of  imported  sugar  claiming  to  be  No.  i:i. 
and  appearing  in  color  to  be  No.  13,  but  testing  ninety-one  degrees  or 
over,  and  by  that  test  proi>erly  belonging  to  the  color  class  above  13,  wa-j 
1,389,000,000  pounds,  nearly  one-half  of  the  entire  amount  of  sugars  im- 
ported into  the  United  States. 

— Wkbkr,  Record,  6557. 

Sugar.  Kifo,  Salt. 

No.  I^IilK — Sugar,  rice,  and  salt,  Mr.  Chairman,  are  necessities  in 
everv  houseliold.  Sugar  and  rice  are  taxed  to  the  extent  of  2  cents  per 
pourid  and  upwards  by  the  Mills  bill.  The  removal  of  the  duties  on  sugar 
and  rice  would  go  a  long  way  towards  wiping  out  our  surplus  and  would 
be  a  relief  to  the  consumers  of  those  products.  Salt  at  present  pays  a 
duty  of  less  than  one-twelfth  of  1  cent  ner  pound,  yet  the  framers  of  this 
bill  propose  as  a  remedy  for  the  gorged  Treasury  to  remove  the  duty  ol 
370 


! 
I 


SUG 

une-twelfth  of  1  cent  per  pound  on  salt  and  to  allow  the  duties  on  sugaf 
and  rice  to  remain  practically  undistnrbed.  Yet  when  we  consider  that 
this  measure  was  prepared  by  tlie  eijjht  Democrats  of  the  Ways  and 
Means  Committee,  and  that  of  the  eiijht,  bix  are  from  the  Southern 
States,  and  that  New  York,  New  England,  and  the  other  great  manufact- 
uring States,  except  only  Pennsylvania,  were  entirely  ignored  when  the 
majority  of  the  committee  was  selected,  it  is  not  Furprising  that  the  pro- 
tection aflordtd  by  the  tariff  to  the  States  of  the  South  is  to  be  main- 
tained, even  if  the  Northern  manufacturing  interests  are  all  wiped  from 
the  face  of  the  earth. 

— TiKi.DEN,  Kecord,  4202, 

ttuKur  Nlionl<l  be  pliiecd  on  tlie  I'roo-liNt. 

Xo.  1)30. — Mr.  Cuairman,  1  ask  to  liave  read  the  following  amend' 
uicn',  to  be  presented  at  the  proper  time  : 

"Strike  out  line  32!(  down  to  and  inclndincr  the  word  'gallon,'  in  line 
Srvi,  and  insert  the  following  :  'All  sugars  and  molasses  shall,  on  and  after 
January  1,  1889,  be  admitted  free  of  duty.'  " 

Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  levying  of  impost  duties  I  b*»lieve  they  should 
be  so  adjusted  as  to  develop  our  industries.  This  has  become  the  set- 
tled policy  of  this  country,  ami  I  do  not  believe  any  considerable  por- 
tion of  our  people  desire  to  change  it.  Ikit  when  it  has  been  demon- 
strated by  means  of  a  high  protective  tariff  after  years  of  trial  tliat  the 
industry  is  not  susceptible  of  development  in  this  country  ho  as  to  meet 
the  wants  of  the  people,  then  I  believe  we  should  place  the  article  on 
the  free-list.  Ilence  I  have  offered  the  amendment  which  has  just  been 
read. 

Sugar,  one  of  the  great  necessities  of  life,  as  made  from  sugar-cane 
proper,  can  only  be  produced  in  a  limited  area  of  the  United  States.  It 
matters  not  to  what  extent  we  foster  this  indnptry  by  a  taritf,  wi3  cannot 
extend  or  materially  develop  it.  The  amount  of  the  annual  production 
is  less  than  S20,0OO,C00.  A  fraction  over  one-tenth  of  the  amount  con- 
sumed i.s  produced  in  this  country.  Our  i>eople  pay  a  yearly  tax  of  over 
$56,000  0<'0  on  this  one  article  alone.  We  do  not  produce  to-day  near  as 
much  sugar  as  we  did  before  the  war.  In  18<il-'t)2  we  produced  o^'.i.S.SO,- 
fiOO  pounds  of  sugar;  in  ISSo-'StJ  the  production  was  :-50L'.7">4,4S(i  pounds. 
While  our  home  coneumpiion  is  iucreariing  at  the  rate  of  10  percent., 
our  home  product  is  decreasing. 

During  the  past  ten  years  we  have  paid  out  over  $4or),00«1,00t)  in  duties 
on  bugar.  It  is  estimated  that  the  ordinary-sized  family  pays  not  less 
than  ^')  in  duties  on  the  amount  of  sugar  consumeil  in  a  year.  Eiglity- 
two  per  cent,  ad  valorem  is  the  protection  given  sugar  under  the  pres- 
ent law.  This  protection  has  not  increased  production,  but  has  en- 
hanced the  price.  Now,  after  years  of  a  high  protective  tariff  of  2  cents 
a  pound  on  sugar  and  the  production  decreasing  and  equal  to-day  to 
only  one-tenth  of  our  consumption,  is  it  the  part  of  wisdom,  I  ask,  or 
of  statesmanship  to  longer  continue  the  duty  ?  Our  Democratic  friends 
nee«l  not  longer  talk  about  consistence,  for  it  is  not  found  in  a  bill  con- 
taining such  a  hardship  on  the  people.  While  this  bill  may  have  some 
merit,  yet  it  will  not  meet  with  favor  by  the  people  of  this  country  when 
it  contains  such  a  manifest  injustice. 

But  I>ouisiana  must  be  kept  in  the  Democratic  column,  even  if  it  com- 
pels our  Democratic  friends  to  8up|>ort  a  mejihurc  which  is  neither  "  fish 
nor  fowl,"  neither  protection  nor  free  tratle — a  bill  illogical  and  built  on  no 
•  onnected  plan,  the  chief  chriracteristit-  of  which  ia  its  extreme  section- 
alism. 

We  hear  just  now  of  wonderful  experiments  in  the  obtaininirof  alarge 
percentage;  of  sugar  from  sorghum  cane.     If  it  sboiiUl  prove  to  lw»  true  as 

:;71 


BUG 

rftated,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Missouri,  Kansas,  and  Nebraska  can  produce  sugar 
for  the  worM,  for  we  cun  raise  sorgham  cane  as  certain  as  Indian  torn. 
I  would  make  lihend  appropriations  to  continue  thepe  ex^irinnent^,  not 
oulv  in  Southe!i«teru  Kan-^as,  but  in  Iowa,  Illinois,  and  other  States, and 
if  it  provis  to  be  a  sucrceP",  as  claimed  and  hoped,  it  wid  be  a  very  ea«y 
matter  to  renew  the  tarilTon  sugar  and  assist  in  developing  this  new  in- 
dustry. 

Some  of  our  friends  advocate  a  bounty.  The  giving  of  direct  bounties 
or  subsidies  it  teems  to  me  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  our  form  of  govern- 
ment. It  is  in  the  nature  of  class  legislation,  which  I  cannot  favor.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

— Fdlleb,  Record,  6552. 
Sn$;nr— Sorgliuni  now  a  snccetis. 

'So.  Dill. — So  all  the  investi^iations  and  the  experiments  two  years  ago 
in  Kanflas  proved  a  failure,  not  because  we  were  unable  to  extract  a  suf- 
iicjieut  amount  of  saccharine  matter,  but  because,  after  having  done  so, 
we  could  not  produce  enou.:h  sugar  to  make  the  industry  profitable. 

But  this  was  overcome  last  year,  and  the  diffusion  process  was  more 
thoroughly  tried  and  experimented  upon,  and  as  a  result,  instead  of  se- 
curing only  55  per  cent,  of  the  saccharine  matter  from  cane,  we  secured 
by  the  diflfusion  process  97  per  cent.,  and  instead  of  securing  from  this 
saccharine  matter  about  56  pounds  of  sugar  to  the  ton,  we  secured  over 
100  poundsof  sugar  to  the  ton  in  addition  to  the  sirup  that  was  also  made 
from  the  same  matter,  from  15  to  25  gallons  per  ton. 

Mr.  GEAR.     How  many  tons  are  raised  to  the  acre  ? 

Mr.  PETERS.    An  average  of  12  tons  to  the  acre. 

Ttie  work^  at  Fort  Scott  worked  a;)  about  600  Pcres  of  cine  last  year, 
and  my  colleague  from  the  Fort  Scott  district  [Mr.  Funston]  says  that 
they  produced  235,000  pounds  of  sugar. 

— Pbtkbs,  Record,  6496. 

SnKUi*— KorKltnm  waiitM  tariflT,  not  bonnty. 

IVo.  1>:j*.i.— A  plant  is  being  put  in  at  Topeka,  the  capital  of  my  State; 
the  plant  at  Fort  ScoLt  is  being  enlarged,  and  a  plant  at  Conway  Springs, 
in  my  district,  is  being  put  in.  This  is  the  extent  of  the  present  opera- 
tions. 

Is  there  any  use  in  talking  to  a  Kansas  farmer  or  a  Kansas  man  who 
has  had  a  practical  eye-witness  knowledge  of  this  matter  about  doing 
away  with  that  tariff,  because,  forsooth,  we  cannot  increase  the  pro- 
duftion  of  sugar  in  t>'.e  United  States?  I  say — and  I  believe  it  is  the 
feeling  not  only  of  the  Commi8:iioner  of  Agriculture,  but  of  the  people 
of  K m-^as,  and  of  every  citizen  who  has  investigated  the  subject— that 
only  a  few  more  years  of  protection  are  needed  to  make  Kansas  the 
su^'ar  State  of  the  world.  That  is  what  we  are  fighting  for;  that  is  why 
we  are  opposed  to  this  proposition  of  bounty. 

— Pktbbs,  Record,  6497. 
Sn{;nr— Why  i«or{2:liniu  TailH. 

Si*.  933. — The  rt-ason  is  that  the  attempt  to  nourish  the  sugar  indus- 
try by  protection,  and  the  attempt  to  build  it  up  by  the  aid  of  experi- 
mentnl  scIhmjIs  and  appropriations  from  the  Treasury  for  the  purpose  of 
ft^cerLaining  the  best  methods  of  taking  the  saccharine  matter  out  of  the 
beet  or  the  sorghum— all  these  are  attempt-)  to  overthrow  a  law  of  nature. 
Ttie  1  iw  of  nature  is  that  the  cane  plant  will  grow  better  in  a  warm  cli- 
mate like  Cuba  or  the  Sandwich  Islands,  will  have  a  longer  life,  and  will 
yield  far  more  saccharine  matter  than  it  will  in  this  country.  That  ia 
nature's  law  and  you  cannot  overcome  it,  and  it  is  perfect  folly  to  at- 
tempt to  do  so.  — Baynk,  Record,  6503. 
372 


SUG 

Sii^iir— Taricrin  I^oiiiMiiiiia  in  two  yoarM  will  buy  tlio  wiioI« 
iutoroMt — Di'inocrutic  ooiiNiNteuoy. 

Xo.  034. — :S;r,  'lie  reviniu-s  derivtd  from  Hui;ar  last  year  were  equal 
to  the  capi  al  employe*!  In  that  inda«try  in  Lyiiis'una,  and  with  these 
revenues  for  two  years  the  Government  can  buy  and  pay  fur  the  whole 
sugar  busineea  in  the  United  States,  (tapital,  prodiu-t,  and  all.  Louiiiiana 
bac,  arcording  to  the  hit^hest  estimato,  l.ut  $()0,t)t)0,(iOO  invested,  aitd  the 
whole  country  nottoex;eed  ISO.OtiOOOO ;  and  oar  Hupar  duties  for  two 
years,  on  the  basis  of  last  year's  collections,  would  be  $113,014,990.  This 
IS  high-priced  protection. 

— Browne,  Indiana,  Record,  3529. 

Sn^ar— The  polaroscopc  retorm. 

No.  VHVi-  —  When  John  Sherman  was  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  he  be- 
came eatisiitd  that  millions  of  pouni's  of  hi>;h-grade  sugarp  came  into  this 
country  colored  to  resemble  lower  grades  in  order  to  e-i-ciipe  the  greater 
duties  imposed  upon  the  higher-colored  sugars.  He  ordered  the  applica- 
tion of  the  polariecopic  test,  in  order  to  ascertain  thtir  true  6acch:irine 
quality  upon  which  to  rate  the  duties.  The  action  of  Secretary  Sherman 
was  resisted.  The  power  of  the  courts  was  invoked  ;  and  in  the  case  of 
Collector  Merrit  vs.  Welch  the  courts  held  that  the  application  of  the 
polariscope  test  required  by  Secretary  Sherman  to  detect  the  true  quality 
of  these  sugars  was  beyond  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  law.  From  that 
time  until  revived  in  1883  thepohiriecope  wa«  releu'ated  to  the  rear.  But 
during  that  jwlarscopic  period  of  two  or  three  years  the  increase  of  the 
sugar  revenues  are  estimated  to  be  nearly  ^5,00U,(  dO. 

— Wkbkr,  Record,  G559. 

Snfsrar— Thi«t  schedule  keeps  up  the  peroeutage. 

Xo.  036. — I  again  call  attenti'->n  to  the  .Mills  biil  ;;n<l  tiie  schedules. 
What  do  they  show  ?  We  tin  1  tlie  sui^ar  tax  now  at  bi)  per  cent,  ad  va- 
lorem, and  it  is  propnjsed  to  reda<^e  it  to  OS  per  cent.  Then  there  are 
various  reductions  along  through  the  pchedules,  antl  these  reductions,  in- 
cluding sugar,  leave  an  average  of  48  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  ^ly  amend- 
ment, if  adopted,  will  make  a  further  reduction  to  less  than  :i">  per  cent. 
When  you  Democrats  go  home  and  enter  your  canvass  you  will  t-ay, 
"Ah,  there  is  48  per  cent,  of  protection  enforced  upon  the  people  of  this 
country."  Yet  over  one  fi'Urth  of  all  the  duties  paid  in  this  country 
come  from  sugar;  and  you  propose  to  maintain  that  «luty  with  but  a 
small  reduction. 

— Cannon,  Record,  6577. 

SuKAi*— ^'<^  cannot  produce  our  own. 

Xo.  937. — We  can  pro<luce  all  tlie  tin-plate  in  this  country  that  the 
American  people  will  consume  if  you  will  put  the  duty  up  to  2.2  ccnt« 
per  pound. 

Mr.  WEAVER.    Could  we  not  do  the  Pame  thing  on  pugar? 

^Ir.  BAYNE.  No;  not  even  if  you  put  the  duty  up  to  1.")  cents  a  pound. 
I  will  tell  you  why.  I  was  in  favor  of  a  bounty  on  sugar,  antl  1  am  still 
in  favor  of  it.  I  was  in  favor  of  that  b'luntv  in  tlie  intere«l  of  California, 
Kansas, and  l>ouiHiana.  I  di<l  not  want  to  deprive  the  industry  in  either 
of  those  States  of  tlio  ndvanfaces  which  it  is  derivini;  now  from  the  pro- 
tective tariff.  1  prefer  giving  that  industry  a  bounty  in  t how  States  in 
order  that  it  may  build  itself  up;  make  itself  a  strong  in(!u.'»try,  if  it  lies 
in  the  power  of  the  f>eople  of  this  country  to  make  it  such.  Hut  can  it 
be  made  such  since  we  have  got  down  to  this  propnsiiinn.  I  do  not  be- 
lieve you  will  ever  make  the  sugar  industry  in  thia  county  one  that  will 

373 


SUG  1 

supply  tlio  WHDtB  of  the  American  people,  though  you  may  place  the 
tariff  at  4,  o,  or  10  cents  per  pound  and  pay  a  bounty  as  large  almost  as 
vou  can  think  of,  u  bounty  of  4  or  5  centa  a  pound. 

— Baynk,  Record,  GoO'J. 

.Su(;ur— Willing  to  protect  it. 

Xo.  MltH. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  amendment  which  I  have  offered  pro- 
poses lu  reduce  the  duty  on  sugar  from  the  present  enormous  rate  of  SL' 
'j>er  cent,  to  41  per  itent.,  or  one-half ;  in  other  words,  to  reduce  the  present 
Bpecitic  rite  of  1.40  cenis  per  pound  for  raw  sugar  polarizing  75  degrees, 
to  seventy  one-hundredth  cents  per  pound,  and  the  present  rate  of  four 
one-hundredth  cents  per  f>ound  for  each  additional  degree  to  two  one- 
hundredth  cents  per  pound. 

The  amendment  wiiic^h  I  propose  is  in  harmony  with  the  protective 
lists  of  the  present  tariff  and  treats  sugar,  from  the  prote<^tive  staiid-poinl , 
as  an  article  which  may  be  produced  m  this  country  to  the  extent  of  oui 
wants,  notwithstanding  the  fad  that  we  now  produce  less  sugar  in  the 
United  States  than  we  did  befor«  the  war  raises  a  serious  doubt  a«  to  our 
ability  to  overcome  climatic  disadvantages.  I  am  willing,  however,  for 
the  present  to  continue  a  policy  based  on  the  belief  that  we  can  develop 
the  production  of  sugar  to  the  extent  of  our  wants. 

— Ding  LBV,  Record,  6553. 

Siisar— What  the  Nn&:ar  truHt  is. 

Xo.  0!t9. — Much  has  been  said  to-day  about  the  sugar  trust.  A 
word  as  to  chat.  It  is  perhaps  the  most  thoroughly  organized  and  iron- 
clad affair  in  this  or  any  countrv.  I  have  here  a  copy  of  the  deed  signed 
by  the  parties  to  the  trust.  It  is  dated  August  IG,  1.S87,  and  is  signed  by 
the  representatives  of  sixteen  reOneries.  The  shares  are  not  to  exceed 
^50,000,000,  of  value  in  all.  It  provides  that  the  ownership  of  each  re- 
linery  shall,  if  noL  already  so,  become  an  incorporation.  Then  the  indi- 
vidual holders  of  these  shares  are  to  exchange  tliem  for  trust  certitiates 
at  a  rate  to  be  ascertained  by  an  appritisement  of  the  value  of  each  re- 
finery. 

These  certificiiteB  of  the  trust  are  to  be  issued  by  a  central  board  of 
trustees  named  in  the  deed.  This  has  been  done.  The  holdt r/^  of  the 
stock  of  each  refinery  have  surrendered  their  shares,  and  have  received 
in  lieu  thereof  their  pro  rata  of  trust  certilicates.  This  is  a  /<ry  neat 
oi)eration.  Their  property  has  none  beyond  their  control,  and  I  hey  (can- 
not withdraw  if  they  would.  The  trustees  holding  the  stock  toteit  at 
the  stockholders'  elections,  and  can  elect  any  board  of  direitors  ib'-y 
please  to,  and  the  stockholder  must  stand  by  helpless  and  see  his  prop 
erty  managed  by  a  board  of  directors  he  may  know  nothing  alout. 

— BrcHANAN,  Record,  U5li7. 

SuKar— Why  high  tariff  im  objectionable. 

>o.  VlO. — 1  object  to  it  as  unjust,  in  that  it  is  a  duty  on  a  necessary 
article  oi  food,  consumed  by  the  |X)or  man  to  nearly  the  name  extent  ;is 
the  rich  man  ;  an  article  i)roduced  to  so  small  an  extent  in  this  country 
that  home  competition  cannot  lix  the  price  (as  icdoes  in  the  case  of  man- 
ufactured goods  which  cau  be  made  here  to  the  extent  of  our  wanls), 
but  the  price  is  inevitably  the  foreign  cost  with  the  duty  added. 

In  the  case  of  sugar,  therefore,  we  have  an  article  where  no  one  denies 
that  the  duty  is  a  lax  which  increases  the  burden  of  the  consumer  to  the 
extent  of  the  rate  where  the  commodity  is  a  necessary  article  of  f;>o<l  ; 
where,  after  forty  years'  trial  and  witli  the  highest  encouragemert  ever 
given  an  industry  we  are  unable  to  supply  only  one-tenth  of  our  wants. 
aa  article  where  every  reducliou  of  the  duty  will  certainly  reduw  r  the 
374 


SUR 

.-.venu?  whli'h  the  majority  profess  to  seek  to  reduce ;  and  yel  it  ia  this 
irticle  which  the  Democratic  majority  inBist  on  maintaining  at  the  high 
rate  of  68  per  cent. 

— DiNGLKY,  Record,  6564. 

.SiirpliiN — How  to  iiH«'  it.    (See  No.  220.) 

SiirpluM— Amount  or.    (See  No.  1252.) 

SiirpluM. 

\o.  1>  11. — When,  therefore,  yon  sliall  have  diminished  the  tofal  vol- 
iiiiie  of  the  obligations  of  the  country  to  the  amount  of  the  $'_'()( t,000,000 
now  ahnost  (hie,  what  are  yon  goin^' to  do  with  the  surplus  which  an- 
nually flows  into  your  Treasury?  What  disposition  are  you  going  to 
iiake"  of  the  large  amount  which  each  year  you  have  been  ac-customed  to 
.ipply  to  the  payment  of  the  national  debt?  The  free-trader  replies: 
"OJet  rid  of  your  surplus  by  strikingdown  this  protective  idea  ;  lower  the 
duty  on  many  articles,  put  a  largo  number  of  other  article^  on  the  free- 
list,  and  reduce  your  revenue  in  that  way."  The  protectionist  answers  : 
"  Let  us  reduce  our  revenue,  that,  with  a  wise  dipcrimination,  the  Ameri- 
can laborer  in  his  daily  earnings  may  be  protected  by  the  national  law, 
and  keep  that  in  view  as  a  primal  ol)ject."  This  is  the  ijuestion  which 
impends  for  your  decision,  and,  after  patient  consideration  of  the  proba- 
ble con8e<iueuce8  to  result  from  that  decision,  I  venture  the  assertion  that 
there  has  not  been,  since  the  national  election  of  18(50,  a  financial  crisis 
so  urgent  and  pressing  aa  the  one  which  will  be' upon  the  American 
j)eople  within  the  next  two  years. 

Dean  Swift,  told  the  ministers  of  Queen  Anne  that  they  could  double 
the  duty  and  halve  the  revenue,  or  they  could  halve  the  duty  and  double 
the  revenue.  We  may  therefore  increa.se  the  revenue  while  decrea.sing 
tlie  duties,  or  we  may  decrease  the  revenue  while  increasing  the  duties. 
The  main  question,  therefore,  is  whether  you  will  exclude  from  the  tariff 
the  protective  idea,  or  whether  you  will  reduce  the  rates  upon  articles 
from  the  duties  on  which  you  gain  no  protection,  and  thus  so  wisely  dis- 
rriminate  that,  with  a  new  taritT  adapted  to  $100,000,000  leas  revenue,  you 
will  still  gain  all  the  protection  needed. 

I  say  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  m  only  two  periods  in  our  history — 
namely,  the  beginning  of  the  Federal  (iovernment  and  the  outbreak  of 
the  civil  war — has  the  tiuancial  ability  of  American  statesmen  been  con- 
fronted by  a  problem  of  the  magnitude  of  the  one  to  wliidi  I  have  in- 
vited your  attention.  Never,  therefore,  was  there  a  time  when  men  who 
believe  in  protection  to  American  industry  were  more  imperatively  called 
upon  to  gird  about  their  loins  for  a  great  battle  on  that  ipieHtion.  It  is 
impending  within  two  year?,  and  will  be  settled  favorably  or  adversely 
in  that  time. 

— Post,  liecord,  4:>4o. 

Siirpliiw. 

\o.  1>  I'J.  — Less  than  thirty  ye^rs  ago,  when  the  I)?mocra»ic  party 
\ent  out  of  business,  it  left  thecountry  with  iU*  credit  impaired  and  its 
Treasury  bankrupt;  but  to-day  we  are  confronted  with  tht*  anomalous 
mdition  of  nn  ontstan<ling  debt  and  an  oversowing  TrcaMiry.  More 
than  $so,()(H),(X)()  of  the  people's  money  have  been  nllnwfd  to  ncrumidato 
in  the  vaults  of  the  National  Treasury.  I'pon  whom  restH  the  re«i»onsi- 
bility  for  this  large  and  unwarrante<l  accumulation? 

Let  the  Democratic  party  answer  whetluT  at  any  time  during  the  term 
of  the  present  Kxe<Mitive  there  has  been  any  attemj>t  by  a  Democratic 
House  to  avert  the  financial  disaster  and  niin  so  freely  prophesied  by  the 
i'resident  as  likely  to  result  from  the  surplus  in  the  Treasury. 

375 


SUR 

Sixteen  million  dollars  of  the  surplus  BhouM  long  since  have  been  re- 
funded to  the  loyal  States  in  repayment  of  the  direct  taxes  paid  by  them 
during  the  war.  The  vetoes  of  the  President  have  depriveii  the  old  sol- 
diers of  the  pensions  which  their  patient  sufferings  so  justly  earned. 
Thousands  of  men  and  women  with  honest  and  lejrully  adjudicated  claims 
aKainst  the  Government  are  awaiting  with  empty  hands  because,  for- 
sooth, a  Democratic  House,  presumably  anxious  to'  avert  Impending  din- 
aster  of  an  overflowing  Treasury,  has  persistently  neglected  and  retut-ed 
to  make  the  necessary  and  proper  appropriations  for  the  payment  of  the 
just  debts  (f  the  Government.    The  Blair  educational  bill  passed  a  Re- 

gublican  Senate,  but  haa  been  strangled  in   the  committee-room  of  a 
•emocratic  House,  that  ita  death  might  aid  to  accumulate  and  continue 
the  vast  turplus  in  the  Treasury. 

These  observation?,  Mr.  Chairman,  apply  only  to  the  surplus  that  has 
already  accumulated,  and  are  only  imy>ortant  as  tending  to  show  that  the 
Democratic  party  has  ref)eatedly  and  j>ersis!ently  neglected  and  refused 
to  follow  any  of  the  methods  which  would  have  prevented  the  accumu- 
lation of  the  Surplus,  but,  on  the  contrary,  as  willfully  and  unlawfully 
hoarded  the  money  in  the  Treasury  for  the  purpose  of  frightening  the 
people,  and  thus  intending  to  break  down  a  system  of  protection. 

— Yardi^y,  Record,  4140. 

Sarplns.  and  tarifTmcthodN  or  dealing  with  by  Democratic 
parly. 

Xo.  943. — If  he  regarded  this  growing  surplus  as  a  danger,  why  did 
he  not,  as  scon  as  possible,  bring  his  influence  to  bear  upon  Congress  to 
provide  for  a  reduction  of  taxation  ? 

I  may  alto  ask,  why  did  not  Congress  then  apply  the  reme<ly  ?  The 
Forty-ninth  Congress  lived  its  two  years  and  <lied.  Mr.  Cleveland  was 
then  as  now  President  of  the  United  States.  The  House  of  Representa- 
tives contained  a  large  majority  of  his  political  friends.  They  alone  had 
the  initiative,  the  origination,  the  constitutional  power  to  induce  a  bill  to 
reduce  taxes.  Why  was  it  not  done?  The  only  answer  is  that  a  inn 
trolling  majority  of  that  party  would  not  allow  a  bill  to  be  reportt-d 
unless  it  contained  provisions  wliich  in  the  opinion  of  the  majority  of  tLe 
members  of  the  liouGe  would  do  great  injury  to  or  destroy  domestic 
production,  create  greater  distress  than  ever  the  accumulation  of  surplus, 
and  reduce  the  wages  of  laborers  now  usefully  employed.  If  it  had  Itccn 
the  desire  to  reduce  taxed  without  reducing  American  production,  the 
task  was  easy  ;  but  the  enormous  powers  conferred  upon  the  Speaker  of 
the  House  were  Ui=ed  to  prevent  even  the  presentation  of  such  a  bill,  and 
in  this  it  was  understood  he  had  the  htarty  sympathy  and  tupport  of  the 
President  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

— Senator  Sherman,  Record,  200. 

Surplii*4  and  taxes— DomocratM  responMible. 

Xo.  f)ll. — .V  larger  surj.lus  revenue  has  frequently  from  time  to  time 
been  wisely  dealt  with  by  Republican  administra'ions.  It  haa  either 
been  applied  by  the  executive  authorities  to  the  payment  of  the  public 
debt,  or  its  accumulation  haa  been  prevented  by  Congress,  from  time  to 
time,  by  the  reduction  or  repeal  of  taxes.  In  the  administration  of  each 
of  Mr.  Cleveland's  predecessors  since  the  close  of  the  war  this  simple 
remedy  has  beenapplied  without  neglectingother  matters  or  raising  a  cry 
of  alarm.  AU  these  reductions  of  taxea  have  been  made  by  the  Ke))ubli- 
can  party.  The  Democratic  party  has  had  the  control  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  since  the  success  of  the  Mississippi  plan,  except  for  two 
years,  and  during  that  time  never  oritiinated  or  proposed  a  reduction  of 
taxes.  The  only  Republican  Congress  for  ten  years  did,  by  the  act  ap- 
37G 


4 


SUR 

S roved  by  PreBident  Arthur  ou  the  3il  of  Ma:ch,  1883,  largely  reiluct* 
oth  internal  taxes  an<l  customs  duties  to  meet  the  very  dilliourty  which 
BO  alarms  the  President. 

— Senator  Sherman,  Record,  I'OO. 

NiiritliiM— C'lorelautrM   "Pookot"  veto. 

\o.  «  15.— Tlie  Prenident  of  the  I'nited  states  confronts  the  situation 
by  saying  in  his  message  luat  there  is  no  authority  for  tlie  application  of 
these  fuiids  to  the  purchase  of  bonds  not  now  due,  except  that — 
"found  iu  an  appropiluiiun  bill  pai^sed  a  number  of  years  a^o,  and  it  is 
subject  to  the  suspicion  that  it  was  intended  as  temporary  and  limited  in 
its  application." 

It  has  stood  upon  the  statute-books  unchallenged  until  now,  and  under 
it  subeequeut  administrations  without  question  bought  up  and  redeemed 
1182,241,750  of  the  bonds  of  the  United  States,  and  under  which,  as  the 
only  and  fiulDcient  authority,  his  own  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  al- 
ready purchased  not  only  the  4^  per  cent,  bonds  due  in  1891,  butalsothe 
4  per  cents,  due  in  1907,  paying  for  the  former  103  cents  on  the  dolKir  and 
for  the  latter  127  centos  on  the  dollar,  expending  in  the  parcha.-=e  of  $18,- 
088,fM>0  of  such  bonds  $21,665,500  of  the  surplus  under  this  authority  re- 
pudiated by  the  President. 

— Farquhab,  Record,  44.ss. 
SnrpluM  credit  too  good! 

Xo.  9 10. — We  are  not  going  far  wrong  when  we  are  paying  our  debts. 
Many  business  men  have  anticipated  their  notes  at  bank  and  paid  their 
debts  before  they  ramedue. 

The  only  dilliculty  in  the  matter  is  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  has  become  so  good  a  creditor  under  twenty  four  years  cf  Re- 
publican administration  that  its  bonds  drawing  4  and  4  J  per  cent,  interest 
per  annum  are  at  a  considerable  premium. 

If  our  crt'dit  were  not  so  goo  1  and  these  bonds  were  down  to  par,  there 
would  be  no  ditficulty  whatever  in  the  situation. 

When  the  Democratic  party  went  out  of  p<:)wer  in  1861,  leaving  an 
empty  Treasury,  and  6  per  cent.  Government  bon  Is  at  12  per  cent,  bolow 
par,  ttiere  was  no  such  problem  as  this  presented  for  solution.  Th»'  ques- 
tion now  is,  what  batter  courde  can  be  pursued  with  n*f"-enc3  to  ihia 
surplus  than  applying  it  to  the  purchase  of  United  States  bonds? 

— Morrow,  Record,  4269. 
SnrpliiM— Debts  we  have  paid. 

Xo.  !>17.— But  the  people  of  this  country,  having  determined  that  a 
national  deb' is  not  desirable,  and  that  our  obligations  should  be  promptly 
met  at  maturity,  have  directed  that  Ih'is  constantly-accruing  surplus  t^hould 
be  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  national  indebtedness. 

The  result  is  th*t  the  principal  ()f  tlie  interest-bearing  public  debt  has 
»  been  redr.ted  from  $^,381,5:5  ),294.0()  on  the  31st  of  August,  186-5,  to  $1,038,- 
199,762  on  the  l^t  day  of  May,  18S8. 

During  this  time  the  annual  interest  charge  has  been  redu  ed  from 
$4-29  per  capita  c<f  population  to  67  cents. 

The  wisdom  of  a  jwlicv  that  has  produced  such  splendid  results  is  not 
now  a  matter  of  discu^^ion. 

It  is  conceded  on  all  sides  that  next  to  the  victories  that  made  us  a 
nation  was  the  success  of  that  linanciil  policy  that  made  us  independent 
and  respei^ted  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

— MoHHow,  Recorvl,  4209, 
Nurplim— Had  one  lor  22  years  I 

Xo.  1>  IS. — TheSc -retAry  of  the  Tr^'a^ury,  in  his  annual  report,  states 
that  on  the  1st  day  of  Drcombcr  last  there  wt»8  iu  thcTniL'Jury,  after  every 

377 


SOR 

'possible  obligation,  including  the  sinking-fund  requirements,  had  been 
provided  for,  the  sum  of  $55,2.38,701.19,  which  was  every  day  growing 
larger,  and  which  would,  as  shown  by  a  careful  estimate,  be  increased  on 
the  80. h  day  of  next  month  to  $140,000,000. 

We  are  infor'ned  by  the  same  official  that  there  has  been  each  year  for 
twenty-two  years  a  surplus  of  revenue  above  current  annual  expenses, 
aiuountinii  durinp  that  ti'ne,  which  ended  June  80,  1887,  to  the  grand 
total  of  $1,491  843,953.12.  What  was  done  with  this  surplus  by  former 
administrations  ?  Why,  it  was  applied,  except  what  was  needed  for  per- 
manent funds  in  the  Treasury,  as  it  should  have  been,  to  the  reduction 
of  the  public  debt.  It  never  occurred  to  any  former  administration  that 
while  we  were  owing  an  enormous  debt  there  was  anythins;  to  be  done 
•with  the  annual  surplus  excepi  to  apply  it  to  the  payment  of  our  in- 
debtedness. 

— WiCKHAM,  Record,  4699. 

Surplus— ir  this  cause**  cou;?eNtion  what  would  be  tlio  ef- 
fect of  seudiu;;  it  abroad? 

Xo.  949. — All  this  talk  about  the  "international  comity  of  trade" 
and  "the  tixed  economic  principles  which  regulate  trade  and  commerce 
between  nations  "  has  no  interest  to  the  American  workingman.  The 
truth  is,  he  believes  that  tho  $240,000,000  worth  of  foreign  goods  which 
annually  come  into  this  market  from  abroad  ought  to  be  made  here. 
He  reasons  the  whole  question  of  "  the  surplus"  and  'protection"  in 
this  way:  If  the  lockingupof$100,000,00J  of  our  currency  in  our  national 
Treasury,  collected  (he  may  admit)  in  the  shape  of  taxes,  causes  conges- 
tion, contraction,  and  premonitory  symptoms  of  a  national  panic,  what 
would  be  the  condition  of  our  country  if  the  balance  of  trade  to  the 
same  amount  went  against  us  for  only  four  years  of  free  trade,  and  in 
that  time  $400,000,000  of  our  gold  left  our  sliores,  never  to  return,  to 
swell  the  cofters  of  our  commercial  rivals?  No  arguments  of  Cobden 
Club  parasites  or  free-trade  professors  drawing  fixed  incomes  from  col- 
lege funds  can  argue  the  American  workmen  into  any  policy  which  ex- 
ports American  wages.  He  believes  In  keeping  the  wage-earning  power 
here;  he  wants  the  field  of  labor  enlarged,  not  contracted,  and  to  becure 
the  enlargement  of  that  field  he  advocates  diversity  of  production  and 
expansion  of  development. 

— Farquhar,  Record,  4486. 

Surplus— Dciuocralic  oppo.sition  to  reduction. 

Xo.  950. —  When  the  Republican  party  had  a  bare  majority  in  both 
Houf-es,  a  reduction  was  made  of  $03,000,0  )0,  and  that  reduction  was  op- 
posed by  the  Senator  from  Kentucky.  Not  only  was  it  so  opposed,  but 
it  was  opposed  in  violation  of  the  ordinary  parliamentary  law,  wliicti  re- 
quires members  of  the  Senate  to  serve  on  committees  of  conference  and 
others.  i 

So  far  did  the  Democatic  members  of  the  Senate  go  in  their  opposition 
to  that  bill  that  they  refused  to  allow  their  members  to  serve  on  com- 
mittees of  conference,  and  for  the  first  time,  I  believe,  in  the  political 
history  of  the  country  that  party  refused  to  allow  and  disallowed  one 
after  another  of  its  leading  members  to  serve  on  a  committee  of  confer- 
ence. 

— Senator  Sherman,  Speech,  December  9,  1886. 

NnrpIuH- CiireenbackN  or  free  trade? 

\o.  9.11. — Sir,  look  at  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
which  has  been  laid  on  our  tables,  and  which  I  have  read.     What  does 
he  say  there  ab^ut  the  proposition  to  reduce  taxes?     His   first  measure 
378 


SUR 

"-  to  wipe  out  of  existence  the  greenback  currency  of  the  United  States, 
to  redeem  and  cancel  it  by  applying  the  Hurplus  revenue  in  that  way. 
How  manv  votes  would  that  proposition  get  among  the  people  of  the 
United  Sta'tes? 

The  Senator  from  Kentucky  is  opposed  to  calling  in  the  greenbacks. 
How  does  hepro|)0.se  (o  reduce  taxes?  In  general  terms,  he  in  favpr  of 
free  trade,  free  trade  in  its  broadest  eense,  free  trade  in  its  almost  un- 
limited extent,  the  reduction  of  duties  on  all  those  articles  that  we  can 
make  in  this  country,  and  that  we  ought  to  make  in  this  country,  and 
can  make  as  cheap  in  this  country  if  we  rhoose  to  reduce  the  wages  of 
our  laboring  men  and  measure  their  labor  by  the  wages  paid  in  Europe. 
That  is  what  they  mean. 

—Senator  Shkrm.\n,  Speech  Dec.  9,  1886. 

SurpliiH— Doiuocratic  prctexes  not  the  motive  of  the  .llilK 
bill. 

'So.  952. — The  reduction  of  the  surplus  is  the  pretext  but  not  tbo 
motive  of  this  bill. 

Who,  for  instance,  to  reduce  a  surplus  of  $5ri.0!X).O0O  would  put  "curled 
hair  for  beds  or  mattresses  "  on  the  free-list,  which  last  year  yielded  a 
revenue  of  $3S.l'5? 

It  is  not  a  surplus  revenue,  but  a  protective  revenue;  not  a  war  tarifT, 
but  a  protective  tarifT,  you  gentlemen  of  the  majority  assail.  Mr.  (Cleve- 
land's mes.'sage  and  this  foundling:  now  called  the  Mill.s  bill  have  a  com- 
mon purpose.  Both  use  the  surplus  as  the  fulcrum  wherewith  to  apply 
the  free  trade  lever  to  dislodge  the  protective  system.  Every  free-trader 
applauds  both.    Every  protectionist  denounces  both. 

Why,  in  this  debate,  has  every  friend  of  the  Mills  bill  lauded  the  En- 
glish free-trade  taritf  system,  which  only  levies  dulies  on  articha  not 
produced  at  home? 

Has  any  friend  of  this  bill  in  this  debate  uttered  one  sentence  in  favor 
of  the  American  tari ft' system,  which  discriminates  in  favor  of  the  home 
producer  and  laborer? 

I  pause  and  will  yield  a  half  minute  to  any  member  on  the  Democratic 
side  to  name  Uie  sentence  or  the  member's  name  who  uttered  it. 

Mr.  nOOK  ER.  No.  There  was  no  one,  and  you  won't  hear  any  Dem- 
ocrat utter  one. 

Mr.  McCOM.\S.  I  have  heard  one  eloquent  Democrat  [Mr.  Foran] 
defend  the  tariff  and  labor,  but  he  will  not  vote  for  this  bill.  I  am  glad 
to  hear  the  gentleman  from  Mississippi  declare  for  his  party  that  no 
Democrat  ha-<  or  c.in  utter  a  word  for  jirotection  of  labor. 

Your  purpose  is  the  enlanreinent  of  the  free-list  and  final  opening  of 
our  markets  to  the  world.  Why  then  discuss  the  revi^iun  of  the  pro- 
tective tariff  with  this  majority  which  would  wipe  it  out  as  with  a  sponge. 
[Applause.] 

— McCoMAs,  Record,  'A$'.\7. 

SurpliiN— Jofrer.Hoii,  Jatck.soii,  Cleveland— lluw  treuted  by. 

Xo.  95:1. — When  in  IsOti  President  Jed'-rson  had  the  giod  fortune 
of  a  surplu.s  revenue,  he,  in  his  message,  said  :  "  To  what  other  objects 
shall  these  surplus«^8  be  appropriated  *  *  *  after  the  entire  dis<'harge 
of  the  public  debt,  and  iluring  tliose  intervals  when  war  shall  not  call  for 
them?  Shall  we  suppress  the  impost  and  thu-;  give  that  advantage  to 
foreign  over  doinentii'  manufacturers?"  He  believed  the  patriotism  of 
the  people  would  "  prefer  its  continuance,  and  application  for  the  pur- 
4X)8es  of  the  public  etlucation,  roads,  rivers,  and  cinal'--." 

When  (ieneral  Jackson  had  the  like  good  fortune  he  recommended 
the  distribution  of  the  surplus  among  the  Stales,  and  in  the  last  year  of 

•6J\> 


SUR 

h's  adminisfration  Mr.  C.ilho'in  intro<lnf  o  1  a  bill  for  that  purpose,  which 
was  passed  by  large  majorities  in  both  Houses  and  signed  by  President 
Jackson. 

— Senator  Sherman,  Record,  200. 

Surplus  uiiiiiitaiucd  to  Torcc  I'roo  tra»<lo. 

No.  i>5  1. — Why  is  it  that  the  present  Administration  has  not,  like 
its  predecessors,  applied  its  surplus  to  the  payment  of  the  bonded  debt? 
It  hai  had  ample  authority  to  do  eo  by  express  provision  of  law,  so  plain 
that  it  would  seem  that  he  that  runs  might  read,  and  one  which  this 
House  has,  by  a  two  thirds  vote,  declared  to  contain  the  authority.  Why, 
then,  has  it  not,  without  being  driven  to  do  eo  by  the  inexorable  demand 
of  public  opirion,  and  by  the  voice  of  many  of  its  supporters  in  this 
House,  instead  of  endeavoring  to  alarm  the  money  market,  and  .so  bring 
on  a  fimncial  panic,  gone  about  doing  what  any  wise  business  man 
would  have  done — paid  ils  debts  with  its  surplus? 

The  reason  is  too  evident.  Having  a  pet  theory  to  establish,  wishing 
to  bring  about  the  adoption  in  this  country  of  a  free-trade  S5'8tem,  it  has 
not  hesitated  to  use  the  assumed  pressure  of  a  plethoric  and  overbur- 
dened Treasury  to  force  its  peculiar  views  upon  the  people.  In  other 
words,  it  has  abandoned  its  relation  of  servant  of  the  people  and  assumed 
that  of  their  guardian  and  master. 

— WicKHAM,  Record,  4699. 

Surplus— Neglect  to  pay  debts. 

IVo.  955. — That  we  sho'ild continue  in  this  course  and  discharge  every 
farthing  of  our  indebtedness  requires  no  argument ;  but  we  are  told  that 
we  have  reached  a  point  where  the  funded  debt  of  the  Government  is 
not  subject  to  payment  on  call,  and  that  if  the  surplus  continues  to  flow 
into  the  Treasury,  it  cannot  flow  out.  I  do  not  think  we  are  confronted 
with  any  such  condition  of  affairs. 

In  the  debate  had  not  long  ago  on  the  bill  providing  for  the  purchase 
of  United  Scates  bonds  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  I  thought  it 
was  very  clearij' shown  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [\Ir.  McKinleyl 
that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  had,  and  now  ha.s,  full  power  and 
authority  nnd^r  the  provisions  of  section  2  of  the  act  of  March  3,  1881, 
m.sking  appropriations  for  the  sundry  civil  expenses  of  tlie  Governmeiit, 
to  apply  the  surplus  money  in  the  Treasury  to  the  purchase  and  redemp- 
tion of  United  States  bonds,  and  the  recont  action  of  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress on  asimular  me\sure  amounts  to  a  legislative  declaration  that  this 
view  of  the  Secretary's  riuthority  is  correct. 

It  may  be  wise,  however,  that  the  Secretary  should  be  restricted  to  this 
course  only.  But  Congress  should  not  be  driven  into  any  ha.sty  or  ill- 
considered  legislation  res  pec' ing  the  tariff  while  the  Secretary  has  this 
authority  to  dispose  of  the  surplus  in  a  legilimate  and  proper  way. 

— Morrow,  Record,  4269. 

Surplus— No  new  thinn;. 

Xo.  95U. — The  revenue  received  into  the  National  Treasury  has  been 
in  excess  (jf  tlie  ordinary  expenses  of  the  Government  for  every  year 
t-in(;e  the  year  1865. 

This  excels  has  varied,  from  time  to  time,  as  the  expenses  were  in- 
creased or  decreasef^,  or  as  the  rate  of  interest-revenue  taxes  or  customs^ 
duties  have  fluctuated  in  a  descending  scale. 

For  the  year  1874  the  excess  was  only  ^2 .344,882.30. 

In  the  year  1882  it  reached  the  large  sum  of  $145,543,810.71. 

For  the  year  endine  June  30,  1887,  it  was  $55,567,849.54,  not  including 
the  amount  appropriated  to  the  sinking  fund. 
380 


SUR 

For  the  twenty  two  years  ending  June  30,  1887,  the  total  exoeaa  waa 
$1,491,845,953.12,  or  an  average  of  nearly  sixty-eipht  millionB,  annually. 
The  excess  is  what  is  known  as  the  fiurpliis  revenues  of  the  Government. 
There  is,  therefore,  nothing  new  or  strange  in  the  fact  that  there  is  a  sur- 
plus of  revenue  coming  into  the  Treasury. 

— Morrow,  Record,  42G9. 

ftiarpluN— Our  unique  coudition. 

Xo.  1)57. — Our  country  is  iu  an  anomalous  situation.  There  is  noth- 
ing resembling  it  anywhere  else  in  the  world.  While  we  are  seeking  to 
find  objects  to  relieve  from  taxation,  in  order  that  we  may  relieve  an 
■overflowing  lYeasury,  other  nations  are  engage<l  in  exploring  the  held  of 
human  production  to  find  new  objects  of  taxation  to  supply  their  insuf- 
ficient revenues.  In  considering  the  situation  that  thus  confronts  us, 
and  the  bill  that  is  presented  here  ivs  intended  to  relieve  it,  it  is  well  that 
•we  should  understand  at  the  beginning  the  things  upon  which  all  are 
agreed. 

They  are,  first,  that  we  are  collecting  more  money  than  is  required  for 
the  current  needs  of  the  Government;  and  second,  that  the  excess, 
-whatever  it  may  be,  beyond  the  wants  of  the  Government  should  be 
left  with  the  people.  Our  contention,  therefore,  is  upon  the  manner  of 
the  reduction  and  not  unon  the  reduction  itself;  not  that  no  reduction 
shall  or  ought  to  be  made,  but  how  and  upon  what  principle  can  it  best 
be  accompli.shed. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4748. 

Sarpla»— Pa.st  redactions  of  rcTenne. 

'So,  1)58. — That  parly  has  had  cjntrol  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives where,  under  the  Constitution,  all  bills  atlecting  taxes  must  origi- 
nate, from  18(JG  down  to  March  4,  1875,  and  thereafter  from  March  4, 
1881,  to  March  4,  1883,  eleven  years.  The  Democrats  have  had  control 
from  1875  to  1881,  and  from  1883  to  the  present  time,  also  eleven  years. 

Duiinn  the  eleven  years  of  Republican  control  the  revenues  were  re- 
duced $362,000  000,  as  follows  : 

1.  Acta  ot  July  13.1806,  aud  Mnrch  2,  18C7 $103,380,000 

3.  Acts  of  Muich,  18C8,  and  February,  1808 - 61,8    i.ihmi 

8.  Acl8i)f  July,  187(t 81,;.J ',n  i) 

4.  Aciaof  December,  1871 14,4i  i  ."•  i 

h.  Acts  of  May,  187i,  tea  and  coCTee  (free  list) 15. '.';", "'«i 

«.  Aciaof  Juuo,  1872 :U.()i> '.ikki 

7.  Acts  Of  March  a,  1883  (estimated) .^ — Ol.iixi.mn* 


Qrand  total  under  Republican  rule ^ $3G.',iX)0.000 

During  the  eleven  years  of  control  the  Democratic  party  has  reduced 
thp  revenues  $6,370,000.  This  waa  at  the  rale  of  something  over  $500,000 
a  year. 

— Farquhar,  Record,  4491. 

SarpluH— I'rcMidcui  rcNponNible  Tor  luaeh  of  it. 

Xo.  WiM. — Hut  the  President  casts  doubt  upon  the  power  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Trea-sury  to  enter  the  markets  and  pur.'ha'^ft  hondH.  He 
Bays  it  is  "a  pretense  "  or  ''  supposition."  ilMsays  the  preten -e  is  foumled 
on  a  provision  in  an  appropriation  bill  p;uss*d  several  vears  ago,  and  is 
mibject  to  the  "  suspicion  "  that  it  wan  temjiorary  and  limited.  Here  is 
the  second  section  of  the  fiundry  civil  hill  approved  March  3,  1881 
(United  Slates  Statutes,  volume  21,  page  457) : 

"  Sw.  2.  That  the  .'Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  at  any  time  apply  the 
surplus  money  in  the  Treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated,  or  so  much 
thereof  as  he  may  consider  proper,  to  the  purchase  or  redemption   of 

381 


SUR 

1  nited  States  bomls :  Proriihd,  That  the  bonds  bo  purchased  or  redeenu  >! 
8hall  constitute  no  part  of  the  sinking  fund,  but  shall  be  canceled.' 
This  law  was  passed  by  a  Democratic  Conj^ress  in  Ixjth  Houses,  on  mo- 
tion of  Mr.  Hayard,  at  my  request  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  luee' 
the  very  diffiiulty  .su^gesteii,  and,  in  plain  Engli-sh,  to  operate  "a*  any 
time."  Under  it  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  could  have  and  ought  t(. 
Lave  applied  the  surplus  in  the  Treasury  from  time  to  time  to  the  pur- 
chase or  redemption  of  bonds  of  the  Ua'ted  States  from  the  beginning  ut 
this  AdminiHtration  to  thi?^  ho'ir,  instead  of  which  there  was  a  steady  ac- 
cumulation of  the  surplus  beyond  any  precedent,  which  tendfd  to  and 
did  produce  the  very  dangcrsand  diHicultles  by  which  we  are  threatened. 

— Senator  Shkrman,  Ilecord,  L'Ol. 

8arpluH— PrcNldent'H  porkct  veto  or  rcHolntlon  to  reiluce. 

No.  900. — But,  sir,  sapnosing  the  President  sincere  in  his  referenc*- 
to  the  law  of  ISSl,  how  will  he  or  his  champions  explain  the  fact  that 
he  refused  his  approval  to  exactly  Kuch  a  law  as  he  says  the  situation 
now  needs,  and  if  now  has  always  during  his  terra  of  olhce  needed? 

The  Forty-ninth  Congress  passed  what  is  known  as  the  "  Morrison 
surplus  resolution,"  July  HO,  and  sent  it  on  that  day  to  the  I'retident 
He  did  not  return  it,  and  Congress  adjourned  August  7,  1^85,  anii  the 
resolution  was  killed  by  the  deliberate  act  of  the  man  who  now  lays  all 
the  evils  of  the  surplus  to  want  of  authority  to  buy  bonds,  which  he  it* 
buying,  or,  in  other  words,  to  Congress. 

— F.\R(it"AR,  Record,  448s. 

KnrpInN    pi-4»l>l<'iii    would    be    Nettled    ia    one    day    by    tbe 
Kepublii'uuN. 

Xo.  901. — If  you  who  are  the  majority  would  sufTer  the  Republican 
minority  to  deal  for  one  day  only  with  the  problem  of  the  eurplud  I  be- 
lieve we  would  in  that  single  day  reduce  our  annual  revenue  $70C0(»,00  , 
by  repealing  the  internal-revenue  tax  on  toba(;co,  a  burden  on  the  (drins 
in  sixteen  hundred  counties  and  tifteeu  States  ;  by  repealing  the  internal- 
revenue  tax  on  alcohol  used  in  the  arta,  manufactures,  medicines  and 
drugs,  and  by  reducing  the  tariff  on  sugar  to  a  minimum,  yielding 
revenue  enough  to  pay  bounties  to  home  producers  of  sugar  from  cane, 
sorghum,  corn  and  beets. 

— McCoMAa,  Record,  3»37. 

KnrpInM— Redueed  tnritT  iiierea»ed  revenue. 

\o.  902.— During  the  three  years  from  ISSl  to  l^H.'?,  inclusive,  we  im- 
ported 2,\),i'.),'22()  pounds  of  worsted  cloth,  on  which  we  collected  dutie>» 
amounting  to  $2,4.j(),54S.O:! ;  while  in  the  sicceeding  three  year.a,  under 
the  operation  of  the  act  of  188:5,  which  re<lucftd  the  tariff  on  these  and  all 
woolen  goods,  we  importe<l  I'J.OOOjO.'i  poun  Is  of  worsted  cloth,  and  col- 
lected as  duties  thereon  during  the  same  period,$7,;5t>7,411.(J"i,an  increase 
of  revenue  on  that  one  item,  over  the  three  preceding  years,  of  $4,010, 
SG3.0J.  And  during  the  same  periol,  under  the  tariff  amendment  of  lS.S^t 
alluded  to,  the  aggregate  increase  on  all  woolens  imported  was  $11,4(>5.- 
503.27.  Ic  goes  without  saying  that,  if  you  reduce  duties,  by  as  much  a.i 
they  are  redu<'ed,  by  so  muoh  do  you  open  the  flood-gates  of  foreign  im- 
portation, and  the  foreign  manufacturer,  ever  alert  and  watchful  for  an 
opening  in  our  market,  pours  his  surjilus  upon  us  in  threefold  volume. 

— Stewart,  Vermont,  Record,  4"»37. 

Snrpliis  reduction— .Planning'!*   Hcheme  by  retiring:  fpreeu' 

Xo.  90:i.— But,  sir,  with  all  the  effort  of  the  Secretary  to  aid  in  the 
reduction  of  this  anticipated  ?100,000,00<>,  he  has  been  unanle  to  find  any 
382 


SUIT 

other  war  tax  cxoopt  that  on  raw  wool  that  he  can  aonsent  to  have  taken 
off,  and  he  eacceedH  in  that  way  in  r^H^^l(•in^J  tJieBurphiP,  with  the  help  of 
re.uly-ma<ie  clotliin'^$lli,CKX),<H)f).  And  what  does  he  pro|>ose  to  (h>  with 
the  rest?  The  proposition  with  whic>>  he  deals  with  thf  tlirte  hundred 
and  more  millions  of  dollars  after  this  application  of  hifl  own  nkill  a*«  a 
tari if  reformer  is  novel,  and  I  venture  to  say  waa  never  heard  of  before 
the  publication  of  this  rejvtrt. 

Let  me  read  it,  that  he  inay  have  the  full  benetlt  of  it  in  his  own 
words  : 

"  I  therefore  reflpeetfnlly  recommend  :     »     *    ♦ 

"(Gradual  purchase  and  payment  of  $:J4<),681,006  outatandinj?  promis- 
pory  notes  of  the  the  Unite<l  Siatee,  with  the  preHent  and  accruinjc  Treas- 
ury surplus,  issuing  silver  certitiiiites  in  their  ro^jra.  and  gold  certificates 
if  nccf<l  be,  without  contraction  of  the  present  circulating  volume  of  the 
currency." 

— Dawbh,  Speech,  December  13, 1886. 

Aiirpltis— RofiiMiiiK  to  unc  It. 

Xo.  961.— In  the  last  Congress  the  Republican  Senate  put  an  amend- 
ment on  the  furlidcation  bill  appidpriating  $(),0(K),(X)0  for  coast  de- 
fenses, but  the  Democratic  House  struck  it  out.  Three  times  ha«  a 
Republican  Senate  passed  the  Ulair  educational  bill  with  a  view  of  lift- 
ing into  iutellifrent  citizenship  the  ilhterates  of  the  country,  and  twice 
has  it  been  strangled  in  a  Democratic  House ;  and  this  third  time  it  lies 
chloroformed  in  a  Democratic  couunittee,  and  if  reporte<l  will  never  be 
allowed  consideration,  for  shouM  it  come  to  a  vote  it  will  paHs.  The  de- 
pendent pen.sion  bill  of  the  last  Congress  received  every  liepublican  vote, 
in  both  House  an(l  Senate,  but  enough  Democrats  in  the  House  agreed 
with  tlie  Presidenrs  veto  to  defeat  it. 

The  Republicans  tried  in  the  last  Congress  to  repeal  the  tobat-co  tax, 
and  have  Introduced  bills  for  that  pnrj)08e  in  this,  on  the  ground  that  a 
reduction  must  be  made  somewhere,  and  that  though  the  world  might 
be  better  off  without  it,  as  some  think  of  tea  and  cfitfeo,  "  the  cups  tfiat 
cheer  but  not  inebriate,"'  yet  tobacco  is  a  comfort  an<l  by  habit  ei|nally 
with  tea  and  coffee  a  necesnity,  and  to  no  one  more  than  to  him  who 
lives  by  daily  toil.  But  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  House  stand  in 
the  way  of  all  these  measures. 

—Grout,  Recortl,  4405. 

KurpluN  rovonnoM.    (See  \oh.  167,  170.) 

NiirpIiiH    Kpencl  it  on  our  rivorM. 

\o.  DO'S. — By  HO  much  as  thi-se  exceed  just  and  reaaonable  charges 
the  producer  is  impoverished,  tlie  consumer  is  taxed,  the  laborer  is 
deprived.  The  producing  regions  of  this  nation  iio  parallel  with  the 
great  rivers  and  lakes.  No  exclusive  transit  on  these  waters  can  ever 
be  secured.  Thes^  are  the  highways  of  all  the  people.  The  flat-boat, 
the  skiff,  and  the  b.irge  of  the  p:)or  man  find  the  same  welcome  tide  an«l 
the  same  propelling  current  as  those  which  lloat  the  yacht  of  the  rich 
man  or  the  mammoth  freight  carri»'rs  of  the  corporation.  No  combina- 
tion, no  trusts,  no  rebates,  no  discrimination  can  rever'-e  tlio  currents  or 
blow  a  stronger  wind  for  the  rich  than  the  j>f>or.  Here,  then,  is  "an 
fipporttmity  for  .safe,  careful,  and  deliberate  reform."  Let  tis  have  more 
free  trade  an«l  more  fair  trade  on  our  own  water*.  I>»t  us  reach  the 
farm  of  the  farmer,  the  mill  of  the  miller,  the  pnMluct  of  the  factory  on 
ciieaper  highways.  We  hear  much  elocution  over  the  "  |>oor  man's  coat " 
and  the  'cheap  blanket "  a«  they  shall  come  from  the  hands  of  the 
loreign  workman,  but  little  i."  said  as  to  the  monopoly  of  carriage  of  the 


SUR 

pii  -r  man's  hreail.  Ho  pays  a  far  preater  trii)ute  on  home  transporta- 
tion than  hri  (loe.s  tlirouifh  the  custom-house.  We  had  far  bett<?r  im- 
prove an'l  cheapen  the  ways  to  our  rich  home  raarketa. 

— Hkrm.vnn,  Record,  4750. 

fiurpIuM— The  Uciuocratn  warned. 

Xo.  90tt.— -Viiotlier  message  cam'*  to  the  American  people,  not  from 
the  Pri'sidt'iit,  but  from  a  ritatesman  whose  careful  study  of  public  ques- 
tions and  great  experience  in  public  affairs  entitled  Iuh  warningH  to  con- 
sideration, and,  sir,  this  was  the  lirnt  complete  statement  of  the  "  condi- 
tion "  which  President  Cleveland  discovered  more  than  a  year  afterwards. 
I  quote  from  an  address  made  on  the  20th  of  October,  188(J,  in  Pittaburgh, 
Pa.,  by  James  G.  Blaine. 

—Post,  Rfecord,  4345. 

MarploH— Render  Democratic  economj. 

Xo.  967. — If  the  estimates  of  the  Secretary  for  the  next  fiscal  year 
are  cut  to  the  bases  of  expenditures  for  the  current  year,  namely,  three 
hundred  and  nine  millions  and  a  half,  the  surplus  in  the  Treasury  will 
be  increased  to  seventy-three  millions  and  a  half. 

Seventy-five  millions,  tlierefore,  is  the  fullest  measure  of  the  surplus 
which  will  be  accumulated  in  the  Treasury  during  the  next  fl'^ral  year 
at  the  present  rate  of  taxation  aud  expenditures.  It  must  be  borne  ia 
mind,  however,  that  this  estimate  is  based  upon  the  assumption  that  the 
Democratic  party  is  to  take  no  thought  of  the  Republic  beyond  it«  abso- 
lute needs.  There  is  to  be  no  provision  for  growth,  for  advancement, 
for  the  uplifting  of  the  nation.  Our  10,000  miles  of  seacoast  exposed  to 
foreign  assault  are  to  remain  defensele-os.  Oar  Navy  |nd  merchant  ma- 
rine is  to  hingui-sh  and  decay.  Fruitful  fields,  inviting  commercial  ven- 
ture and  givmg  promise  of  enlarged  trade,  are  not  to  be  occupied.  Our 
vast  system  of  internal  improvements  is  to  neglected.  The  dark  shadow 
of  ignorance  resting  upon  the  people  like  a  pall,  preclnrling  the  possi- 
bility of  good  citizenship,  is  not  to  be  lifted.  The  full  m^aflure  of  our 
iust  obligations  to  the  defenders  and  preservers  of  the  Republic  is  not  to 
De  discharged.  In  a  word,  this  calculation  is  upon  the  hypothesis  that 
the  Democratic  party  's  to  use  no  more  mrfhey  than  is  neceseery  to  keep 
the  Boul  and  body  of  the  nalional  life  together. 

— BuBKOws,  Record,  3447. 

8urpln»— What  to  do  with  it. 

No.  1>«S.— This  would  leave  the  average  for  these  years  a  little  less 
fchau  $t)0,000,000,  and  I  a-ssume  that  to  be  about  the  sum  in  excess  of  the 
present  rate  of  current  expenditure.  But  here  let  mo  say  thai  could  I 
nave  my  way  this  annual  surplus  would  be  less.  I  would  appropriate 
$10,000,000  annually  for  the  next  ten  years  for  the  defense  of  our  great 
seaboard  cities,  and  no  longer  leave  them  at  the  mercy  of  whatever 
power  may  send  a  gunboat  against  them.  I  would  also  apj-ropriate  $10,- 
000,rOO  annually  for  the  nexf  eight  years  for  the  education  of  the  0,230,- 
958  American  citizens  who  can  neither  read  nor  write,  but  in  whose  hands 
is  the  fuhire  of  the  Republic.  I  would  also  increa.se  the  appropriations 
for  pensions  at  least  $10,000,000  annually,  by  passing  the  dcpeiufent-pcn- 
sion  bill  and  t^iking  from  the  poor-houses  of  the  country  the  brave  but 
unfortunate  defenders  of  the  Union,  and  by  passing,  also,  the  bill  for  the 
relief  of  those  who  endured  the  horrors  of  Southern  prisons.  And,  if 
not  now,  at  the  latest,  when  a  quarter  of  a  century  shall  have  elapsed 
from  the  close  of  the  war,  a  time  now  near  at  hand,  I  would  give  every 
Union  soldier  a  service-pension  of  $8  per  month. 
384 


( 


SUR 

Theee  several  items  would  amount  to  at  leaat  $30,000,000,  and  there 
vould  then  be  an  annual  Hurplus  of  only  }i:50,<XK),00(),  which  I  would  ob- 
s-iate  by  cutting  that  amount  from  tin-  internal-revenue  taxea. 

— GhoLT,  Kecord,  4100. 

Siirplnn— Why  did  they  ullow  it  to  iiminiulnte? 

.\o.  OOO. — There  ih  already  a  lar>;f  amount  of  money  in  the  Treasury 
not  re«iuir«-d  by  law  to  be  there,  and  the  Secretary  in  hia  annual  report 
report  Kays  "that  a  careful  estimat**  sIiowh  that  the  surplus  will  be  $140,- 
IHIO.OOO  at  the  close  of  the  present  fihcal  vt-ar." 

None  of  the  national  .lebt  will  fall  diie  till  ISOl.  when  $230,000,000  of 
IV  per  cent.  bomlH  will  mature.  Notwithstandim^  that  none  of  the  debt 
in  nom'due,  the  Secretary  ousjht  not  to  have  allowed  this  immense  purplue 
to  accumulate  and  lie  idle  while  l)u.sinei^^  enterprioes  are  lanj/uiahin^  for 
the  want  of  money.  lie  ehoulil  have  usecl  it  under  the  law  of  March  3, 
issi,  to  purchase  and  cancel  the  out.staudin«r  bonda  of  the  <iovernment, 
md  thus  have  stopped  interest  thereon  an<l  at  the  same  time  kept  the 
money  in  the  channels  of  trade.  Tiiia  law  ia  aa  foUowd,  and  is  so  plain 
that  He  who  runa  may  read  : 

•'Sbc.  2.  That  the  .Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  at  any  tlm«  apply 
the  surplus  money  in  the  Treasury,  not  otherwise  appropriate<J,  or  so 
much  thereof  as  he  may  consider  proper,  to  the  purcha-se  or  redemption 
of  United  S^Ates  binds:  Prondxl  That  the  bond  so  purchased  or  re- 
leemed  shall  constitute  no  part  of  the  sinking  fund,  but  shall  be  can- 

"  Aoproved  March  3.  1881." 

Under  the  law  previoui  administrations  have  purchased  and  canceled 
bonds  to  the  amount  of  $l8:i,241,7')0;  and  it  i^  perfectly  clear  that  every 
loliar  of  the  present  surplus  might  have  been  so  employed. 

— Gkout,  Record,  4404. 

Surplus— IVhy  It  wnn  aoouiuiiliitod. 

\o.  l>7t> — W'iipii  I'residenc  Cli-veland  wis  inaugurated  there  were 
lev"  tuan  Jil0,00U,0J.»  in  the  public  Trea-sury  applicable  to  the  payment  of 
tlie  public  debt,  the  administrition  tliat  precede<I  him  having  pursued 
faithfully  the  Kepublican  policy  of  using  the  surplus  to  pay  the  debt  and 
^top  interest.  But  not  ao  Mr.  Cleveland  ;  althoUkrh  there  were  subject  to 
ill  enough  .'i  per  cent,  b  )nda  to  absorb  the  accumulations  in  the  freas- 
.ry,  some  nine  months  were  sulTeretl  to  pass  and  nearly  a  hunired  mill- 
ions had  accumulate<l  before  the  Treasury  bt»gan  to  call  for  these  bonda. 

There  is  not  now,  nor  has  there  been  since  Dijcember,  1.  1S73,  any 
le'.ral  neeesfiity  for  ceasing  to  pay  off  the  public  debt,  and  no  Kepublican 
I  Iministration  ha«  faltered  in  tiie  work  of  debt  payment.  The  law  as  it 
tands  in  the  statute-books,  and  as  it  stood  before  an. 1  since  any  of  the 
\\  and  4  percent  bonda  were  issued,  provides  for  the  redemption  and 
])ayment  of  the  public  debt  whenever  i^nditions  exist  such  aa  have  pre- 
vailed ever  since  this  Administration  camo  into  power. 

It  ia  perfe<;tly  plain  that  all  that  was  thus  done  to  reUiin  the  surplus  in 
Hie  Treasury  was  In  pursuance  of  a  well-matured  plan  and  for  a  well- 
underatoo<i  purpose,  which  was  nolhinvrless  than  to  furnish  an  excuse  for 
an  atta<-k  upon  protection — a  plan  which  w.us  as  fully  entertaineti  by 
the  President  as  uv  the  Speaker. 

— Pi  UMH,  Illinois,  Record,  4923. 

Surplus— Why  not  rodurod. 

.\4>.  W71. — If  "  the  ab-toluti<  p<Til  "  to  t ho  business  of  the  country  de- 
scribed by  the  President  in  his  mwsnge  last  I)eoeinb»r  as  resullin.'  from 
an  existing  and  increasiui;  snr|ilii!;  \v.i'»  imminent  and  well  founded,  how 
XXV  ;N') 


TAR 

ea&ily  he  could  have  averted  it  by  the  purchase  of  outstanding  bonds? 
with  the  surphis  money  in  tlie  Treasury,  a  power  wliich  he  possessed 
ck'iir  and  undoubted  under  the  act  of  March  :>,  ISSI,  which  is  as  follows. 

*'  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may,  at  any  time,  apply  tbesur- 
I)lu3  money  in  the  Treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated,  or  so  n>uch 
thereof  as  may  be  nonsidered  proper,  to  the  purchase  or  redemption  of 
United  States  bondF!." 

To  have  thus  used  the  surplus  would  have  been  direct  and  bufim-xH- 
like  ;  just  what  a  prudent  business  man  would  have  done  with  his  idle 
money — called  in  his  creditors  and  applied  it  to  his  debts.  The  Presi- 
dent mil  ed  to  do  this,  and  when  Congress  assembled  "the  conditi-ni  " 
confronted  it.  If  the  House  had  even  tlien  appreciated  the  situation, 
how  promptly  and  easily  it  could  have,  in  part,  at  least,  relieved  it.  Ii 
could  have  been  done  iii  the  lirst  week  of  December  by  abolishinjj;  the 
entire  tobacco  tax,  amounting  to  $:{<),0  lO.OOO  annually,  and  thereby  re- 
moved a  great  burden  from  the  agricultural  producers  of  the  country,  by 
releasing  also  from  taxation  alcohol  used  in  the  arts  and  manufactures, 
which  it  is  estimated  would  amount  to  six  millions  more. 

This  simple  proposition  would  have  received  a  practically  unanimous 
vote  in  the  House  and  the  approval  of  the  country  and  have  stopped  the 
collection  of  i;3,000,()00  a  month,  and  if  it  had  been  promptly  done  there 
would  now  be  $12,000,000  less  of  surplus  in  the  Treasury,  and  we  venture 
to  predict  that  the  reduction  that  could  have  been  thus  secured  was 
greater  than  the  reduction  which  will  be  accomplished  by  this  bill.  The 
majority  failed  to  seize  the  opportunity.  It  seems  impossible  for  the 
part/  of  the  majority  in  the  House  to  pass  a  revenue  bill  and  reduce 
taxation ;  this  has  been  its  almost  unvarying  experience  while  in  control 
of  the  House. 

—House  Report,  No.  1496, 1-oO. 

Sweating  system.    (See  Tariff,  Xo.  1003.) 

T. 

Tariff  a  ROTernor. 

\«».  072— The  free-trader,  however,  never  changes  the  formula  of 
his  cry,  "  A  tarill'  is  a  tax."  "  High  tariff  is  a  high  tax."  "  The  tarilT  in- 
creaoes  the  price  of  commodities  precisely  to  the  extent  of  the  amount  of 
the  impost."  In  the  cases  8ugtj;e8ted  by  me  heretofore  the  statements  are 
absolutely  correct;  but  in  those  cases  to  which  protectionists  invoke 
tariif  laws,  they  are  absolutely  false.  Then,  it  may  be  inquired,  what  it- 
the  need  of  protection  laws  if  prices  are  not  increased? 

Pieaoe  bear  in  mind  that  I  have  not  said  that  prices  are  never  in- 
creased by  taritfs.  At  lirst  they  always  are;  but  in  the  end  prices  are 
less  under  a  system  of  protection  than  they  are  when  fixed  by  foreign 
producers. 

Iron,  steel,  woolen,  and  cotton  fabrics  are  unquestionably  lower  than 
if  they  were  unprotected.  Take  the  tariff  off  those  articles  and  they 
would  be  cheaper  for  a  time,  so  cheap  tnat  our  mills  could  only  run  at 
a  los?  and  soon  would  stop.  Then  prices  would  go  up  and  still  up,  for 
even  free-traders  believe  in  "buying  cheap  and  eelhng  dear."  If  our 
mills  have  not  rusted  out  and  our  artisans  lost  their  cunning,  high  prices 
will  stimulate  the  restarting  of  the  mills;  but  an  immediate  drop  in  the 
m.irket  will  silence  them  and  ruin  their  owners.  We  need  the  tarifT, 
therefore,  as  a  governor,  literally  as  a  protector,  not  as  a  tax  nor  an  in- 
crea=er  of  prices  under  normal  and  honest  conditions. 

— E.  B.  T.WLOR,  Record,  6929. 

3SG 


TAR 

TuriH' a  fax— Im  tlio  <liil.>   a<l4l4'<l  to  the  (>ONt  ? 

A'«.  W7IJ. — This  iH  tlio  imiiit  \\u\i  Ih  preased  by  the  free-trader-  more 
thau  any  otlier.  One  J.  S.  Moore  has  been  writing  letterd  Hp<'ciallv  on 
this  euliject  for  Western  conHHinption,  and  his  letters  have  bt-en  pub- 
lished. 1  think,  in  every  Democratic  and  IVee-trade  j)aper  in  the  UeHt, 
He  makes  a  h)u\i  list  of  the  articles  under  a  startling  headini;  someliiing 
like  this:  "What  the  farmers  pay  under  protertion."  Some  papers 
ebanne  the  heading  and  it  reads,  "  Republican  robberies  of  the  farmer." 
This  man  Moore  picks  out  all  the  items  that  arson  the  dutiable  list,  and 
in  which  farmers  are  in  any  way  interented,  places  the  rate  of  duty  op- 
posite, and  the  amount  of  duty  is  claimed  to  f>e  the  amount  that  is  levied 
upon  the  farmer  and  that  he  must  pay  in  addition  to  the  original  value 
of  the  article.  It  is  the  old  free-trade  claini.a  thounand  Viraes  completely 
refutfd,  that  the  duty  is  alwnys  addetl  to  the  cost  of  the  article  to  the 
consumer.  It  makes  no  dill'erence  what  the  article  is  selling  for;  it  may 
be  selling  fir  less  than  the  rate  of  duty,  even,  or  within  a  trifle  of  that 
rate,  the  charge  is  made  ju.st  as  vigorously. 

— Henderson,  Iowa,  Record,  3<i83. 
TuriU'a  tax— Example  in  salt. 

So.  1>7I. — Before  the  policy  of  protection  was  adopted  the  price  of 
salt  ranged  in  the  vicinity  of  40  cents  per  bushel.  To-day  it  is  sold  at 
less  than  8  cents  per  bushel  of  5(1  pounds. 

If  the  tariff  tux  has  been  added  to  the  price  of  the  salt  ita?lf,  will  some 
gentleman  upon  the  other  side — some  one  of  the  majority  of  the  Ways 
and  Means  Committee — tell  this  House  by  what  arithmetical  calculation 
the  addition  of  4}  cents,  the  tax  on  a  bushel  of  salt,  to  40  cents,  t!ie  price 
before  the  present  tariff  was  adopted,  can  be  made  to  equal  S  cents? 

The  truth  is,  sir,  that  the  discovery  of  fresh  deposits  oi  salt  in  one  p'ace 
after  another  in  this  country,  the  i  nproved  methods  of  producti(j'i,  and 
constant,  ever-growing  desire  on  the  i>irt  of  manufacturers  to  increase 
the  supply,  are  more  than  sufiicient  to  keep  the  price  down  to  such  a 
figure  that  there  can  be  no  danger  of  oppression. 

— Beldkn,  Record,  4202. 
Tarifl'a  tax— Example  in  !>«alt. 

No.  975. — But  is  the  tariff  paid  by  the  consumer?  I  claim  that  in  this 
instance,  at  least,  it  isnot.  On  the  contrary,  the  foreign  shipper  |»^\  s  tax 
upon  the  salt  which  he  sella  in  the  American  market  in  onier  that  he 
may  enjoy  the  benefits  of  this  markfet.  That  this  is  true  seems  to  be 
amply  demonstrated  in  the  fact  that  the  salt  manufacturer  of  Svracuse, 
in  spite  of  the  protection  which  the  tariff  aifords,  sells  his  product  so  near 
ltd  actual  cost  that  he  really  loses  the  interest  on  hia  entire  investment 
in.^tead  of  making  a  profit. 

There  was  manufactured  at  Syracuse  last  year  over  0,000,000  bushels  of 
salt,  which  "old  at  an  average  price  of  7.S4  cents  per  bushel,  making  the 
price,  after  the  pa«Siige  of  this  bill — if  the  President  is  correct — '■\.'.U  cents 
I)er  bushel.     What  nonsense  I 

In  this  conniHition  I  can  only  say  that  if  the  amount  of  tax  paid  upon 
a  hundred  pounds  of  salt  is  really  borne  by  the  conoumor,  it  would  foMow 
that  the  protective  benefit  of  the  tax  would  accrue  in  part  to  the  owner 
of  the  .salt  works.  It  would  seem,  too,  that  the  price  of  salt  per  pound 
would  have  increased  since  the  tariff  was  adopted. 

— Bei.dkn,  Record,  4202. 
Tnriir  n  lax  added  iu  the  nrtieie. 

\».  1>7<».— The  central  thought  here  is  that  a  tariff  is  a  tax,  that 
it  is  added  to  the  article  and  paid  by  the  consumer  without  any  return- 
ing benefit,  that  the  consumer  pays  this  tax  for  the  benefit  of  the  pro- 
ducer, and  that  this  is  inequitable. 

387 


TAR 

Sir,  this  is  too  narrow  a  statement  of  the  proposition.  It  avoids  the 
main  issue  in  this  contention.  The  question  is  not  whether  the  duly 
is  added  to  the  price,  but  whether  the  article  in  our  market  actually 
costs  the  consumer  more  than  he  would  have  paid  had  no  protectioii 
been  given  to  the  American  competing;  industry-  In  other  words,  haa 
protection,  tested  by  its  results,  increased  the  price  of  the  protected  ar- 
ticle ?  This  problem  is  not  to  be  solved  by  the  "  dry  husks  of  theory,'" 
but  by  living  facta  furnished  by  our  experience.  It  is  within  our  knowi- 
edge.'it  is  undisputed  history,  that  every  protected  article  made  by  our 
people  in  quantities  approximating  our  home  demand  has  gone  steadily 
down  under  the  fostering  care  of  our  protective  policy. 

I  could  demonstrate  this  by  the  statistics  of  a  hundred  industries,  but 
a  few  notable  examples  must  answer.  Saginaw  salt  sold  in  18G6  for 
$1.80,  and  sells  to-day  for  58  cents  per  barrel.  The  currency  price  for  a 
ton  of  steel  rails  in  1867  was  $1GG;  to-day  it  commands  but  $31.50,  and 
has  sold  as  low  as  $28.  In  1875,  when  our  plate-glass  industry  became  a 
competitive  one,  plate-glass  was  worth  98  cents  a  foot,  and  now  it  sells 
at.  .3.3  cents.  A  large  plate,  then  costing  $105,  can  be  bought  to-day  for 
$31,50.  Pig-iron  found  its  lowest  level  under  a  free-trade  taritf  at  $^1.18 
per  ton,  while  under  protection  it  can  be  had  at  $18.  Pottery  has  gone 
d^wn  one-half  under  protection.  I  need  not  particularize  further. 
There  has  been  during  the  past  twenty  years  a  steady  cheapening  of  the 
fai;tory  product  of  cotton  and  woolen  goods  of  all  kinds  of  textiles,  of 
shoes,  of  furniture,  household  goods,  manufactures  of  steel  and  iron,  of 
glassware,  of  tools,  and  of  machinery. 

— Browne,  Indiana,  3530. 
TsarifTiiot  a  tax. 

Ao.  1>77. — The  history  of  the  silk  industry  and  of  the  soda-ash  in- 
dustry of  America  tell  the  same  story.  Prior  to  1884  we  imported  all  our 
soda-ash  at  an  average  cost  of  $48  per  ton.  A  duty  of  $5  was  imposed 
and  the  manufacture  of  soda-ash  became  an  American  industry  and  the 
prices  fell  as  low  as  $28  per  ton,  and  I  think  recently  it  has  been  much 
lower  than  that.  The  fact  that  calicoes,  blankets,  and  other  goods  can 
be  and  have  been  bought  in  this  country  for  less  than  the  tariff  duty 
proves  that  the  projective  tariff  does  not  increase  the  price  of  the  pro- 
tected article.  Goods  were  never  cheaper  than  now.  The  decline  in 
the  price  of  salt  and  other  protected  articles  has  long  since  exploded  the 
false  theories  of  economic  books  that  a  protective  duty  increases  the 
price  of  the  article. 

— Yardley,  Record,  4142. 
Tariff  not  a  tax. 

]Vo.  978. — But,  says  the  President,  the  tariff  raises  the  prices  to  con- 
Bviniers  by  precisely  the  sums  paid  for  such  duties,  or  in  other  words, 
a  duty  is  a  tax  paid  by  the  purchaser,  and  yet  he  may  examine  the  en- 
tire list  of  the  industries  of  this  country,  encouraged  and  sustained  by 
the  protective  tariff,  and  not  one  can  be  found  justifying  his  proposition, 
except  sugar,  and  that  only  because  up  to  now,  for  climatic  reasons,  com- 
petition has  not  done  its  perfect  work.  I  assert  the  very  contrary,  that 
even  "  the  present  vicious,  inequitable,  and  illogical "  tariff  laws  have 
decreased  to  the  consumer  the  prices  of  all  the  products  of  protected  in- 
dustries, other  than  sugar,  by  more  than  25  per  cent,  since  they  have 
been  in  force,  and  if  I  had  time  could  bring  forward  to  its  support  hun- 
dreds of  unimpeachable  witnesses. 

Under  the  encouragement  of  our  tariff,  that  is  a  duty  of  about  5S  per 
cent.,  the  manufacture  of  glass  has  increased  enormously  in  this  country, 
employing  thousands  of  men  at  good  wages,  and  yet  you  can  buy  a  foot 
of  plate-gla.s9  to-day  for  $1  which  cost  $2.50  in  ISGO. 

— Senator  Frye,  Record,  655. 
.388 


TAR 

Tarifl'  not  a  tax. 
>'o.  079.— I  see  the  gentleman  from  Texas  [Mr.  Mills]  in  the  House, 

and  let  me  illustrate  the  matter  as  fdr  as  his  State  ie  concerned.  Say  the 
State  of  Texa.s  has  a  popnlation  of  li.COO.OUO,  and  that  they  consume  in  a 
year  2,000,000  barrels  of  flour.  A  tax  or  tariff  of  $'_*  a  l>arrel  on  that  Hour, 
according  to  the  theory  of  the  President  and  the  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means,  would  be  added  to  the  price  of  the  article;  but  in  that  re- 
spect let  me  eay  that  they  would  be  wrong.  Just  as  soon  as  the  tariff  of 
$2  a  barrel  on  Hour  was  imposed  the  millers  would  go  down  into  that 
State  and  establish  there  what  Texas  does  not  now  have,  a  milling  in- 
dustry, and  tho  competition  would  be  so  great  that  the  result  would  be 
that  the  people  of  Texas,  notwithstanding  the  duty  of  $2  a  barrel,  would 
be  able  to  purchase  their  flour  just  as  cheap  as  they  did  before. 

— Whitk,  Indiana,  Record,  5503. 

Tarifi'  not  a   tax— Tho    President   muNt   Ntand    convietcd 
belbre  the  people. 

Xo.  OSO. — But  we  are  told  by  the  Prf  eident — 

''  That  our  present  tariff  laws  are  vicious  and  inequitable,  and  that  the 
primary  and  olain  eflect  is  to  raise  the  pri  ;e  to  consumers  of  all  articles 
imported  and  subject  to  duty  by  preciiely  the  sum  paid  for  euch 
duties." 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  statement  has  been  refuted  so  many  times  that  it 
seems  almost  useless  to  furtluT  dis^cuss  the  question.  There  is  scarcely 
an  article  that  can  be  named  that  tho  foreign  producer  does  not  himself 
have  to  stand  more  or  less  of  the  duty  levied  by  our  Government  by  a 
reduction  of  the  price  of  his  commodity.  The  duty  on  a  pquare  yard  of 
calico  is  4}  cents,  which  is  more  than  the  wholesale  price  for  prints  in 
our  country  to-day. 

— Bkeweb,  Record,  3607. 

Taritrnot  a  tax— Noda-ash. 

3ro.  081. — Take  soda-ash.  We  use  it  in  enormous  quantities  in  the 
manufacture  of  glass,soda,  and  for  bleaching  purposes.  Six  years  aco  we 
imported  all  we  used  and  paid  $  18  a  ton.  A  duty  was  laid  on  it  of  one- 
quarter  cent  a  pound.  Six  hundred  thousand  dollars  of  English  capital 
was  induced  to  come  to  Syracuse,  unite  with  an  equal  amount  there, 
erect  an  immense  factory,  which  I  had  the  pleasure  of  visiting  a  short 
time  since.  The  product  of  the  mill  was  150  tons  daily,  requiring  for 
its  production  3^0  tons  of  lime  rock,  300  tons  of  salt,  300  tons  of  coal,  and 
5  tons  of  ammonia  ;  all,  while  in  the  earth,  of  litile  value,  00  per  cent,  of 
the  whole  of  the  manufactured  product  being  labor.  Tliis  concern  em- 
ploys directly  750  men  :  wages  average  $1.75  a  day,  while  the  English 
wages  in  the  same  business  average  a  little  less  than  a  dollar,  llow 
about  the  price  ?  During  the  tirst  quarter  of  their  operations  in  1884  the 
price  ffll  to  $45  a  ton  ;  the  second  quarter  to  5^3(3,  while  in  the  last  in- 
voice I  saw,  only  a  month  or  two  since,  it  was  a  shade  less  than  $30.  Bat 
why  pursue  this  further?  Ten  thousand  such  witnesses  might  be  sum- 
moned and  testify  aa  clearly  and  convincingly  as  these,  and  then  the 
free-trader,  with  the  President  of  the  United  States,  championing  his 
cause,  would  still  insist  that  a  duty  was  a  tax  paid  by  the  conpumer. 
Well,  Mr.  President,  why  in  it  not,  and  how  does  a  protective  tarifl'  de- 
crease the  price  to  consumers  ? 

— Senator  Fryk,  Record,  Goo. 
389 


TAR 

Turifl'iiot  a  lax— Why? 

.\o.  ysti.— I  have  thus  far  asBumed  that  the  tariff  is  a  tax,  but  by  the 
logic  of  fact,-,  this  asrtiiiuu'ion  is  shown  to  be  incorrect.  These  facts  may 
for  conveniinc-  l)i'  iTouped  inio  three  classes: 

First.  Every  article  the  manufacture  of  which  has  been  developed 
under  protection  in  the  United  States,  can  be  purchased  for  a  less  price 
to-day  than  ever  before  in  our  history. 

Second.  Sucli  articles  can  be  purchased  as  cheap,  or  cheaper,  in  this 
country  than  they  can  be  in  any  civilized  country  where  protection  is  not 
the  rule. 

Third.  Many  articles  sell  in  this  country:  for  an  amount  equal  to,  or 
nearly  equal  to,  the  amount  of  the  duty  charged. 

The  tirat  proposition  is  so  clearly  e'jtablished  by  an  incident  which  oc- 
curred in  a  W'estern  town  and  so  well  detailed  in  a  Western  newspaper, 
that  I  quote  the  article  entire: 

''  A  farmer  in  good  circumstances  walked  into  a  general  store,  such  as 

are  usually  found  in  small  country  towns,  accompanied  by  his  son,  a 

young  man  aged  twenty-four  years.    The  farmer  said  to  the  merchant, 

I  want  to  b  ly  a  set  ot  crockery  ware  for  my  son,  who  is  just  married  and 

about  to  commence  hou.sekeeping.     Give  me  a  plain  white  set.' 

•'The  merchant  promptly  set  out  the  article^,  and,  on  being  atked, 
stated  the  price,  and  made  out  the  bill.  The  o'd  f.irmer  pulled  out  his 
long  leather  pocket-book,  and  taking  out  an  old  yellow  paper  said, 
'  Here  is  the  bill  of  crockery  I  bought  Jrom  you  in  1859,  when  I  was  first 
married.  There  are  the  same  number  of  pieces  ;  these  are  better  than 
I  got,  and  the  price  is  less  than  half  as  much.  Where  did  mine  come 
from,  and  where  are  these  made?  ' 

The  merchant  answered,  "  Yours  came  from  England  ;  these  are  made 
in  this  country."  "Is  there  a  duty  levied  on  crockery  ware?"  said  the 
farmer.  "  Oh,  yes,"  replied  the  merchant, ''  the  duty  on  this  kind  of 
ware  is  40  per  cent,  of  the  value." 

"But,"  said  the  farmer,"!  have  just  read  the  President's  meseage ; 
here  it  is.    He  says  : 

"'But  our  present  tariff  law.s — the  vicious,  inequitable,  and  illogical 
Eource  of  unnecessary  taxation — ought  to  be  at  once  revised  and 
amended.  These  laws  have  the  primary  and  plain  effect  of  raising  the 
price  to  consumers  of  all  articles  imported  and  subject  to  duty  precisely 
the  sum  paid  for  such  duties.  Thus  the  amount  of  the  duty  measures 
the  tax  paid  by  those  who  purchase  for  use  these  imported  articles.' 

"And  then  he  adds  : 

"'Those  who  buy  imports  pay  the  duty  charged  thereon  into  the  pub- 
lic Treasury,  but  the  great  majority  of  our  citizens  who  buy  domestic  ar- 
ticles of  the  same  class  pay  a  sum  at  least  approximately  equal  to  this 
duty  to  the  home  manufacturer.' 

"  'This  does  not  seem  to  be  so  as  to  crockery  ware.  The  President  must 
be  mistaken  in  that  conclusion.' 

"'Besides  that,' s.'id  the  farmer, 'here  are  the  bills  I  paid  you  for 
window-glass  and  paints  for  my  house  and  for  the  one  I  have  just  built 
for  my  boy,  and  I  find  that  I  did  not  have  to  pay  half  as  much  now  as  I 
did  in  1859,  and  I  see  there  is  a  very  heavy  duty  on  these  articles.  What 
makes  them  so  nmch  cheaper,  when  the  President  says  the  duty  is  a  tax?' 

"  The  merchant  replied,  '  It  does  look  like  the  President  had  made  a 
mistake  in  ttiat  statement,  don't  it?  '  " 

(See  also  No.  28, 158.) 

— Peters,  Record,  4715. 
390 


TAR 

'Tni'ifl— C'liiMMos  of  dutiable  kooiIm— I'reNt'iit  turill'. 

\o.  ySII. — In  the  fiscal  year  emliiii;  Jane  30,  1SS7,  the  governmental 
receipth-  from  imports  amounted  to  Jil.'17,l.'l.'.3,lGo;  of  this  sum  over  four- 
liflhs.  or  ^17(>,80l.V.).]:].48,  came  from  ten  classes  of  articles.  The  ten  al- 
luded to  are  as  follows: 

Sugar $:W,01G,G84  34 

Wool,  and  manufactures  of 3>/)2!»,")34  13 

Iron  and  steel,  manufactures  of Ii0,713,'_'33  80 

Silk,  and  manufactures  of. l"),o4U,3iKi  70 

Cotton  manufactures 11,710,71!»  88 

Flax,  heiup,  jute,  etc '.t.4<.i7,!)Sl  74 

Tobacco '.>,rJ7,7')8  2(i 

Wines  and  liquors 7,4(12,242  82 

•Chemicals,  drugs,  etc 4,G")4,1()D  24 

Glass  and  glassware 4,510,312  4s 

Total $170,802,733  4S 

After  these  ten  classes  have  paid  the  sum  above,  the  remaining  fifth  is 
collected  from  hundreils  of  other  articles. 

— O'DoNNEiL,  Record,  0831. 

Tariir  coiiiproiuiMO  of*  l^:t:(— Jack.sou  and  Clay. 

No.  9Hi, — The  eprch  of  nullilication,  however,  was  approaching,  and 
yet  the  message  of  President  Jackson,  of  December  4,  1832,  contained 
this  remarkable  admission : 

"  Our  country  presents  on  every  side  marks  of  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness, unequaled  perhaps  in  any  other  portion  of  the  world." 

Notwithstanding  this  testimony,  so  creditable  to  the  practical  merits 
of  protection,  a  year  later,  while  (Jeneral  Jackson  wanted  to  hang  some 
of  the  nullitiHrs,  being  himself  conspiiuously  on  record  in  favor  of  pro- 
tective taritf:*,  he  yet  wanted  a  'judicious"  olive-branch  of  some  con- 
cession to  South  Carolina,  ttien  in  the  throes  of  incipient  hostility  to 
the  Union,  and  whose  nullifying  State  ordinance,  though  passed,  was 
suspended  for  a  brief  time  at  the  solicitation  of  the  State  of  \'irginia. 
The  tarilTin  some  latitudes  was  denounced  by  epithets  and  with  as  many 
unfriendly  adjectives  as  those  now  scattered  broadcast  by  the  present 
Adminintration,  and  the  majority  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in 
1833  were  hupporters  of  General  Jackson  and  eager  to  pass  the  force  bill 
asked  for. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  compromise  tariU'of  1S33  was  enacted, 
to  which  Henry  Clay  gave  the  sanction  of  his  great  name,  with  the  dis- 
tinct announcement  that  if  the  law  proved  insnilicient  Congress  could 
•at  any  time  amend  it.  This  compromise,  for  the  moment,  preserved 
existing  protection,  but  retreated  on  an  annual  reduction  of  li>  per  cent, 
of  any  excess  of  duties  above  the  rate  of  20  per  cent,  until  1S42.  The 
reductions  proved  calamitous;  and  seldom  has  the  whole  country  suf- 
fered more  sevendy  than  from  1837  until  it  righted  itself  by  the  political 
revolution  of  184ft. 

— Senator  Mohrill,  Record,  3018. 

Tariir— ('«Mt  to  tlio  people. 

\'o.  9SH. — This  robber  tarilT  is  collected  only  on  a  portion  of  the 
articles  inaported  from  foreign  coimtries.  About  J23300n,()o0  was  im- 
ported last  year  upon  which  there  was  no  duty.  About  ;f42."i,(X)O,O0O  paid 
duties  amounting  to  about  $214,()()0,()()u.  We'have  (;*i,0<'.(l,()(io  of  people, 
and  this  gives  an  average  of  !?3..'i0  for  each  person  ;  but  this  includes 

3Ul 


TAR 

duties  on  a  larpe  number  of  articles  which  the  farmer  and  laboring  mar 
does  not  use.  The  devotees  of  fashion  who  iuiitatu  the  Eaglisli  snob,  ar.ii 
punish  the  body  for  dear  fashion's  sake,  rather  tlian  comfort  it,  who  weai 
diamonds,  and  silks,  and  broadcloth,  who  smoke  imported  cigars  and 
drink  imported  bourbon  and  fancy  wines,  who  own  tai>e8tried  carpetf 
and  who  adorn  themaelves  with  line  laces,  kid  trloves,  ami  llaBhv  jewelrv. 
These  are  the  ones  who  pay  over  $100,00(»,OiiO  of  this  ^l.'14.0f»0.0"o6.  Take 
oil' $00,000,000  on  account  of  suear  and  molasses  and  J4,0()0,(i00  on  :ic 
count  of  rice,  all  of  which  the  Mihs  bill  proposes  to  continue  to  tax,  and 
it  leaves  but  $50,000,000  to  be  divideil  among  00,000,000  people,  or  alxxit 
)>;'.  cents  for  each  person.  If,  then,  tarill"  be  a  tax,  and  adds  the  amonnl 
of  the  duty  to  the  cost  of  the  article,  the  ma.sse8  of  the  people  pay  at  t lie 
rate  of  83  centa  per  annum  each  to  the  support  of  this  great  and  magnifi- 
cent Government  of  ours.  And  this  is  the  extent  of  the  robbery  kw^t 
which  so  many  crocodile  tears  have  been  poured  out  in  high  and  low 
places.  This  is  the  pretended  cause  of  the  lachrymal  exudations  that 
nave  deluged  White  House  and  Capitol. 

<  )ne  day's  abstention  by  Democratic  gnlleta,  from  the  the  consumption 
of  Democratic  whisky  alone,  would  more  than  cancel  the  annual  charge  . 

— Peters,  Record,  4715. 

Tiiriir  <li«4cuMsioii«t— Where  it  will  hurt  the  Oeiaoimicy. 

\o.  OSG. — It  may  be  well  to  consider  how  far  its  agitation  may  ad- 
vance or  ret-ard  the  march  to  victory  of  the  great  Democratic  party. 
However  certain  Pome  of  mv  political  associates  may  feel  of  carrying  • 
every  Southern  State,  those  alone  are  inadequate  to  success.  And  winch 
of  the  Northern  States  is  likely  to  accept  the  new  dispensation?  I  am 
fully  conscious  I  should  speak  plainly  and  utter  my  fears  even  in  th-i 
presence  of  our  political  opponents. 

Take  the  four  great  States  of  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
Pennsylvania.  The  census  shows  that  more  than  1,1 00,000  persons  are  en- 
gaged in  manufactures  in  these  four  great  Commonwealths.  The  election 
returns  show  that  the  Democratic  votes  in  those  States  are  but  little  in  ex- 
cess of  that  number.  Do  gentlemen  believe  deprivation  of  employment 
or  reduction  of  wages  is  a  potent  factor  in  winning  the  support  of  these 
people,  and  especially  when  the  Republican  organization,  aroused  by  Re- 
publican orators,  backed  by  a  powerful  prass,  sustained  byamj)le  means  . 
will  thunder  in  their  ears  by  day  and  by  night  the  too-plausible  charge 
that  the  Democratic  party  has  been  the  main  cause  of  their  distress? 

— R.WDALL,  May  6,  188G. 

TnriU— Does  the  eonNniner  pay  the  duty? 

\o.  9^7. — It  is  not  true  that  a  protective  duty  enhances  by  so  mucbi. 
the  price  of  the  article.  It  is  not  true  that  the  duty  on  the  foreign 
product  raises  by  so  much  the  whole  volume  of  the  competing  domestic 
product;  and  in  support  of  this  <lenial  I  can  summon  as  unimpeachable 
witnesses  every  established  manufacturing  industry  in  the  United  States. 
Call  the  roll  of  your  industries,  your  iron,  steel,  glass,  pottery,  the  whole 
array  of  American  industries,  and  they  will  bear  concurrent  te.stiraony 
to  the  fact  that  the  duty  of  which  you  complain  has  been  the  means  cf 
reducing  the  price  of  their  products  to  the  consumer.  I  challenge  any 
man  to  name  the  product  of  a  single  well-established  American  industry 
that  cannot  be  bought  cheaper  to-dav  under  our  protective  system  than 
during  any  jjeriod  of  our  histor}-  under  free  trade  or  a  tariff  for  revenue- 
only. 

Take  as  an  illustration  our  steel-railway  industry,  and  let  us  see  if  the 
theory  of  the  President  is  correct.    The  first  Bessemer-steel  rail  made  \d, 
this  country  was  in  18G5.    At  that  time  there  was  a  duty  of  45  per  cent^- 
392 


TAK 

on  the  foreijjn  product,  which  continuctl  until  January.!,  1S71,  when  the 
act  of  Congress  went  into  eifect  whidx  imposed  a  epecilio  duty  of  ?JS  a 
ton.  In  IS*;?  steel  rails  were  selling  in  the  American  market  for  ^Mti  ;t 
ton  in  currency,  or  J13S  in  gold.  In  1670  the  price  ha<l  fallen  to  ^\0<>  7'«, 
when  the  duty  of  JJ8  was  imposetl.  Naw,  if  the  theory  of  the  Presi- 
dent be  correct,  the  impo«ition  of  the  duty  of  $2S  would  have  had  the 
effect  of  advancing  the  price  by  the  amount  of  such  «luty  from  ?10(;  7'i  a 
ton  to  If  134.75.  But  wliat  in  fact  was  the  result?  Under  the  stimulatirv' 
effect  of  this  protection  the  product  of  our  steel-rail  mills  rose  from  l','_'77 
tons  in  1807  to  L',101,!»04  tons  in  IS'^7,  givinir  investment  to  millions  it 
capital  and  employment  to  thousamls  of  laborers,  while  the  price  wtni 
down  from  $U>(>  a'ton  in  IS(;7  to  ^.'H.oO  in  March  1888.  In  the  liuht  of 
this  example  what  becomes  of  the  theory  that  the  duty  enhances  the 
cost  and  becomes  a  tax  upon  the  consumer? 

— BcRROws,  Record,  3450. 

Tarifl— Doos  the  coiiMuiurr  pay  the  <liity? 

Xo.  9S8. — Take  the  case  of  "  blankets,"  to  which  the  chairman  al- 
luded. A  pair  of  5-pound  blankets  were  recently  imported  at  the  lowest 
possible  cost.    The  statement  of  the  cost,  duty  paid,  is  as  follows  : 

Cost  in  England  at  wholesale !?4  45 

Duty 4  ::". 

Oistoms  fees '<'> 

Total , \>  :;5 

If  the  theory  is  true,  these  blankets  ought  to  sell  for  5^0.35  a  pair  ;  buf. 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  American  blankets  of  precisely  the  same  weight  and 
quality  were  selling  at  that  time  for  $5.20.  What  becomes  of  the  theory 
tliat  the  duty  is  added  to  the  cost  ?     [Applause.] 

But  a  more  forcible  illustration,  if  {wa^ible,  of  the  unsoundness  of  the 
President's  theory  is  found  in  the  history  of  a  recently  establi.sheii  in- 
dustry in  his  own  state.  Previous  to  1SS4  there  was  not  a  pound  of  8o<la- 
ash  manufactured  in  the  United  States.  We  consume  annually  175,00'> 
tons  in  the  manufacture  of  glais  and  other  American  products.  Previous 
to  1884  we  imported  every  pound  of  it  at  an  average  cost  of  1*48  a  ton. 
A  duty  of  $5  was  imposed,  and  the  Solvay  Process  Company  was  organ- 
ized at  Syracuse,  the  only  one  on  this  hemisphere,  at  a  cost  of  $l,500,outi, 
with  a  capacity  of  50,000  tons  annually.  It  commenced  manufacturinj; 
soda-ash  in  January,  1884.  How  has  it  atfeoted  the  price  of  this  com- 
modity ?  Was  the  duty  of  ?5  added  to  the  ?4S,  advancing  the  cost  to 
$53  a  ton?  On  the  coritrary,  it  fell  in  the  American  market  as  low  as 
$28  a  ton  in  three  years,  a  saving  to  the  ])eople  annually  of  $2J  a  ton  on 
the  entire  comumption  of  the  175,000  tons,  or  •?3.500,00(). 

— Burrows,  Recon.1,  3150. 

Tiirifl'diif  ieH,  ulio  pay  them— Kvideiice. 

\«».  l)sU. — On  the  (lucstion  a^  to  \vhefli*»r  the  importer  or  the  con- 
sumer pays  the  duty  the  fact  that  many  artirles  of  tiio  same  iiiiality  sell 
at  the  same  price  in  Knglaml  and  the  United  States  shows  t*)at  the  con- 
sumer puffers  nothing.  But  even  if  the  price  in  some  instances  is  some- 
what enhanced  the  purchasing  j>ower  of  American  labor  so  far  exceeds 
the  purchasing  power  of  European  labor  that  the  advantage  is  largely  in 
favor  of  the  former. 

Sir  Charles  Tupper.  minister  of  finance  of  Cana<la.  in  a  speech  deli  vereii 
in  the  Canadian  House  of  Commons  on  the   loth  of  last  month  on  tho 

393 


TAR 

fieheries  treaty  which  he  had  been  trying  to  negotiate  with  this  country, 
con^rratulateil  Canada  on  the  prospects  of  the  passage  of  the  Mills  bill, 
and  in  referring  to  it  used  the  following  language  : 

"  Modified  it  may  bo,  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  the  amendments  will 
be  still  more  in  tlie  interest  of  Canada  than  as  the  bill  stands  to  day. 
We  may  congratulate  ourHclves  uj^on  necuring  the  free  admission  of  our 
lumber,  upon  which  was  paid  during  the  lastyear  no  less  than  $l,3ir),4r)0. 
On  copper  ore,  made  free  by  t})e  Mills  bill,  we  paid,  or  there  was  paid — 
to  make  it  meet  the  views  of  the  honorable  gentleman  opposite  more 
correctly— $9(;,1»45.  On  salt,  $2I,'J',)2  duty  was  paid.  This  is  rendered 
free  by  the  Mills  bill.  I  am  sorry  to  lind,  as  I  hoped  would  be  the  case 
from  the  tirst  copy  of  the  bill  that  came  tome,  that  potatoes  were  not  in- 
cluded amongst  vegetables  I  am  sorry  to  lind  there  is  a  doubt  as  to 
whether  the  term  'vegetables  not  specially  enumerated '  will  not  ex- 
clude potatoes." 

The  statement  of  Sir  Charles  is  that  "  we" — the  Canadian  importer-^ 
paid  the  dutj,and  not  the  American  consumer.  Ills  Democratic  friends 
here,  from  whom  he  hopes  so  much — for  Canada — maintain  just  the  re- 
verse. — Haogen,  Record,  4237. 

Tariff— Kulosy  ot. 

Xo.  990. — The  history  of  the  past,  the  present  condition  of  the  coun- 
try, compel  me  to  stand  by  the  protective  system,  because  almost  all  it 
protects  is  labor.  It  has  put  a  surplus  into  the  Treasury  that  was  empty 
and  bankrupt  at  the  time  of  its  adoption.  It  knows  no  trust  unless  it  be 
that  of  labor.  It  has  been  a  potent  factor  in  liquidating  more  than  half 
of  the  national  debt,  as  well  as  liquidating  national  obligations  to  the 
pensioners  of  the  country  to  the  amount  of  more  than  ;?io,O0n,(X)0,000. 
It  has  aided  in  the  construction  of  three  transcontinental  railway  lines 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  has  stood  the  test  of  experi- 
ence, and  is  stamped  with  the  approval  of  the  most  enlightened  states- 
men of  this  nation.  It  may  be  reverently  regarded  as  the  cloud  by  day 
and  the  pillar  of  fire  l)y  night  that  guided  this  young  Republic  through 
a  wilderness  of  ditliculties  and  placed  it  on  the  pinnacleof  almost  earthly 
L'lory.  If  the  bill  under  consideration  becomes  a  law,  it  will  be  forced 
upon  the  country  against  the  solemn  protest  of  the  great  majority  of  its 
farmers,  laborers,  and  manufacturers.     [Applause.] 

— WooDBDRN,  Record,  4004. 

Tariff— Freo-Iifitt  under  low  tariff  and  the  |>r<'seiit  tariff. 

>o.  991. — Let  me  call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the  fact  that  in 
1854  the  number  of  classes  of  articles  dutiable  numbertd  three  hundred 
and  thirty,  and  there  were  on  the  free-list  but  twenty-eight,  the  import- 
ations of  the  latter  bein^r  valued  at  5-25,080,000.  That  was  under  the  oper- 
iitionsofthe  taritfof  1S4().  Last  year  the  imports  of  articles  into  this 
country  freeof  duty  were  valued  at  over  $2o:J,000,n00,  more  than  $200,000,000 
greater  than  came  in  free  of  duty  in  the  halcyon  days  when  the  country 
was  struggling  under  the  tariff  of  184(>— an  enactment  approaching  free 
trade,  adopted  at  the  time  Great  Britain  embraced  that  theory. 

— O'DoNNELL,  Record,  G83L 

Taritr'*for  reTenue  only  "—Results  of. 

Xo.  99::i. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  trust  we  will  never  again  have  a  "tariflT 
for  revenue  only"  in  force  in  this  country.  We  have  tried  it  several 
limes,  to  our  sorrow.  We  tried  it  from  184G  to  18(il  to  our  detriment. 
Mr.  Chairman,  can  you  remember  those  days  ?  They  were  davs  of  trou- 
ble, anxiety,  ruin,  panic,  and  bankruptcy.  I  know,  sir,  you  truly  hope 
that  those  hard  times  "  will  come  not  again  around  our  cabin  doors." 
3'J4 


I 


TAK 

Mr.  Chairuian,  I  laii  remember  the  incidenta,  ihe  contlition  of  aflfairs 
Jurin^^  a  portion  of  that  gloomy  period  of  our  hiHtory-  My  tirbt  impres- 
sions of  public  albiirs,  of  poUticiil  niiitters,  were  formed  then.  My  lines 
had  fallen  unto  me  in  a  land,  a  State,  rich  in  soil,  lovely  in  climate, 
abounding  in  minerals,  us  fair  a  heritajre  as  hatl  ever  been  yiven  to  the 
children  of  men.  I  wondered  why  Viryiuia,  "in  the  race  of  life,"  had 
been  e  .rpassed  by  other  seciions  of  my  country  not  so  hij^hly  favored  by 
nature.  Before  1  had  traveled  far  on  the  palliway  of  my  manhood  I 
found  the  cause.  It  left  hn  imprints  everywhere,  it  jioisoned  everylhinj:. 
It  was  slavery,  and  a  tariff  for  revenue  in  order  that  slavery  might  live. 
Mr.  Chairman,  we  never  had  "a  tanll'-for-revenue,"  free-traJe  party  in 
thi.s  country  until  the  discovery  of  thecotton-jiinled  the  owners  of  slaves 
lo  believe  that  in  raising  cotton  slavery  could  be  made  profitable.  The 
i  lea  was  to  make  lar-jre  profits  by  importing  such  ariiclea  as  the  condi- 
:ion  of  slavery  re(iuired  free  of  duty,  and  sellini;  cotton  raised  with  cheap 
-slave  labor  at  high  prices.  Down  to  that  time  the  statesmen  of  the 
South  had  been  protectionists,  John  C.  Calhoun  at  their  head.  Dul 
the  alluring  grandeur  of  the  political  Utopia  I  have  mentioned  was  irre- 
sistible. The  structure  they  nad  helped  to  raise  was  destroyed  by  their 
own  hands. 

The  protective-tarifi"  system  existing  previous  to  and  during  1S2S  wa.s 
atta^-ked  and  overthrown.  It  was  the  declaration  of  war  between  slav- 
ery and  free  labor.  The  result  we  know  and  see  and  feel.  Thank  Cod, 
the  foot  of  slavery  will  never  again  desecrate  the  soil  of  the  Union. 
{Afplause.j  Xow  let  ur4  see  to  it  that  the  labor  of  cheap  foreign  slavery 
iloes  not  render  useless  the  liberty  and  freedom  so  won. 

— CoFF,  Record,  'MIL 

Taritt— Garfiold'N  opinion. 

Xo.  9*.Ki. —  In  reference  lo  our  custom  laws  a  policy  should  be  pur^ned 
which  will  bring  revenues  to  the  Treasury,  and  will  enable  the  lab(.>r  and 
capital  employed  in  our  greai  indusLries  to  compete  fairly  in  our  own 
markets  with  the  labor  and  capital  of  foreign  producers.  We  legislate 
for  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  not  for  the  whole  world,  and  it 
is  our  glory  that  the  American  laborer  is  more  intelligent  and  better  paid 
than  his  foreign  competitor.  Our  country  cannot  be  independent  unless 
its  people,  with  their  abundant  natural  resources,  possess  the  reijuisi't' 
skill  at  any  time  to  clothe,  arm,  and  equip  themselves  for  war,  and  in 
time  of  peace  to  produce  ail  the  necessary  implements  of  labor.  It  was 
the  manifest  intention  of  the  founders  of  the  Government  to  proviile  A^r 
the  common  def<.n80,  not  by  standing  armies  alone,  but  by  raising  among 
the  people  a  greater  army  of  artisans,  whose  intelligence  and  skill  shoulil 
powerfully  contribute  to  the  safety  and  glory  of  the  nation. 

— James  A.  Ciarfield's  letter  accepting  the  Republican  nomination  for 
the  Tresidency  in  ISSO. 

Tarifr  gives  lower  pricen  to  conMiinier.s. 

Xo.  ttl>l. — Why,  take  tliis  very  questionof  eoda-ash,  to  which  I  have 
alluded.  In  IS'^l  we  did  not  produce  a  pound  of  it  in  the  United  States. 
You  say  that  a  duty  adds  to  tiie  cost.  We  iinpos'»d  a  iluty  of  $")  aton  on 
soda-ash,  and  what  was  the  result  ?  We  couiinenced  the  manufacture  ol 
that  chemical  product  in  the  United  States,  and  the  price  went  down 
fromH*^  to  $22  in  less  than  three  years.  What,  then,  do  you  mean  by 
saying  that  a  duty  adds  to  the  cost  ?  Before  we  had  that  product  in  the 
United  States  we  were  at  the  mercy  of  the  foreign  producers,  who  couhi 
levy  tribute  upon  tis  at  their  will ;  but  the  moment  that  we  protected  the 
iuilu8t.'*y  web'iilt  it  up  in  the  United  Stales  and  re<luccd  the  pr'ce  one- 

3U5 


TAR 

half,  and  are  holding  it  there  today  for  the  benefit  of  the  consumer. 
This  ia  only  a  single  instance  ;  but  the  principle  prevails  all  through  tbt 
catalogue. 

— Burrows,  Record,  6334. 

Turiir  luuM— l(<>iiofitH  coiifcrre*!. 

No.  1>1>5. — And  thi3  brings  me  to  the  most  important  benefits  con 
ferred  by  our  taritf  laws;  that  the  result  is  not  only  to  diversify  our  in- 
dustries but  to  secure  to  laborers  employed  in  luanufactoriea  higl.ii 
wagen  and  better  surroundings  and  advantages  than  are  enjoyed  bs 
laboring  men  in  similar  employment  anywhere  in  the  world.  The  Presi 
dent  does  not  overlook  this,  for  he  says : 

"  It  is  also  said  that  the  increase  in  the  price  of  domestic  manufacturpp 
resulting  from  the  prenent  tariil'  is  necessary  in  order  that  higher  wajz.  '^ 
may  be  paid  to  our  workingmen  employed  in  manufactories  than  an 
paid  for  what  is  called  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe." 

He  says  he  acknowledges  the  force  of  this  argument,  that  our  labor  \-^ 
honorable,  that  it  should  not  be  measured  hy  that  of  any  country  k  s 
favored.  This  is  all  very  true,  but  ia  inconsistent  with  the  rest  of  hi- 
message.  He  says  of  such  workingmen,  they  are  only  one-seventh  <  f 
our  laboring  population,  that  these,  too,  have  their  own  want:^  and  their 
families  to  supply,  that  the  articles  made  here  can  be  bought  so  mud/ 
cheaper  abroad,  and  we  must  consider  that  the  tax  falls  upon  all  alike 
bnt  he  says  he  will  think  of  the  workingman  when  he  lowers  the  duty 
and  hopes  the  manufacturer  will  not  reduce  his  pay.  This  is  very  inucii 
like  the  speech  he  makes  to  many  an  eager  applicant  for  office  whom  lie 
cannot  appoint.  He  consoles  the  workingmen  very  much  as  he  dnes  th.' 
wool-grower,  that,  afcor  all,  he  must  buy  his  clothing,  and  he  could  buv 
cheaper  if  he  would  work  at  less  wages  and  make  his  cloth  out  of  Aus- 
tralian wool  duty  free.  He  closes  his  consolation  to  the  workingmen 
with  this  benediction : 

''  He  receives  at  the  desk  of  his  employer  his  wages,  and  perhaps  b-v 
he  reaches  his  home  is  obliged,  in  a  purchase  for  family  use  of  an  article 
which  embraces  his  own  labor,  to  return  in  the  payment  of  the  increase 
ia  price  which  the  tarifl'  permits  the  hard-earned  compensation  of  many 
days  of  toil." 

The  workingman  is  no  doubt  overwhelmed  with  this  logic ;  but  he 
miirht  answer :  ''  I  am,  it  is  true,  only  one  to  seven  employed  in  oth(  r 
labor,  but  their  wages  do  not  compete  with  pauper  labor.  They  are  fixed 
at  American  rates,  in  competition  with  other  Americans  in  the  saii-" 
trade,  with  American  ideas  and  wants.  I  went  into  the  factory  here  \" 
compete  with  Europeans  in  establishing  a  new  industry  under  a  law 
which  gave  an  advantage  or  protection  to  home  industry.  I  thoutdit  it 
was  right  and  patriotic.  I  have  received  fair  wa^^es,  have  learned  thw 
business  and  am  content  with  it,  and  have  saved  a  little,  but  not  much. 
A  benevolent  and  beneficent  President  thinks  this  is  all  wrong,  that  f 
must  compete  with  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe  and  work  as  cheaply, 
that  otherwise  I  am  robbing  all  tlie  rest  of  the  laboring  people  of  this 
country  ;  so  I  must  either  go  back  to  the  farm  or  take  such  wages  and 
living  as  have  driven  every  year  a  half  million  of  people  from  Europe  to 
our  shores." 

The  treatment  of  this  nuestion  by  the  President,  as  it  affects  the  work- 
ingman, is  a  delusion  and  a  snare.  He  assumes  that  the  cost  of  livings 
especially  of  food  and  clothing,  is  higher  here  than  in  Europe.  This  i^ 
not  true.  Food  of  ever^  kind,  except  sugar,  is  cheaper  here  than  in  any 
market  in  Europe.  This  is  shown  by  prices  current  and  is  proved  by  the 
vast  export  of  provisions  from  the  United  States  to  every  commercial 
port  in  Europe.  Clothing  worn  by  workingmen,  including  blankets,  ia 
396 


TAR 

Eolil  here  at  prices  aa  low  as  in  London  or  Liverpool.  It  is  only  on  the 
expensive  grades  of  cloth  and  clothing  that  the  cost  in  Encrland  and  Bel- 
gium is  less  than  in  the  United  Slates.  The  quality  ami  quantity  of  food 
of  laboring  men  i.s  confessedly  better  and  jrreater  here  than  in  Europe. 
Tne  rate  of  wages  is  from  50  to  100  per  cent,  higher  here  than  in  any 
country  in  Europe,  and  in  some  industries  mucli  higher.  The  President 
does  not  dispute  this,  but  app^jals  to  the  manufacturer,  who  has  been 
represented  as  a  robber,  a  conspirator,  and  extortioner,  not  to  reduce  the 
wages  of  the  workingman,  but  to  pay  him  out  of  ''  surplus  prolits  " — 
protita  very  often  found  on  the  wron^side  of  tlie  ledger — proliti  yielding 
on  the  average  less  than  legal  interest  on  money. 

What  workingman  does  not  feel  that  this  is  sheer  mockery  and  that 
the  inevitable  result  is  to  reduce  his  wages  by  inviting  a  close  competi- 
tion with  paoper  labor?  H«i  must  share  the  fate  of  his  employer  and 
<livide  with  him  the  los?.  The  all-sutlicient  answer  to  the  President  is 
that  the  American  laborer  does  not  travel  eastward  across  the  o^ean  to 
better  his  condition,  but  the  European  laborer  comes  to  America,  where 
labor  i.s  respected  and  the  laborer  is  better  fed,  paid,  and  clothed  than 
in  any  part  of  Europe  or  Asia.  Whether  this  shall  continue  to  be  true 
depends  upon  the  action  of  (jongress  in  supporting  or  repealing  this  pro- 
tective policv. 

(See  also  No.  1234.) 

— Senator  Sherman,  Record,  204. 

Tariff  law   not   a   war  tax— It   was    Niffned   by    l*reMi<Ieut 
UiK'liuiiau. 

Xo.  1)90. — The  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  of  the  House  peem  to 
take  particular  pains  in  speaking  of  the  tariff  to  denounce  it  as  a  war 
tax.  Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  present  tariff  law  was  not  passed  as  a  war 
measure.  It  was  signed  by  President  Buciianan  before  the  war.  Its 
object  was  to  restore  the  protective  policy  of  the  nation,  and  the  duties 
were  not  laid  in  expectation  of  war,  but  were  such  aa  were  tiien  thought 
necessary  to  protect  and  maintain  American  industries  and  fairly  re- 
ward American  labor.  It  is  true  that  duties  were  in«reased  during  the 
war  by  the  acta  of  18i32  and  1SG4,  but  it  is  equally  true  that  since  the  war 
corresponding  redactions  have  been  made  in  both  customs  duties  and 
internal  taxee. 

Mr.  Chairman,  as  I  understand  the  spirit  of  the  Republican  party,  we 
are  ready  to  join  in  any  fair  and  honest  revision  of  the  tarilf,  but  we  in- 
sist that  such  revision  shall  bo  by  the  friends  of  protection  and  not  by 
the  friends  of  free  trade;  a  revision  bv  such  methods  as  will  protect 
American  industries  and  n  )t  destroy  them;  a  revision  that  will  relieve 
the  tax  payer  without  reducing  the  wages  of  the  laborer  ;  a  revision  that 
will  protect  our  home  markets  and  not  injure  the  intereata  of  our  own 
people. 

— Yardlkv,  Record,  4141. 

Tariiriaws-Fipst  act  1789-lt!*  ciForl. 

>o.  iM)7. — Now,  the  liral  law  passed  under  the  Constitution  of  1780 
was  a  protective-tariff  law,  which  was  signed  by  Cieorge  Washington. 
What  was  the  result  of  the  united  and  universal  denumd  of  the  i)eopIe 
of  the  several  Slates?  It  saved  our  peopU'  from  ihti  furtlier  iiilhix  of  the 
l-roducta  of  cheap  labor  of  the  Old  WorM.  It  stopped  the  importation 
of  foreign  goods  and  gave  home  manufactures  a  chance.  And,  sir,  from 
the  passage  of  tliat  tariff  act,  from  178'.)downto  lHl(i,this  country  boundcl 
forward,  upw.-ird,  and  onward  in  matt'rial  iiro?»periiv.  liut  in  \>sl(>  tariff- 
tinkering  began,  and  that,  turill-tinkering,  .^lr.  Chairman,  has  been  dia- 

S'J7 


TAR 

astrous  to  the  country  every  time  it  has  heen  attempted.  We  l)e^in  to 
hear  the  rumbliajj;  of  bankruptcy  even  now  because  of  the  taritf-tinker- 
ing  which  has  been  going  on  for  the  laat  few  years. 

— HouK,  Record,  4102. 

Tariir  Iaw»— YiciouN  aud  incqnitubli'. 

No.  DOS. — It  is  therefore  evident  that  it  is  the  intention  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic majority  to  destroy  'he  "system  of  protection;"  to  repeal  the 
hiws  under  which  our  manufacturing  establishments  have  been  bui'.t  up  ; 
l)y  wliich  our  labor  has  found  employment  and  become  expert  ;  through 
which  our  a!_'riiMi!turist.s  hrxve  found  a  market  for  the  products  of  their 
farms,  and  by  virtue  of  which  we  are  stron^  as  a  nu^ion  and  j)ro3perous 
as  a  people.  I  do  not  believe  with  President  Cleveland,  with  >Ir.  Speaker 
Carlisle,  with  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  that  our  protective  tariff 
laws  are  "  vicious,  inequitiible,  and  illogical."  I  am  a  protectionist,  a 
believer  in  the  system  of  a  high  protective  tariff.  I  am  for  legislating 
in  favor  of  mv  country,  her  industries,  and  her  institutione,  first,  last,  alj 
the  time.  I  believe  in  the  old  Bible  doctrine  that  "he  wlio  provideth 
not  for  his  own  household  is  worse  than  an  infidel."     [.\pplau.se.] 

— GoFF,  Record,  3013. 

Tariir  Ic^fislatioii— Dciuocrats  rcM|>ou.siblc. 

Xo.   999. — MORRISOX  TARIFF  BILL   1S84   AND   1886. 

1884. — Vote  to  strike  out  enacting  clause:  Yeas,  loO  ;  nays,  155. 

Of  the  loO  yeas,  41  were  Democrats,  lis  Republicans. 

Of  the  155  nays,  151  were  Democrats,  4  Republicans. 
1886. — Vote  consideration  of  bill :  Yeas,  140 ;  nays.  157. 

Of  the  yeas,  I'V)  were  Democrats,  4  Republicans,  1  Greenbacker. 

Of  the  nays,  35  were  Democrats,  121  Republicans,  1  Greenbacker. 
(Forty  one  Democrats  in  1S84  and  35  Democrats  in  18SG  voted  for  pro- 
tection,'while  for  the  Mills  bill  only  3  Democrats  had  the  courage  to  face 
the  threats  of  a  Democratic  Chief  Magistrate  who  is  playing  party  dic- 
tator.— Ed.) 

THrifT  lotciHiation— lIorriHon  I>iII. 

.\«».  lO<M>. — li'if  tiiiti  20  per  cent,  reduction  is  not  BO  dangerous  for 
wiiat  it  does  as  for  what  it  promises.  In  this  respect  we  are  not  left  to 
conjecture.  It  is  proclaimed  to  be  a  firm  first  step  toward  free  trade. 
Tlie  gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Doraheiraer]  uses  the  following^ 
language : 

''It  has  never  been  our  doctrine  that  taxes  should  be  levied  for  the 
purpose  of  takinu  money  from  one  citizen  and  giving  it  to  another.  The 
much-talked-of  Ohio  declaration  is  for  a '  tariff  for  revenue  limited  to  the 
necessities  of  the  Government,  economically  administered.'  If  there  is 
a  Democrat  here  who  believes  that  this  bill  will  increase  the  revenue  and 
who  is  still  disposed  to  regard  the  declarations  of  his  party,  I  say  to  him, 
'  We  are  entitled  to  your  vote,  because  the  existing  tariff  is  by  your  ad- 
mission far  above  the  revenue  standard.'  Let  us  take  off  one-fifth  now. 
If  that  does  not  reduce  the  revenue  we  can  take  off  more.  Sometime 
we  will  cut  to  the  quick  and  draw  the  blood.  If  20  per  cent,  will  not  re- 
du'^ethe  revenue,  perhaps  50  per  cent,  will." 

Be  well  advised  what  you  <lo  ere  it  is  too  late.  Consider  what  free 
trade,  so  called,  means  to  us.  It  means  the  change  of  our  whole  system 
of  collecting  revenue.  Our  people  have  become  accustomed  to  import 
duties;  it  has  proved  to  be  the  easiest,  safest,  and  best  method  of  taxa- 
tion;  it  causes  no  fric'ion,  or  comparatively -little.  All  this  must  be 
308 


TAR 

abolished,  our  internal-revenue  war  taxes  continued,  and  reoort  made 
for  whatever  additional  revenue  may  be  required  to  direct  taxation.  le 
this  House  prepared  for  that'.' 

—Randall,  May  »i,  IJ^SI. 

Turiir.  low— Hard  tiinoN  then. 

3ro.  lOOl. — 1  will   read  an  extract  from   President  Buchauan's  mes- 

Ba^e  to  Conjiress,  ilated  Dec-ember  S,  IS.ir,  in  which  he  Siiys: 

''  We  have  possessed  all  tiit-  elements  of  material  wealth  in  rich  abun- 
dance, and  yet  notwithstandinji  all  these  advantaijcfl  fiur  country  in  itt 
moneta-y  interestH  is  at  the  present  moment  in  a  deplorable  condition. 
In  the  midst  of  unsurpassed  plen'y  in  all  the  productions  and  in  all  the 
elements  of  natural  wealth  we  (ind  our  manufactures  suspended,  our 
public  works  retarded,  our  private  enterprises  of  dillVrent  kinds  aban- 
doned, and  thousands  of  useful  laborers  thrown  out  of  employment  and 
reduced  to  want." 

As  to  the  question  of  labor  in  these  halcyon  days  of  Democracy,  I 
speak  from  personal  knowledj:o  when  I  say  that  thestronKest  and  best  of 
laborers  were  hired  on  the  farm  in  those  days  at  J^lL'J  to  JloO  per  year, 
and  boarded  themselves,  and  the  same  class  of  hands  are  to-day  receiving 
from  ^•2o*)  to  $300  per  year. 

What  is  true  of  farm  laborers,  as  relates  to  increase  of  waKes,  is  true 
also  in  all  other  branches  of  industry.  No  man  who  has  the  least  knowl- 
edge ot  the  fact  will  deny  that  the  laborer  of  to-day  is  paid  an  increase 
of  from  40  to  05  per  cent.,  according  to  occupation,  over  what  he  was  paid 
in  1857  to  IStJO. 

— .Sv.MES,  Record,  4313. 
TarifT— .HarkotN  of  the  world. 

Xo.  104^2. — We  are  told  that  if  we  remove  and  reduce  our  Uiriff  we 
will  enjuy  the  markets  of  the  world.  If  we  were  to  sweep  awav  every 
custom- house  to-day,  expunge  every  law  from  our  statutes  that  levies  a 
tariff,  and  make  the  country  ab.solutely  free-trade,  does  any  one  think 
that  any  nation  or  people  would  buy  more  of  us  than  they  wantetl  ?  No. 
You  would  find  that  we  had  not  increased  our  trade  with  other  nations. 
The  etfect  would  be  t^j  break  down  our  industries  and  help  those  of  other 
countries.  The  manufacturing  nations  want  to  sell,  not  to  buy.  In  the 
liscal  year  endinp  June  30,  iss?,  we  bou^;ht  of  Mexico,  the  Central  Ameri- 
can States,  British  Honduras,  and  the  twenty  governments  of  the  West 
Indies  and  ."^outh  America  products  to  the  value  of  $17:.',4l»8,0L'('> — over 
one-fourth  of  all  our  purchases  from  the  outside  world.  In  return,  how 
muth  did  we  sell  to  them  of  our  products  and  manufactures?  Only  $<>4,- 
'.•04,470  worth — a  little  over  one-third  as  much  as  we  boueht  of  them.  It 
cannot  be  said  that  our  tariff  prevented  them  from  buying  from  our 
people,  for  over  one-half  of  the  articles  we  bought  of  them  were  admitted 
free  of  duty. 

— O'DoNNKLi.,  Record,  6S32. 

Turiir  ii<»tliiiie  to  do  with  labor. 

Ao.  100!l. — There  never  waa  and  never  will  beastronger  point  urt'cd 
in  favor  of  the  reduction  of  the  tariff  than  that  presented  by  Mr.  Mills 
to  the  farmers  of  the  country.  He  t«llH  them  that  if  an  I'.nglish  shoe- 
maker make^as  many  shoes  as  an  Aun-ricAn  he  would  get  as  much  wages 
and  be  just  as  well  off,  and  therefore  the  tariff  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
price  of  labor.  It  is  tliemost  striking  and  <"onvincing  illustration  of  the 
gentleman's  opening  sjieech.  It  is  regarded  of  so  much  iujportance  that 
the  gentleman  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Byiiuin]  dwelt  upon  it  and  emphasized 
it.  It  seems  almost  unanfiwerable,  but  party  pride  compels  to  attempt  a 
refutation. 


TAR 

I  read  from  an  article  that  ap[)oar8  in  the  London  Shoe  and  Leather 
Kecord  in  AprSl,  1SS•^,  whicli  lias  been  investigating  the  sweating  eysteui 
in  London.  It  is  headed  "An  inquiry  into  the  sweating  eyetem."  Tlie 
following  is  the  record  commissioner's  report,  accompanied  by  a  wood- 
<;ut  of  the  shoemaker's  home  : 

"The  sweating  system  has  once  more  been  forced  upon  the  attention 
of  the  puHlic— thi3  time  with  emphasis,  and  from  an  eminence  that  has 
drawn  tlie  inquiring  gaze  of  the  wliole  community.  When  the  committee 
of  the  House  of  Lords  presents  ite  report — providing  it  goes  to  the  heart 
of  the  matter — the  press  of  Europe  will  have  cause  to  wonder  that  in  a 
land  where  the  poel8  and  the  favored  cla.s3e3  are  never  weary  of  boasting 
fif  liberty  and  wealth,  there  should  exist  a  system  of  business  which  con- 
demns men  to  a  condition  of  slavery  at  once  degrading  in  its  efleijtsand 
inhuman  in  its  operation.  The  analogy  between  the  white  slaves  of  the 
metropolis  and  the  negro  slaves  of  America  is  not  distant.  Tis  true  i, 
man  can  sell  the  former,  yet  circumstances  compel  them  to  sell  theui- 
-elvee.  Though  no  man  dare  place  upon  their  limbs  chains  of  iron,  yei 
:in  inexorable  system  binds  them  in  fetters  as  resistless  as  iron  to  the  re- 
lentless taskmasters." 

The  following  is  a  description  of  an  English  shoemaker's  room  he 
visited : 

"  xs  either  pen  nor  pencil  can  give  any  idea  of  what  the  room  was  like. 
It  was  a  filthy  and  wretched  den.  Here  we  found  (after  midnight)  tive 
men  and  a  little  boy  still  hard  at  work  finishing.  We  were  quickly  ac- 
vommodated  with  stools  and  made  welcome,  though  I  can  scarcely  say 
that  we  felt  at  home.  Besides  the  six  workers  there  were  in  the  room  two 
women  and  two  little  girls.  The  latter  appeared  to  be  waiting  for  some 
lish  that  their  mother  was  cooking  for  supper  in  the  small  hours  of  the 
morning.  In  baskets  and  on  nails  were  grosses  of  boots  and  shoes, 
Avomen's  and  children's,  ranging  in  price  from  Is.  6d.  to  2s.  9d.  per  dozen. 
It  is  horrible  and  pitiable  to  think  that  men  shouM  wear  out  their  lives 
in  the  manufacture  of  such  wasteful  products.  Here  are  some  of  the 
prices : 

Oirls'  kid  button,  strip  waist per  dozen... 

Women's  kid  shoes,  strip  waists do 

Mock  kid  shoes,  black  waists do 

Lasting  S.  S.,  paper  heels do 

<^hildren'8  leather  lined do 1 

This  wood-cut  ought  to  be  photographed  and  placed  in  the  hands  of 
every  laborer  in  the  land,  to  show  the  character  of  the  Democratic  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  free  trade.  It  ought  to  be  a  partial  oll'set  to  the  harrow- 
ing picture  of  the  wretched  Pennsylvania  miners,  drawn  by  the  distin- 
guished word-painter  from  Tennessee,  Mr.  McMillin.     [I^aughter.] 

— WooniJURN,  Record,  4003. 

TarilTol'  1824— Distress  prior  to. 

>'o.  lOOl. — Let  me  place  on  the  stand,  in  regard  to  the  condition  of 
the  country  at  the  time,  a  Democratic  witness,  a  gentleman  standing  high 
in  the  councils  of  his  party  when  he  became  the  nation's  Chief  Magis- 
trate— James  Bucnanan,the  last  Democratic  President  before  the  present 
one.  "When  he  was  in  Congress  in  1824  he  said  in  regard  to  this  period 
of  depression : 

"A  few  years  ago  the  traveler  going  into  the  mountain  districts  of  Penn- 
sylvania would  have  found  a  great  number  of  furnaces  and  forges  in  act- 
ive  operation.  Their  owners  were  not  only  prospering  tliemselves,  but 
they  spread  prosperity  around  them.  These  manufactures  presented  the 
best  and  surest  market  to  the  neighboring  country  for  the  products  of 
400 


8. 

d. 

O 

3 

3 

9 

2 

6 

2 

6 

1 

6 

TAR 

aericuKure.  Thus  they  diffused  wealth  amoncret  the  people,  mon«  v  cir- 
•cnlated  freely,  and  the  mannfacturer,  the  operator,  and  the  farmer  we-e 
equally  benefited.  The  present  aspect  of  th(<i-e  distrirLs  pn-sent  a  nn-ian- 
choly  confraat  to  that  which  I  have  just  <lefl<'rd)e<l.  It  is  a  juHt  coi-.wiifut 
ui)On  the  policy  of  that  country  which  will  not  afford  a  reasonable  pro- 
tection to  itg  own  dome-ific  indu'^triep,  and  therefore  trive  to  farmer?  a 
decided  preference  in  it«  markets.  Alllunieh  that  portion  of  PennHvI- 
vania  abounds  with  ore,  with  wood,  and  with  water  power,  yet  its  man- 
ufactures generally  sink  into  ruin  and  exist  only  as  a  Btanding  monu- 
ment of  the  false  policy  of  the  Government." 

The  general  de<;ay  of  our  manufacturing  interestfl  caused  great  distress 
and  much  complaint,  the  result  of  which  was  the  el('(;fion  of  a  Congrefs 
in  fnvor  of  a  greater  decree  of  protection,  and  tliis  Congress  enacted  the 
tariff  of  1824,  under  which  there  was  a  general  buiMint:  up  of  the  manu- 
facturing interests.  — Gkar,  Record,  428H. 

Tariff  of  1816— L.a  FolIcttcN  roply  to  l'arli.<4lc  on.    (Soo  No. 
557.) 

'Tarifl*  ou  paper— Why  ro«luoc  ? 

No.  lOtK'S. — "  Why  should  the  committee  reduce  the  tariff  on  paper?" 
On  book  p.iper,  such  as  is  used  in  the  publication  of  magazines  and 
books,  the  duty  is  reduced  by  the  .Mills  bill  from  L'O  to  !•")  percent.,  and 
on  newspapers  from  15  to  IL'  per  cent.  Ynu  will  observe,  ^Ir.  Chairniin, 
"that  this  is  a  re<luction  of  the  duty  in  each  case  of  25  per  cent.  If  the 
price  of  paper  was  high  in  this  (;ountry,  if  the  quality  was  inferior  so 
>bat  there  was  a  business  demand  for  foreign  paper,  there  might  then  be 
lome  justirication  for  the  proposed  change,  but,  as  I  have  alr*»ady  said, 
the  quality  is  as  good  as  can  be  found  unywhfre,  and  the  price  is  an  low. 
For  the  information  of  thellouse  I  will  state  the  changes  that  liave  taken 
place  in  the  price  of  paper  since  lh(»0. 

At  that  time  the  ordinary  grades  of  writing  paper  sold  from  10  to  25 
•cents  per  pound,  and  now  the  same  paper  nells  from  i)A  to  1(5  cents,  a  de- 
cline of  from  7J  to  9  cents,  or  40  to  47  per  cent.  B  x)k-paper  told  in  ISfiO 
for  11  to  l.'i  cent-i  per  pound,  an<l  now  sells  for  G}  to  7  cents,  a  decline  of 
from  5  to  (»  cents, or  nearly  50  per  cent.  And  newspaper,  which  Kold  from 
S  to  10  cents  per  pound,  is  now  st-Uing  for  4  cent>!,  or  a  decline  of  over  50 
per  cent.  — Wuitino,  Keconl,  ()'J4G. 

Tarifl'  opinions — CleTcIand  and  RiHniurck. 
,  I¥o.  lOOrt.— Our  laws  relating  to  customs  revenue  are  denominnted 
by  ttie  pre-ent  Executive,  who  has  taken  an  oath  to  enforce  tbeni.  as 
**  vicious,  inequitable,  and  illogical."  This  statute  of  the  Uniteil  Slates 
IB  tliuH  described  by  the  .President  of  the  United  States.  In  rebutal  of 
this  ICxecutive  utterance  I  summon  Germany's  great  ruler,  Prince  Mi.-'- 
marck,  the  statesman  whose  i^enius  created  a  mit^hty  empire  from  dis- 
cordant principalities.  May  14,  1SS2,  liismari^k  declared  that  the  proe- 
jerity  <  f  the  United  States  was  mainly  due  to  the  system  of  p)r()tective 
aws,  and  he  encces'.fully  urgeil  that  Germany  imitate  t)ur  example.  The 
govcnments  of  the  world  are  adopting  the  system  here.  In  but  live 
nations  now  is  there  any  leanine  towards  free  trade — Kn>rland,  Turkey, 
Norway,  Austria-Hungary,  and  Holland,     (termany  (inds  the  protective 

Eolicy  restoring  her  prosperity.  She  realizes  the  profound  truth  of  the 
eclaration  of  her  great  economist,  Frederick  List,  who  parsed  from 
earth  In  1840,  but  bef<^re  his  entl  imprep.^e<l  u(>on  his  countrymen  the 
maxim  that  should  be  cherished  by  every  people,  ''  that  the  marketa  of 
the  nation  should  be  reserved  to  the  lal>or  of  the  nation." 

— O'DoNNKLL,  Record,  6832. 
xxvi  401 


TAR 


Tarifl— I*«>r  coiitN.  docoptivo. 

Xo.  1007.— Bat  the  neullemin  from  Texas,  referring  to  duties  oe:' 
import'',  characterizes  them  as  "war  taxes;  that  they  still  remain  and 
that  they  are  heavier  to-day  than  the  avera>^e  during  the  last  five  years 
of  the  existence  of  hostilities  ;  that  the  average  rate  of  duty  durini?  the 
last  five  years,  from  ISS.'J  to  1SS7,  inclusive,  on  dutiable  jroods  amounted 
to  44  51  per  cent.,  anJ  that  during  the  last  year  the  average  duty  was 
47. lu  per  cent."  It  will  be  observed  that  the  gentleman  speaks  only  of 
dutiable  imports,  omitting  all  imports  received  free  ol  duty.  Tlie  aver- 
ajre  rate  on  the  entire  importations  he  prudently  withholds,  making  his 
calculation  not  only  misleading,  but  entirely  valueless.  To  illustrate: 
The  duty  on  cognac  oil  is  533  per  cent.  If  everything  else  were  admilte<i 
free  of  duty — if  after  the  close  of  the  war  we  had  put  all  else  on  the  fre-- 
list — it  would  be  literally  true  that  the  average  rate  on  dutiable  uoo.!- 
would  be  533  per  cent.,  and  greater  now  than  during  the  war,  when  it 
was  only  31  per  cent.,  but  it  would  convey  no  idea  of  the  average  on  our 
entire  importations.  [Applause.]  We  are  paying  a  duty  of  134  per- 
cent, on  rice  in  the  husks,  and  if  that  was  the  only  dutiable  article  im- 
ported it  would  be  exactly  true  to  say  that  the  average  rate  on  dutiable 
imports  was  134  per  cent.,  but  the  statement  would  be  as  valueless  as  it 
would  be  misleading.  Yet  the  gentleman  takes  the  value  of  our  dutia- 
ble imports,  $450  325,321,  as  the  basis  of  his  calculation  and  the  duty  col- 
.lected  thereon,  $212,  032,423,  and  deduces  the  average  ad  valorem  rate- 
of  47.10  per  cent,  for  1887. 

But  if  he  had  added  to  the  dutiable  imports  the  value  of  goods  ad-- 
mitted  free  of  duty,  namely,  $233,930,()59,  his  aggregate  of  importations  • 
for  1887   would  be  $'i83  418,980,  which  would  reduce  his  average  rate 
to  3 1  per  cent.    .So  the  statement  that  during  the  last  five  years,  from- 
1883  to  1887,  inclusive,  the  average  rate  on  dutiable  goods  is  44.51  per 
cent,  is  true ;  but  if  the  entire  importations  are  included,  the  rate  will 
fall  to  30  per  cent.    The  same  miscalculation  destroys  the  force  of  his 
statement  that  the  average  rates  to-day  are  heavier  than  during  the  war. 
We  iiave  seen  that  taking  our  entire  imports  the  average  to-day  is  31 
per  cent,  while  during  the  war,  from  1861  to  18G5,  the  average  was  30' 
per  cent.    But  this  average  of  1  per  cent,  higher  is  attributable  largely 
to  lower  prices,  following  the  inexorable  law  that  as  prices  decline  the 
per  cent,  of  ad  valorem  rates  increase.    If  the  value  of  an  imported  arti- 
cle be  $10,  and  the  duty  $1,  the  equivalent  ad  valorem  rate  would  be  10' 
per  cent.     If  the  value  of  the  same  article  should  fall  to  $5,  the  duty  re- 
maining the  same,  $1,  the  equivalent  ad  valorem  rate  would  be  20  per 
cent.    And  so  the  entire  statement  of  the  gentleman  is  not  only  mislead- 
ing and  fallacious,  but  ceases  to  be  interesting  or  instructive. 

— Burrows,  Record,  3450. 

Tariff— Prosperity  or  the  nation. 

No.  1008. — The  United  States  of  America  now  stands  in  the  front 
rank  of  the  nations  of  the  world — leads  them  all  ;  the  aggregate  of  its  in- 
dustries are  larger  than  that  of  any  other  people.  Mulhail,  acknowl- 
edged to  be  the  most  eminent  of  all  statisticians,  in  his  Dictionary  > 
Statistics,  places  the  in<lustriefi  of  the  United  States  at  $11,405,000,000  p« 
annum,  which  is  $2,205,000,0(X)  greater  than  those  of  the  United  King- 
dom of  Great  Britain  ;  nearly  double  those  of  France  ;  almost  twice  as 
large  as  those  of  Germany  ;  nearly  three  times  as  large  as  those  of  Rus- 
sia, and  very  nearly  equal  to  the  combine<l  industrit'S  of  Austria,  Itnly, 
Spain,  Belgium,  Holland,  Australia,  Canada,  and  Swdlen  and  Norway 

In  the  above  estimates  Mulhail  places  the  industries  of  the  Unit' 
States  at  $11,405,000,000   yearly.    This  is  regarded   as  a  low  eatimati 
40^ 


I 


TAIl 

Our  economistB  think  j<14,uuo,0i)O,00'J  wouM  be  nearer  the  fiKuree.  In  the 
wealth  of  nation?,  the  UniteU  >  ates  of  Aaierica  stands  iv  t!ie  rithe«it  of 
all.  Its  poeses-^ions  increase  *'^7■),00o,0(K)  each  year,  while  France  adds 
to  ita  wealth  $:]7v'>00,(KX)  per  annum,  Great  Britain  JMl'o.OOO  00  \  Ger- 
many $200,000,000.  Oar  custom'?  laws  do  not  prerent  the  growth  of 
wealth,  intelligence,  and  happiness,  but  on  the  contrary  promote  these 
L'reat  blessings.  — O'Donnki.i,,  Record,  (1832. 

'■"Hrifr— Kovoniie  collo(*t<'<l   4»ii   «>acli   Hrli<*l<'.    per  <-<'iit.    of, 
IH75*  to  1HS7.     iSw  Xo.  S'^0.) 

Taritl'  ratcM— Deceptive  pereeiitUKeM. 

\o.  lOOO. — We  are  freciuently  told  by  gentlemen  upon  the  other 
side  that  the  average  duty  imposed  on  imports  on  t!ie  dutiable  lista 
of  the  present  tariff  is  47  per  cent,  and  that  the  .Mills  bill  proposes 
to  reduce  that  average  only  7  per  cent.,  leaving  still  an  average  of  40  per 
cent. 

Every  gentleman  who  8toi)S  to  consider  the  6nbji*ct  appreciates  the 
fact  that  a  comparison  of  two  tariffs  by  their  dutiable  lists  alone  without 
regard  to  their  free-lists,  for  the  purpose  of  showinir  theaverag*^  imposed 
by  each,  is  misleading  and  worthless.  No  comparison  that  is  just  or  in- 
structive can  be  made  except  by  taking  both  the  free  and  dutiable  libt^^and 
estimating  the  average  duties  of  the  two  united,  for  it  in  only  by  doing 
this  that  any  tariff  obtains  proper  allowance  for  transfers  from  the  duti- 
able to  the  free-list. 

Estimated  on  this  proper  basis  the  average  duty  on  all  imports  under 
the  tarifl'of  1S24  was  47  per  cent. ;  under  the  tariff  of  1841),  2<>  per  cent., 
and  under  the  tariff  of  ISS;?,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  3U,  1884,  it 
was  2Sk  per  cent.,  and  for  blie  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  18H7,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  reduction  in  the  invoiced  value  of  goods  on  which  specific 
duties  were  imposed — which  reduction  increased  the  ad  valorem  equiva- 
lent— it  was  32  per  cent. 

— DiNGLEY.  Record,  6553. 

TarifT— Reduction  or  cost  of  tacliN. 

No.  1010.— The  Clerk  read  as  follows . 

"  Ply-mouth,  Mass.,  April  IS,  1888. 
"  Dear  Sir:  Permit  us  to  call  your  attention  to  the  effect  the  Mills  tariff 
bill  would  have  on  our  busineas  if  it  becomes  a  law.  The  present  duty 
on  tacks  is  2A  cents  per  thousand  on  sizes  14  ounce  ami  smaller,  and  3 
cents  a  pound  on  size?  16-ounce  and  over.  The  Mills  bill  proposes  35 
per  cent,  ad  valorim  duty.  Iron  tack-plate  costs  English  tack  manufact- 
urers from  IJ^  to  1^  cents  a  pound.  Ours  costs  u.s  2  cents  a  pound,  or  about 
33*  percent,  more.  Kn^jlish  tack  manufac'.urers  pay  their  tack-makers 
1h.  3(1..  or  say  31  cents  per  lOo.OitO,  while  we  pay  ao,  (io,  and  7")  cents  per 
100,0(^)0;  i.  e.,  for  the  sam^  quantity  and  grade  of  work  we  pay  100  per 
cent,  for  cutting.  If  the  duty  is  reduced  to  Sf)  per  cent,  ad  valorem  we 
must  reduce  the  wages  of  our  help  at  least  33^  per  cent,  to  comi>ete. 
"  We  remain,  very  respectfullv  yours, 

"  I.ORING  <fc  PARKS, 
"COBIUS:  DREW, 
"THE  PLYMOUni  MILLS. 
"  Bv  Wm.  STODnARi>,  Trf'imirer." 
— Ix).No,  Record,  6461. 
TuriU' reduction— lluH  to  make  it. 

No.  lOll.— Mr.  Chairman,  if  any  article  of  cimmon  u^e  which  our 
farmers  cannot  profitably  grow  or  our  miners  or  workmen  produce  is  not 
already  on  the  free-list  I  will  vote  to  put  it  on. 

403 


TAR 

If  any  duty  on  any  home  proiluct  be  liigher  than  fLe  conceded  higher 
wapf  9  rate  of  oiy  country  I  will  vote  to  reduce  it  to  the  protfcctive  levt-l, 
because  I  beiieve  the  larifT  is  simply  a  question  of  wanes.  If  it  be  clear 
that  any  clause  fosters  r.nly  monopoly  I  will  vote  to  strike  it  out.  If  you 
frame  a  revciiue-rciluction  bill  with  an  eye  fingle  to  the  relief  of  the 
Treasury  and  the  people  from  a  growin?  surplus  I  will  vote  with  you. 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3837. 

Tarlir  rt^tliiotioii— IncrcascU  revenue. 

Xo.  1012.— Take  for  instance  the  taritf  reductions  made  in  18R3, 
which  were  estimated  at  $45,000,000,  but  the  reduction  brought  in  such 
an  excess  of  foreign  importations  that  the  revenue  from  customs  in  1885 
was  only  less  by  $33  000,(  00.  To  f  how  that  the  estimate  was  based  upon 
■actual  r>-duction8  let  me  give  some  examples. 

The  duty  on  copper  ores  was  reduced  one-half  of  1  cent  per  pound  in 
1883,  and  the  imports  increased  from  1,473,109  pounds  in  1882,  to  4,473,- 
412  pounds  in  1887.  and  the  revenue  was  more  than  doubled,  or  increased 
from  $4 1,193  27  to  $103,735.32.  The  effect  was  similar  upon  coffee  substi- 
tutes, where  the  duty  was  reduced  1  cent  per  pound,  and  the  imports 
ro?e  from  3,741  pounds  to  1 10,74()  poundf,  increasing  the  revenue  to  ten 
times  as  much  as  it  was  prior  to  the  tariff  of  1883.  Rice  was  very  slifrhtly 
reduced,  \  cent  per  pound,  or  from  2^  cents  to  2}  cents  per  pound,  and 
yet  the  importations  were  enlarged  by  over  22,000  000  pounds.  Hemp- 
seed  and  rape-seed  oil  was  reduced  from  23  cents  to  10  cents  per  gallon, 
and  the  imports  increased  from  25,092  gallons  in  1882  to  141,702  gallons 
in  18S7,  The  duty  on  spun  silk  was  only  changed  5  per  cent.,  and  the 
imports  and  revenue  have  risen  to  eight  times  the  previous  amounts. 
Ten  per  cent,  was  removed  from  the  duty  on  silk  handkerchiefs,  and  the 
imports  increased  from  $70  777  in  1882  to  $615,877,  aod  the  revenue  from 
$4-',406  to  $307,938  in  1887.  The  reduction  upon  silk  velvets  of  10  per 
cent,  was  followed  by  an  increased  revenue  of  over  $2,000,000.  There 
was  supposed  to  have  been  not  less  than  30  per  cent,  redur-tion  of  tho 
duties  on  sugar,  but  the  increased  importations  in  1887  yielded  nearly 
ten  mdiions  of  additional  revenue.  Ciothing-wool  and  combing- wool 
were  reduced  form  10  cents  per  pound  and  11  per  cent,  ad  valorem  to  10 
cents  per  pound,  and  the  re^uIt  was  a  considerable  incre.a.=e  of  both  im- 
portations and  duties,  ullhough  the  actual  tariff  reduction  amounted  to 
no  more  than  1  cent  and  9  mills  per  pound.  On  all  carpets  the  duties 
were  heavily  reduced  and  the  result  has  been  an  increase  of  all  tho  im- 
portations, and  has  doubled  those  of  Saxony,  Wilton,  and  Tnurnay  car- 
pets. There  was  a  reduction  on  woolens  of  every  description,  and  yet 
there  was  an  increase  both  of  importations  and  of  revenue  amounting 
in  1887  to  over  $4,010,000. 

— Senator  Morrill,  Record,  3018. 

Tariir reduction— Increased  revenue. 

><».  10i:(. — If  any  goods  are  imported  under  a  tariff,  it  ia  plain  that 
if  y(M  redure  it  the  importations  will  increase.  For  illustration,  if  there 
is  a  2  percent,  tariff  on  glass,  and  we  import  from  Bi^'lgiura  50  000,000 
pounds  per  year,it  isevident  if  we  reduce  that  tariff  25  percent.  Belgium 
will  increase  her  sales  to  us.  Now,  we  did  decrease  the  gla-s  tariff  25 
per  cent,  in  1883,  and  last  year  we  imported  01,003,000  pound.s,  and  the 
reve.'jues  collected  were  $200,000  more  than  under  the  old  law.  On  thia 
point  tho  minority  in  their  report  say: 

"Tho  duty  on  braid,  plaits,  laces,  and  trimmings  was  reduced  by  the 
act  of  1883  from  3')  to  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  and  the  sum  paid  in 
duties  in  1887  was  $114,482.76  more  than  in  1888.  The  reduction  on  tin- 
plate  under  the  act  of  18S3  was  one-tenth  of  a  cent  per  pound,  while  the 
404 


TAM 

duty  collected  in  1S87  was  $715.46S57  preater  than  in  1883.  Bronze  in 
powder  was  redticcd  hy  the  law  of  IHSIJ  from  20  to  l")  per  cent.,  yet  the 
Hnrii  received  by  the  (jovernineiil  for  diitv  in  1KS7  was  5^14, (ilM)  more  than 
w.is  received  from  the  eame  source  in  188:?.  The  <hily  on  writing?  paper 
wasreducetl  from  oo  per  cent,  to  L'.')  per  (•ent.a<l  valorem.  Ttie  leceipta  in 
1S88  under  the  higher  duty  were  $15),40()  S7  ;  under  the  reduced  duty  iu 
1887  the  receipts  were  $242,L'1(>.*_'7.  showinir  an  exces-s  of  duties  of  $222,- 
n(X)  in  1887  over  1SH3.  The  duty  on  wool  was  reduced  by  the  act  of  I8s3, 
and  the  increase  of  importationn  and  revenue  is  probably  the  most  pfrik- 
iiigof  anvin  the  Bchedulf.  The  impor'ations  in  1K82  were  6;i,(d(i,7Gl> 
j)Ound8;  in  1SS7,  114  404,174.  The  duty  collected' in  1882  was  $3,854, ()')3.- 
18;  that  in  1887,  $.j,8'.ni,8 10.03. 

"These  illustrations  clearly  demonstrate  that  a  simple  scaling  down  of 
duties  from  20  to  30  or  4u  per  cent.,  more  or  less,  will  only  increase  reve- 
nues and  therefore  augment  the  surplus." 

The  only  way  to  reduce  the  revenue  is  to  make  the  tariflf  higher  and 
thus  more  effectually  shut  out  importations,  or  to  take  otlthe  taritf  alto- 
gether and  let  the  goods  come  in  free.  The  Mills  bill  will  increase  the 
revenue. 

— Owen,  Record,  5549. 

Tarifr  redaction  inoreaMCM  revenue. 

Xo.  lOl  1. — A  readjustm^^nt.  or  revisiitn  of  thQ  tariff  can  be  depended 
upon  to  reduce  revenues  only  by  two  method.^,  one  by  extending  the 
free-list,  the  other  by  an  increa.se  of  duties  and  the  consecjuent  discour- 
agement of  importations.  The  latter  would  provoke  the  hostility  of 
every  free-trader  in  the  country,  while  the  former  would  cripple  or  de- 
stroy many  of  our  industries.  Tltere  is  no  middle  course,  fur  any  reduc- 
tion of  duly  less  than  a  repeal  only  tends  to  invite  increased  im|K)rtation, 
and  to  insure  a  greater  revenue.  The  annual  rej)ort  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  shows  this  clearly.  By  reference  to  it  we  find  a  small  <le- 
crease  of  duty  on  wool,  manufactures  of  wool,  of  iron,  steel,  and  pilk, 
while  the  increase  revenue  in  1887  over  1880  from  these  articles  alone 
was  :i;lO,;Kt8,4(}0.  Knit  goods  fairly  illustrate  this  position.  By  the  actof 
1883  the  duty  was  re<luced  10  per  cent.,  now  al)out  lo.  During  the  years 
1881,  188-',  and  188:5,  under  the  old  taritf,  we  imported  1,318,807  pounds, 
and  collected  as  duty  $1,722  4.^3. 

For  the  years  1884,  188.3,  and  1880,  under  the  reduced  duties,  we  im- 
I>orted  3,433,480  jwunds,  an  increase  of  2,114,073  pounds,  and  there  waa 
paid  into  the  Treasury  $3,017,81)4,  an  im-rease  in  the  revenue  from  this 
source  of  $1,8'>4  SiSl.  Worste^l  cloths  allord  another  illustration.  The 
act  of  1883  made  a  slight  reduction  on  the  wool  and  on  the  cloth,  but  an 
unjust  claseification  resulted  in  a  reduction  on  the  cloths  of,  I  should 
think,  from  1")  to  20  per  cent.  What  followed?  The  year  l>efore  the  act 
took  effect  our  importations  of  the.se  cloths  amounted  to  a  little  Ich'^  than 
$."iOi),(X>0.  Then  an  increase  commenced  which  resulte<l,  last  year,  in  an 
imj)ortation  of  nearly  $.">,< M)0,<  100,  a  ilecrea.«e  of  duty  of  20  jmt  cent.,  an  in- 
crea.«e  of  revenue  oOi)  jwr  cent.  The  same  result  followed  the  reduction 
on  yarns,  on  dolmans,  cloaks,  and  other  outside  garments,  on  raw, comb- 
ing, clothing,  carpet  wools,  and  shoddy. 

Now,  suppose  Congress,  in  response  to  the  meesage  of  the  President, 
reduces  the  tariff  all  along  the  whole  line  2o  or  ;?"  jmt  cent.  Is  not  an 
increase  of  revenue  inevitable?  Then, surely,  our  indiis'ries  would  have 
been  crippled  for  nothiiig,  our  lalwrers  sacriiQced  without  compensation, 
our  market  Burrendere<l  without  pay. 

— Senator  Fkve,  Record,  656. 
40.'} 


TAR 

rariflT— Kclutive  cost  or  livsug. 

No.  1015. — I  wish  to  ask  you  the  extent  of  the  burden  which  is  put 
aj)on  the  Mississippi  planter  or  laborer  by  the  tariff  on  cotton  goods.  I 
would  like  him  to  answer,  if  he  knows,  the  amount  of  that  burden.  If 
not,  with  his  permission  I  will  slate  the  extent  of  it,  as  shown  by  the 
comparison  made  by  Mr.  Carroll  Wright,  the  Commissioner  of  Labor,  of 
the  comparative  cost  of  dry  goods  in  Mast-achusetts  and  Great  Britain: 

"  Dry  Goods. — From  the  high,  medium  hi^'h,  medium,  medium  low,  and 
low  prices  for  dry  goods,  we  secure  two  percentages,  both  in  favor  of 
Great  Britain.  If  all  goods  in  all  grades  are  compared  we  find  that  dry 
goods  were  13.26  per  cent,  higher  in  ^Massachusetts  in  1883  than  in  Great 
Britain.  If  the  comparison  is  made  on  the  basis  of  all  goods  in  the  me- 
dium, medium  low,  and  low  grades,  from  which  workingmen  obtain  their 
supplies,  the  figure  in  favor  of  Great  Britain  is  .9,  or  less  than  1  percent." 

This  is  the  cost  in  Great  Britain  and  Massachusetts,  respectively.  It 
would  cost  something  of  course  to  get  those  goods  across  the  water.  That 
is  the  co?t,  and  with  the  revenue  tariff  the  cost  to  the  consumer  should 
not  be  higher  here  than  there 

—Davis,  Record,  4263. 

Tariff— Results  of  two  policies. 

No.  1016. — To  develop  these  national  resources  was  the  Republican 
purpose — a  purpose  which  the  Democratic  reactionary  creed  declares  to 
be  unconstitutional.  It'was  protection  to  home  industries — agricultural 
and  mechanical — free  land  to  homesteaders,  and  the  creation  of  a  cur- 
rency when  money  was  found  to  be  too  scarce  to  carry  on  the  business  of 
the  country  ;  it  was  the  prompt  a.nd  wise  governmental  expenditures  for 
necespary  objects  made  by  the  Republican  party  in  spite  of  Democratic 
protests  and  resistance  which  not  merely  saved  the  Union  but  placed  it  in 
the  front  rank  of  nations. 

It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  when  the  Republicans  came  into  power 
the  Government  had  neither  money  nor  credit ;  they  left  it  with  an 
overflowing  Treasury  and  peerless  credit.  The  false  economy  of  the 
Democratic  party  since  it  has  returned  to  power  has  hoarded  money  idly 
in  the  Treasury,  curtailed  the  circulating  medium,  and  squeezed  the  life 
out  of  the  business  of  the  country  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  the 
American  policy,  or,  as  it  was  expressed  by  an  eloquent  Illinois  Iriishman, 
in  order  to  *'  put  out  the  furnace  fires  in  America  and  light  them  on  a 
foreign  soil." 

—Post,  Record,  4347. 

Tariff  revision  by  its  enemies. 

Xo.  1017. — But  a  revision  by  the  avowed  enemies  of  protf  ction,  a  re- 
vision that  surrenders  our  markets  to  the  products  of  the  ill-paid  labor 
of  Europe,  a  revision  that  wipes  out  as  with  a  sponge  the  only  ample  and 
staple  markets  for  our  agriculture,  a  revision  that  drives  the  products  of 
our  own  labor  from  our  own  markets,  a  revision  that  closes  the  work- 
shops of  our  own  countrv',  a  revision  that  degrades  our  own  labor  to  the 
pauperized  condition  of  European  labor,  a  revision  that  would  drive  all 
cur  pejple  to  the  soil  for  a  living  to  glut  England  with  our  agricultural 
products  at  starvation  prices,  to  enable  her  to  feed  her  cheap  labor  that 
she  m? y  pay  it  even  less  than  now — such  a  revision  should  be  thwarted, 
if  possible.     [Applause  ] 

—Ryan,  Record,  4824. 

Tariffrevision— Republican  statements  anil  practice. 

Xo.  1018. — As  long  ago  as  the  last  general  revision  of  the  tariff  laws 
before  that  of  1883  was  under  consideration,  in  the  tariff  revision  of  1872, 

406 


TAR 

'the  then  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  in  closingthe 
•debate  upon  that  general  tariflbill,  stated  the  principles  and  the  purpose 
•of  that  bill  in  these  words : 

"  Now  sir,  let  the  ultimate  adjustment  of  these  necessary  duties  be 
equalization.  Let  no  more  duties  be  imposed  than  the  exigencies  of  the 
Government  demand,  but  let  those  duties  be  so  adjusted  between  manu- 
factured articles  and  raw  material  as  to  equalize  theconditions  of  produc- 
tion in  our  own  country  with  thase  of  foreign  nations,  and  the  highest 
possible  good,  the  true  end  of  legislation,  is  attained.  Thus  will  the  ne- 
cessities of  the  (jovernment  be  met,  and  no  more,  and  at  the  same  time 
the  material  prosperity  of  the  nation  assure<l." 

So  far  as  I  know,  Mr.  President,  those  were  the  sentiments  entertained 
by  all  for  whom  he  then  spoke.  If  called  upon  to  state  the  position  of 
the  Republican  party  to-day  upon  the  same  question,  I  must  use  the  same 
words. 

— Senator  D.\wes,  December  13,  1886. 

Tariff  robbery— Democrats  Kuilty  of  ro1l>bery. 

No.  1011). — It  does  not  take  a  wi?e  man  to  see  what  this  argument 
means.  Surely  the  principle  is  not  changed  by  a  change  of  the  amount 
of  the  tariff  charge.  If  it  is  wrong  to  steal  $^5,  it  is  also  wrong  to  steal* 
four.  Our  friends  must  not  drive  us  out  of  court  on  this  argument  and 
then  take  the  position  from  which  we  have  been  driven.  If  a  ta?lfrof47 
per  cent,  is  robbery,  is  not  one  of  40  per  cent,  at  least  larceny  ?  The  only 
possible  standing-place  is  to  advocate  a  taritT,  if  any,  on  articles  not  pro- 
duced in  this  country,  such  as  tea,  coflee,  spices,  etc.,  or  to  deny  the 
soundness  of  the  foundation  principle  of  our  trade. 

—E.  B.  Taylor,  Record,  6930. 

Tariff*' robbery  "  to  continue  for  the  South. 

Xo.  1020< — Remarkable  as  it  may  seem,  during  the  progress  of  the 

debate  on  tne  Mills  taritl' bill  in  this  House,  we  have  time  and  time  again 

been  treated  to  the  declaration,  that  protection  was  robbery,  and  have 

as  often  been  treated  to  the  twin  declaration,  that  the  Democratic  party 

■  was  opposed  to  free  trade. 

If  the  Democratic  party  is  not  for  free  trade,  then  it  muf-t  be  for  pro- 
tection ;  if  it  is  for  protection  and  protection  be  robbery,  then  the  Demo- 
■cratic  party  is  in  favor  of  robbery,  and  the  only  diflerence  between  it  and 
its  adversary  is  that  it  believes  in  sectionalizing  robbery,  and  hence  sup- 
ports the  JMilis  tariff  bill.  If  these  positions  be  true,  then  this  Demo- 
cratic party  goes  upon  the  theory,  that  the  manufacturers  in  New  Eng- 
land have  had  the  benefit  of  the  robbery  long  enough,  and  determines 
to  withdraw  protection  from  them  and  let  them  compete  with  the  manu- 
facturer of  Briti.>^h  wares  made  by  pauper  labor,  or  dose  up  ;  that  New 
York,  Michigan,  and  Kansas  have  had  the  benefits  of  the  robbery  long 
enough  on  salt,  and  hence  salt  must  go  on  the  free-list,  and  those  engaged 
in  its  manufacture  must  comi>ete  with  pauper  labor,  nr  close  up;  that 
Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  have  had  the  benefit  of  the  robbery  on  coal  and 
iron  long  enough  ;  but  becauFe  Virginia,  We.'^t  Virginia,  Tennessee,  Ala- 
bama, and  Missouri  have  not  had  this  benefit  Bufliciently  long,  the  coal 
and  iron  interest  may  still  continue  to  rob. 

— Peters,  Reconl,  4713. 

Tariff  KyNtein  of  ta:ieM  obJ<M-tionabIe  to  neniocratn. 

I¥o.  10121. —  We  l^avc  h^oii  in  this  dipciiHsion  :i  good  deal  of  skill  and 
ability  on  the  part  of  our  friends  on  the  other  side  in  the  manner  in 
'which  they  have  conducted  their  part  of  it,  so  as  to  lead  not  only  the 

4(17 


TAR— TAX 

minds  of  the  members  on  this  floor,  but  the  mind^of  the  people  througlr- 
oat  the  country,  into  a  discussion  of  the  principles  of  taxation,  as  if  we?' 
were  undertaking  here  to  inaugurate  a  bntnd  new  eystem  of  tariff, 

I  wish  it  were  true.  I  am  ready  for  that  contest  Whenever  it  comes. 
I  do  not  believe  in  the  present  system.  I  do  not  believe  in  the  principles. 
on  which  the  present  system  is  based. 

— Hatch  (Dem.),  Record,  4572. 

Tariff  tax  per  capita.    (See  No.  108.) 

Tariir  tiukerin;;. 

Xo.  loss. — In  every  paper  you  will  read  that  mills  are  shutting 
down  and  workmen  are  being  cut  in  their  wages.  Why?  Simply  be- 
cause this  tariff  bill  is  discussed.  They  apprehend  a  destruction  of  the 
industries  by  the  competition  that  will  come  in  from  Europe.  Any 
thinking  man  who  will  look  at  this  question  will  see  that  the  only  ele- 
ment of  this  country  to  be  benefited  by  the  reduction  of  the  tariff  is  the 
rich.  The  poor  people  pay  none  of  the  tariff  except  on  whisky  and  to- 
bacco, and  those  are  the  very  items  on  which  you  want  to  keep  up  the 
tax.  There  is  another  case  where  you  could  have  struck  the  dutv  off  if 
you  pleased.  Why  did  you  not  do  that?  That  is  over  $50,000,000.  If 
tou  had  struck  out  the  two  items  of  whisky  and  tobacco  you  would 
have  saved  the  industries  of  this  country  instead  of  destroying  them  j 
and  you  would  have  relieved  the  workingmen  from  the  tax  they  pay  on 
whioky  and  tobacco.     [Applause.] 

— White,  Indiana,  Record,  6270. 

Tax  ou  an  article  lowering  cost. 

No.  l<>3!t. — How  can  putting  a  tax  on  an  article  lower  its  cost  to  us? 
I.et  us  suppose  that  in  1861  we  imported  from  England,  say,  all  the 
woolen  cloth  that  we  used,  and  at  that  date  there  was  no  mill  in  this 
country  which  produced  woolen  cloth,  because  for  various  reasons  it 
could  not  be  manufactured  so  cheaply  here  as  in  England.  In  1861  a 
tariff  is  passed  which  lays  a  tax  on  all  woolen  cloth  coming  to  this  coun- 
try, and  the  price  of  these  cloths  is  for  a  time  enhanced  by  exactly  the 
amount  of  the  tax.  At  the  increased  price  whic^h  the  cloth  is  now  Hold 
for  an  American,  whom  we  will  designate  as  A,  thinks  he  can  manufact- 
ure it  and  sell  it  at  a  profit.  Naturally  his  early  attempts  are  made  upon 
the  cheapest  and  coarsest  varieties,  because  they  offer  fewer  obstacles  to 
his  unskillful  laborers. 

He  succeeds  in  producing  an  article  which  is  crude  and  cheap,  but 
he  is  able  to  sell  it  at  a  price  just  a  little  below  the  cost  of  a  similar  im- 
ported article,  with  the  tax  added,  and  he  makes  a  profit.  Meantime 
another  ambitious  American,  B,  has  been  attempting  to  produce  the 
same  cloth.  He  oflfers  his  production  to  the  same  purchasers  who  have 
bought  from  A.  They  inspect  his  cloth,  and  they  tell  him  they  have 
bought  as  good  cloth  and  as  cheaply  elsewhere,  and  there  is  no  object  in 
changing.  B  has  now  the  alternative  of  making  a  better  cloth  to  sell  at 
the  same  price  A  is  receiving,  or  of  making  his  price  lower  than  A's,  B 
shrinks  from  the  attempt  of  making  a  better  cloth,  and  prefers  to  sacri- 
fice 'wme  of  his  profits.     He  lowers  his  price,  therefore,  and  undersells  A. 

But  by  this  time  other  enterprising  Americans  have  been  watching 
this  business  development,  and,  attracted  by  the  profitable  industry  A 
and  B  have  succeeded  in  establishing,  at  once  enter  into  the  manufacture 
of  the  same  class  of  goods,  and  presently  the  shops  are  flooded  with 
cheap  cloths,  made  by  all  these  competitors;  and  since  there  are  now 
more  of  these  cloths  offered  than  are  needed  at  the  price,  these  makere 
408 


TAX 

are  oblrgpd  to  lower  their  prif-es  considerably.  They  accordingly  reduce 
prices  to  tlie  lowest  possible  margin,  and  they  continue  to  sell  their 
wares. 

The  original  maker,  A.  by  this  time  finds  that  whereas  a  short  time 
previously  he  could  command  a  price  for  his  cheap  cloth  which  was  equal 
to  the  English  price  with  the  lax  added,  now  he  is  compelled  by  the 
competition  of  B  and  others  to  sell  it  at  a  price  very  much  lower  than 
that;  60  low,  in  fact,  as  to  make  his  venture  hardly  a  profiiabie  one. 
But  by  this  time  his  operatives  have  become  more  skillful,  and  he  de- 
cides to  attempt  the  manufacture  of  a  higher  grade  of  cloth,  which  so 
far  has  not  been  made  here,  and  upon  which  the  tax  offers  him  a  new 
and  profitable  field.  He  thus  again  escapes  competition  for  awhile,  but 
not  for  long  ;  the  energetic  manufacturers  have  also  become  skillful,  and 
they  follow  wherever  A  leads,  so  that  the  old  story  of  reduction  iu  price 
by  competition  to  the  lowest  possible  terms  is  repeated  over  and  over. 

In  the  mean  time  B  has  been  studying  the  lesson  of  greater  production. 
He  increases  the  capacity  of  his  factory  again  and  again.  He  is  on  the 
alert  for  every  labor  saving  device.  Some  of  these  are  invented  by  his 
own  employes,  perhaps,  who  have  become  alive  to  the  needs  of  the  oc- 
casion. 

B  remains  a  manufacturer  of  cheap  cloth,  but  his  mills  are  on  a  pcale 
which  is  hardly  to  be  found  elsewhere  in  the  world,  and  his  needs  form 
the  great  incentive  to  that  branch  of  invention  which  has,  during  the 
last  twenty-five  years,  so  increased  the  producinir  power  of  all  machin- 
ery. He  has  thus  been  of  immeasurable  service  to  his  countrymi-n  in  a 
two  fold  manner,  by  reducing  the  cost  of  the  cloths  he  has  inadc,  but 
more  than  that,  in  inspiring  the  inventive  genius  of  all  about  him,  who, 
catching  the  spirit  of  his  work,  have  found  tliemselves  pressing  forward 
to  the  greatest  possible  success  in  every  direction  of  industrial  activity. 

It  is  in  this  manner  that  every  field  of  possible  industry  has  been  ex- 
plored by  American  manufacturers  since  the  tariff  of  18()1  was  passed, 
and  no  new  field  hiia  been  enjoyed  by  any  one  alone  for  more  than  a 
brief  season.  A  reduction  of  prices  has  been  ellected  which  can  only  be 
measured  by  the  keen  enterprise  of  the  American  character. 

— Allen,  Massachusetts,  Record,  3842. 

Tax  on  Tariuers  for  railroad  and  niauuracturiiiK  VNtabliwIi- 
uiouts — Voting  lor.    (See  Xo.  IH.) 

Ta.x— Kevoniio  on  imports.   i»«»r<*«Mitagj<*  oollocted  on  each 
arlicle  trom  l^sli  to  1HH7.     (Sn  \o.  H20.) 

Taxation— Decrease  of  in  the  L'nited  States  troni  IMOU  to 

IHHH.    (See  Xo.  15«.) 

Taxation  oppressive— Who  is  before  C'on};ress  protesting? 

No.  10::i4. — Who  is  here  protesting  that  our  IVderal  taxntion  is  op- 
pressive? Is  labor  here  on  bended  knee  asking  for  this  legislation  ?  No; 
it  is  f»rotesting  aeainst  it.  Do  the  manufacturers  want  it?  No;  under 
the  influence  of  its  menace  they  see  their  business  languisiiing.  Do  ihe 
farmers  want  it?  No  ;  they  see  in  it  inevitable  destruction  to  a  market 
that  has  taken  up  more  than  niue-tenthsof  their  surplus  producta.  Who 
does  want  it?  England.  Who  else?  The  importers  and  jobbers.  Wlio 
else?  Wall  street,  the  bondhoMers,  and  the  national  banks.  Who  else? 
Those  who  would  degrade  American  labor,  pauperize  it,  and  drive  its 
children  from  the  school-house  to  the  mine  and  the  workshop,  and  make 
this,  like  England,  a  government  of  ciiisses.  Who  else?  Politicians  ir> 
search  of  a  slogan  to  meet  a  partv  exigency.     [Applause.] 

— Kyan,  Record,  4824. 
40U 


TAX 

ra.xutiua— K('|»iiblii-nii  rodiictiouN. 

Xo.  10!3."1».— Now,  if  the  >:entlemau  had  taken  time  to  look  over  the 
history  of  ihe  party,  even  if  he  had  taken  time  to  read  the  minority  re- 
port of  the  Ciimmittee  on  Ways  and  Means,  he  would  have  found  that 
since  the  close  of  the  war  the  Uepublican  party  has  reduced  the  taxe^to 
the  amount  (jf  three  hundred  and  Hixty-two  million  live  hundred  and 
Bome  odd  thousaiul  dollarrf.  That  is  the  record  the  Republican  party 
has  made  in  the  reduction  of  taxation  in  this  country.  It  has  dene  that 
during  the  eleven  years  which  it  has  had  control  in  this  House  since  ihe 
close  of  the  war. 

— Hopkins,  Illinois,  Record,  641G. 

Taxation— Sphere  of  State  and  nation. 

Xo.  1036. — Congress  should  never  levy  any  direct  or  excipe  tax  to 
such  an  exienl  as  to  leave  no  room  for  the  State  to  levy  a  similar  tax  if 
any  of  them  should  wish  to  do  ho.  And  whenever  Congress  enters  upon 
this  common  ground  of  taxation,  and  levies  a  tax  so  burdensome  aa  prac- 
tically to  leave  no  room  for  similar  State  taxation,  the  spirit  of  the  ( 'on- 
Ptitution  is  manifestly  violated.  For  this  reason,  such  a  »ax  as  the  10  per 
cent,  tax  on  the  circulation  of  State  banks  being  prohibitory,  prevents 
such  circulation  and  thereby  deprives  the  States  deriving  revenue  from 
taxing  such  circulation  should  they  wish  to  do  so,  and  is  therefore  clearly 
unconstitutional.  And  so  far  as  the  same  principal  can  be  applied  to 
taxes  on  oleomargarine,  tobacco,  and  spirits,  the  conclusion  is  inevitid)ly 
the  same.  Of  course,  in  periods  of  war  or  other  great  peril  of  the  coun- 
try, all  these  taxing  powers  can  be  exercised  for  the  safely  of  the  Repub- 
lic to  their  full  extent ;  but  in  time  of  peace  it  is  otherwise. 

— Dibble,  Record,  5959. 

Taxation,  Two  NyNtems  of. 

\o.  10!i7« — We  have  two  distinct  systems  of  taxation  :  one  upon  the 
American  productions  of  spirits,  tobacco,  and  beer,  and  the  other  upon 
imported  goods,  the  products  of  foreign  nations.  The  first  of  these  the 
President  dismisses  with  a  simile  sentence.  He  says  that  none  of  the  ar- 
ticles named  are  necessaries ;  "  that  there  appears  to  be  no  just  complaint 
of  this  taxation  by  the  consumers  of  these  articles,  and  there  seems  to  be 
nothing  so  well  able  to  bear  the  burden  without  hardships  to  any  portion 
of  the  people." 

It  may  be  that  there  is  no  complaint  by  the  confumers  ;  but  can  he  say 
that  of  the  producers  of  these  articles?  They  are  all  either  the  product 
of  the  farm  or  immediate  fruits  of  the  produ(;t8  of  the  farm.  Their  chief 
cost  is  in  the  leaf-tobacco,  or  the  corn,  rye,  wheat,  and  barley  of  the  farm.' 
Do  not  the  farmers  complain  of  this  tax?  If  the  Pres  dent  thinks  they 
do  not,  he  is  greatly  mistaken.  The  manufacturers  of  tobacco  and  the 
distillers  and  brewers  may  not  complain,  for  the  necetsary  requirements 
of  collection  laws  give  them  a  clo.^e  monopoly  ;  but  the  farmers  who  are 
compelled  to  sell  to  licensed  dealers  alone,  do  complajo.  The  tax  on 
whisky  may,  and  I  think  does,  to  some  extent,  restrain  the  use  of  the 
article  as  a  beverage,  and  in  this  way  does  good  ;  but  the  taxes  on  t'"- 
ba<co  and  beer  do  not.  The  traditions  and  policy  of  our  people  are 
acainst  internal  taxes.  Durinij  and  since  the  war  they  were  a  necessity. 
Now,  if  continueil,  they  should  be  reduced  ;  especially  the  tax  on  tobacco, 
no  longer  necessary,  should  be  remitted.  Tliough  tobacco  is  not,  like 
bread  and  meat,  a  necessity,  yet  its  use  is  so  general  that  the  tax  is  a  bur- 
den to  the  farmer  and  the  consumer.  The  special  taxes  on  rectifiers, 
special  dealers,  stills,  and  worms,  yielding  annually  $j,200,000,  ought  to 
be  repealed  and  left  to  be  imposed  by  the  States,  and  the  tax  on  spirits 
.and  beer  might  be  modified  so  that  the  States  could  impose  taxes  on  the 
410 


TAX 

lomestic  coneuraption  of  those  articles,  a  bounteooB  Bource  of  revenue, 
and  a  proper  means  of  relief  from  the  burdens  of  local  taxation.  If  the 
object  Hoiijrht  was  only  to  avoid  the  accumulation  of  purplu'^  revenue",  the 
easy,  natural,  ami  lo^rical  course  is  to  repeal  or  largely  reduce  intt-rnal 
revenue;  and  1  am  j;lad  to  notice  that  the  Senator  from  Georjria  [Mr. 
Brown]  has  introduced  a  proposition  to  that  eUW-t. 

— Senator  Smkrman,  Record,  201. 

TaxcM  UiSKuiNod  by  uielliod.s  ui'  indirootlon. 

Xo.  102S. — Taxation  in  the  States  is  levied  on  lands,  houses,  bonds, 
stocks,  notes,  hor^ee,  cattle;  in  short,  oi;  all  kinds  of  property.  The 
owner  sees  and  realizes  fully  what  he  is  <lf»in^r  when  he  pays  taxes  on 
his  property,  and  no  party  and  no  a<lministration  could  remain  in  power 
one  hour  in  any  State  in  the  Union  that  would  impose  a  tax  of  fr>  on  the 
$10(t  of  property.  It  could  not  be  collected.  It  would  produce  inpurreo 
tion.  But  a  tax  of  $4J  4l>  levied  on  the  j)roiluct8  of  labor,  and  concealed 
«nd  disvruised  by  the  methods  of  indirection  adopted  in  its  collection  is 
boldly  proclaimeil  a  free-trade  measure.  In  a  mnjority  of  the  States  the 
rate  of  taxation  does  not  reach  $1  on  the  $100  for  State  and  county  pur- 
poses, and  there  are  but  few  cities  in  the  United  States,  extravaj/unt  as 
they  generally  are  in  their  municipal  administraiions,  that  suppoit  a  tax- 
ation of  3  per  cent. 

— Mills,  Record,  7:542. 

FaxcH— KurpliiN  to  rodiico. 

\o.  102!).— They  state  that  they  propose  doing  what  ?  To  re<lnce 
the  revenue  ^.")0,0O0,60O  a  venr.  That  is  all  they  proptse  doing.  Tliat  is 
all  they  are  asked  to  do  by  our  wt^rthy  President,  lly  that  means  the 
fiurplus  in  the  Trea5ury  will  be  stayed.  If  tliat  is  the  only  object  they 
have  in  view,  and  if  that  is  the  only  instruction  they  have  received  from 
their  worthy  leader,  why  did  they  not  at  once  adopt  the  metho<l  of 
'.king  the  (futy  otf  of  sugar?    That  is  f")0,000,000  a  year. 

Mr.  WILLIAMS.     Fifty-five  millions. 

Mr.  WUITK,  of  Indiana.  Would  not  that  have  relieved  the  peoi>le 
of  this  country  from  their  taxes?  Why  nut  select  one  item  and  not 
attack  all  the  industries  from  Maine  to  California?  That  would  only 
have  destroyed  one  industry  in  this  country.  Yet  I  say  to  the  cummit- 
tee  I  would  not  be  in  favor  of  that.  I  am  glad  they  kept  the  sugar  tax 
as  it  is.     I  only  wish  they  bad  doubled  it. 

— Whitk,  Indiana,  Record,  f\'2Pt9. 

rnxcH-W'UoH  protootion  1m  a  tax. 

Xo.  14KI4K — r>ut  it  at  the  same  lime  hjis  been  added  nn  :iii«8:de 
that  rev»  nuo  duties  imposed  on  articles  which  cannot  be  produced  here, 
Mke  colfee,  tea,  and  spices,  are  taxes  which  increase  the  bunlens  on  the 
consumer  precisely  to  the  extent  of  the  duty.nnd  that  duties  imfvwd  on 
articles  which  we  can  produce  here  to  only  a  limited  extent,  an<l  which 
we  must  import  in  large  part  in  order  to  meet  the  consumptinn,  like 
sugar,  where  the  price  is  determined,  not  by  competition,  bvit  by  the  cost 
abroad,  the  duty  is  a  tax  nearly  to  the  extent  that  it  in  imiKwed.  The 
other  side  who  are  insisting  that  in  this  Mills  bill  there  shall  berelainetl 
adutyof  TkS  per  cent,  on  sugar,  which  we  produce  here  to  ho  smsll  an 
extent  that  our  domestic  prrxluction  has  but  litttle  e(Te«'t  in  determining 
the  price,  are  practically  taking  the  j>ositi<)ii  that  you  will  twx  tlie  peo- 
■le  of  this  country  (is  per  <ent.  on  ihe  sugar  they  consume — an  article  of 
ommon  necessity,  like  flour  and  other  articles  which  enter  into  the  fooil 
of  the  nation. 

— DiNOLEY,  Record.  04 IG. 
411 


TAX 

Taxes— When  protection  not  a  tax. 

\'o.  10!tl. — It  luis  been  yaiii  over  and  over  again  on  this  side  of  the 
House  tuata  du'y  levied  upon  an  imparted  article  which  can  be  procured 
here  without  climate  difficulties  to  the  extent  of  our  needs  is  not  a  tax 
which  iucreaaes  burdens  on  the  consumer,  but  that  on  the  contrary  it 
has  the  effect  to  encourajie  home  industry  and  labor,  and  in  givinjr  to 
our  producers  our  home  markets  that  uUima^ely  the  effect  is  to  produce 
greater  prosperity  and  lessen  the  burdens  on  the  people ;  and  that  in  the 
case  of  such  articles  the  price  is  not  the  foreign  cost  plus  the  duty,  but 
the  lowest  point  to  which  it  can  be  brought  by  home  competition. 

A  duty  imposed,  for  example,  on  cotton  goods  which  we  can  produce 
here  to  the  extent  of  our  wan' a  is  not  a  tax  which  increases  the  burdens 
of  the  people,  as  was  shown  in  the  remarks  I  made  in  the  general  debate 
in  reference  to  standard  sheeting  and  common  prinls.  1  exhibited  on 
this  floor  two  specimens  of  common  prints,  one  of  which  was  purchased 
ia  Manchester,  England,  and  the  other  in  the  city  of  Washington,  of  the 
same  quality,  and  both  purchased  at  5  centsayanl,  notwithstanding  there 
is  a  duty  of  4J  per  cent,  a  yard  on  imported  prints.  If  I  had  purchased 
standard  sheeting  in  London  and  in  Washington  I  should  have  found, 
the  price  identical  in  the  two  cities,  notwithstanding  the  duty. 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  4616.. 
Taxes— Who  pays  them? 

Xo.  103S. — If  taxes  are  levied  to  protect  certain  classes,  the  burden 
of  such  taxes  must  fall  upon  all  others  who  are  not  embraced  in  those 
classes.  How  small  is  the  number  ttiat  belong  to  the  privileged  class, 
when  compared  with  the  millions  who  must  bear  the  burdens  of  taxa- 
tion for  the  benefit  of  the  former. 

Tne  lordly  manufacturers,  numbering  less  than  55,000,  have  nearly 
one-half  the  income  that  falls  to  the  lot  of  the  4  225,945  farmers  and  the 
nearly  4,000  000  farm  laborers.  The  farmer's  investment  in  real  estate 
alone  being  $10,197,000,000,  whilst  the  entire  plant  of  the  manufacturer 
is  valued  at  $2,790,272,606  only.  The  legi-slation  of  Congress  for  twenty- 
five  years  shows  the  power  and  influence  of  capital  upon  our  legislation, 
when  we  nee  that  so  small  a  number  have,  for  so  long  a  period,  controlled 
legislation  in  their  own  interest  to  the  injury  and  oppression  of  the  masses, 

— Gl.\ss,  Record,  3546. 

Taxes— Who  reduced  them?— Eleven  years  contrast. 

Xo.  1033. — Th«  tree  is  known  by  its  fruits,  and  a  political  party  is 
judge<l  by  its  record,  and  that  the  pe:)ple  may  know  just  what  has  been 
done  by  both  parties  in  the  last  twenty  years,  I  offer  in  evidence  an  extract 
from  the  "  views  of  Ihe  minority  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means," 
as  presented  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [.Mr.  McKinley]  : 
During  the  eleven  yeara  of  Republican  control  the  rovenuee  were  reduced 

(estimated  I ^ $302  504,66& 

During  the  eleven  years  of  Democratic  control  the  refbnues  were  reduced..  6,368,9JE 

The*?e  ficrurefl  have  never  been  challenged  or  denied,  and  they  show 
what  the  Republican  party  has  done  in  the  past,  and  she  stands  now,  aa 
ever,  ready  and  willing  to  further  reduce  the  revenues  of  the  Government, 
but  she  insists  that  the  reductions  shall  be  eo  made  as  to  afford  the  great- 
eat  relief  to  the  American  people,  and  on  the  lines  of  fairand  honest  pro- 
tection to  American  industries  and  American  labor. 

(See  also  Revenue.) 

— Yardlbv,  Record,  4140. 

Taxes— Who  are  complaining  of'them? 

\o.  1034. — Notwithstanding  the  frightful  pictures  of  distress  grow- 
ing out  of  exccFsive  taxation  to  which  we  have  been  treated  in  thecourse? 
412 


I 


TEA-TIM 

.f  this  debate,  no  man  can  lay  his  linger  upon  a  sinijle  instance  of  real 
listrees  resulting  from  national  t;ixition,  and  the  people  ara  nowhere 

)inplainint£  of  it.    In  its  daily  round  the  sun  iloes  not  shine  on  a  more 
iroeperous  country  than  this,  and  their  fancy  pictures  of  distress  are  mere 

reations  of  the  imagination,  intended  for  use  in  the  coming  political 

impaign. 

— Thomi>son-,  Ohio,  Record,  4320. 

Tea  antl  cofTce— President  NcekH  to  place  a  tarifT  on. 

'Xo.  1035. — During  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  18S7,  there  was 
imported  from  foreign  countries  for  consumption  in  the  United  States 
merchandise  to  the  value  of  1683,418,981.  Of  these  there  was  admitted 
free  of  <luty  merchandise  of  the  value  of  $233,01)3,659,  giving  absolute 
•free  trade  in  domestic  productions  to  the  sixty  million  of  our  people  with 
each  other  and  with  all  the  world,  and  free-trade  in  over  one-third  of  all 
the  articles  of  foreign  production  consumed  in  this  country.  These  arti- 
-cles  are  mainly  such  as  cannot  be  proauced  here  by  rea.son  of  climate  ; 
they  do  not  come  into  competition  with  domestic  industry  ;  and  a  tax 
npon  them  would  be  simply  a  burden  without  any  redeeming  benefit. 
With  this  kind  of  free  trade  I  am  in  hearty  sympathy,  and  woufd  extend 
it  to  every  article  of  common  use,  the  growth  or  production  of  which  is 
not  profitable  in  the  United  States.  If  Senators  can  name  any  such 
Articles  not  already  on  the  freedist,  they  will  have  my  hearty  a^^istance 
to  place  them  upon  the  free-li&t.  It  is  exactly  the  opposite  policy  that  is 
proposed  by  the  President  and  the  school  to  which  he  belongs.  They 
fleek  to  place  taxes  upon  articles  now  free,  such  as  tea  and  coffee,  in  order 
that  a  greater  reduction  may  be  made  on  articles  that  do  come  into  com- 
petition with  home  industry. 

— Senator  Sherman,  Record,  201. 

Timber. 

No.  1030. — By  the  census  of  ISSO  there  w;is  ntanding,  of  pine  timber 
alone,  in  the  State  of  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  .ind  Minnesota,  84.170.000,000 
feet ;  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  2,12i»,000,0(»0  feet,  and  in  tiu-  States 
of  Florida,  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  Arkansas,  Texas, 
Louisiana,  Misi-issippi,  nnd  Alabama,  236,04 1,5:  0.0i»0  feet.  Ttieee  figures, 
larg«  a.s  they  are,  be  it  observed,  are  from  10  to  25  per  cent,  too  small,  as 
we  are  informed  by  the  census  reporter,  and  include  no  other  variety  of 
«tanrling  timber  except  pine. 

No  estimates  are  given  of  the  timber  in  Virginia,  West  Virginia,  Mis- 
souri, Tennessee,  and  Kentucky,  but  the  reporier  tells  us  that  they  con- 
tain immense  quantities  of  cypress,  walnut,  cherry,  oak,  hickory,  and 
other  hard  woods,  as  well  as  pine,  hemloik,  and  Hpruce  ;  nor  tlo  the  cen- 
aus  reports  nive  us  any  estimate  of  the  stamling  timber  in  Washington 
Territory,  Oregon,  and  California,  but  the  quantity  in  that  region,  from 
the  best  information  obtainable,  is  vastly  greater  than  in  the  Stales  of 
Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  Minnesota  combined,  before  a  tree  had  been 
felled  there.  The  redwood  in  California  alone  is  estimate  1  by  the  cen- 
flus  reporter  at  25,825,000,000  feet.  I  have  made  no  mention  of  the  ex- 
tensive and  valuable  forests  of  fir,  pine,  and  larch  in  the  Territoriod  of 
Idaho  and  Montana,  nor  of  those  of  New  Mexico,  where,  we  are  told  by 
the  census  reporter,  there  is — 

".More  timber  than  will  supply  indefinitely  all  the  population  that  will 
occupy  this  part  of  the  United  States." 

Time  will  not  permit  me  to  show  the  peculiar  injury  which  would  be 
suffered  by  the  people  i.f  California,  Oregon,  and  WA><hin4<»n  Territory  if 
this  bill  were  to  become  a  law.  Petitions  signe<l  by  thousands  of  citizens, 
•of  that  section  of  the  co  inlry,  including  not  only  mill-owners,  but  mill 

413 


TIN 

operatives  as  well,  proteatin.?  auainst  the  remjviil  of  duty  upon  lumber 
have  been  presented  in  this  Congress  and  referred  to  the  Committee  oo 
Ways  and  Means,  but  that  committee  has  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  their  en- 
treaties. 

— McCoRMicK,  Record,  3937. 

Tin  and  labor. 

No.  10;J7.— I  state  as  my  first  proposition  that  the  introduction  of 
tin-plate^i  free  means  destruction  of  the  sheet-iron  industries  of  the  coun- 
tr}'.  1  Siiy  in  the  next  place  that  putting;  tin-plates  on  the  free-list  ren- 
ders impossible  the  creation  of  an  industry  which  belouirs  naturally  to 
this  country,  and  in  the  inau^iiuration  and  development  of  which  Amer- 
ican capital  and  labor  might  receive  immense  advantages.  We  have  th» 
iron  ore;  we  have  the  coal ;  we  have  the  limestone.  Or,  to  start  with, 
we  have  the  sheets.  80  far  as  lin  is  concerned  we  have  in  a  better  con- 
dition to-day  than  England.  England  makes  all  the  tin-plates  of  lht> 
world,  or  nearly  all ;  yet  she  imports  the  larger  part — two-thirds,  I  be- 
lieve— of  her  tin.  If  we  were  in  exactly  the  same  situation  as  England, 
we  could,  of  course,  meet  her  upon  common  ground  as  to  everything 
except  one — labor.  But  we  are  in  a  much  better  situation,  so  far  aa 
this  industry  is  concerned,  than  England,  for  the  reason  that  we  have 
the  tin. 

— Dalzell,  Record,  5684. 

Tin  ore. 

LETTER   OF   JOHN  J.VKRETT. 

No.  1038. — "  The  reports,  if  accurate,  show  the  tin  ore  discovered  to 
be  exceedingly  rich  and  much  more  valuable  than  the  English  and  Aus- 
tralian ores.  The  Cornwall  tin  ore  of  England  yields  about  2V  per  cent, 
of  metallic  tin.  According  to  the  testimony  of  E.  N.  Robinson,  R.  E  . 
the  tin  ore  of  the  Cajalico  mines,  in  California,  has  yielded  as  high  aa  i: 
per  cent,  of  metallic  tin.  The  prospectus  of  the  Virginia  Tin  Mining  and 
Manufacturing  Company  shows  that  tin  ore  abounds  very  extensively  iu 
Rockbridge  County,  Virginia.  The  character  of  the  ore  is  very  rich,  be- 
ing from  14  to  Co  per  cent,  metallic  tin.  These  samples  of  the  ore  wer< 
assayed  and  analyzed  by  Professor  Frank  A.  Massie,  of  the  University  v 
Virginia,  Professor  A.  S.  McCreath  and  Franklin  Platt,of  the  Pennsylva- 
nia Geogological  Survev,  and  Professor  H.  D.  Campbell,  of  Washington 
and  Lee  University,  Virginia. 

"Another  very  important  discovery  of  tin  ore  is  that  of  the  Black  Hill> 
Dak.     This  ore,  upon  analysis,  has  yielded  from  the  3  to  4  per  cent,  nv 
tall  ic  tin.    Professor  William  P.Blake  says  that  there   are  now  tlir 
well-defined  districts  of  tin-bearing  lodes  in  the  Dakota  portion  of  tl 
Black  Hills : 

"  1.  On  the  east  side  of  the  Harney  range  at  the  Etta,  Ingerson,  Mon- 
arch, Peerless,  and  other  claims. 

"2.  Near  the  summit  of  Bismark's  rancho,  where  cassiterits  occurs  ii 
several  narrow  veins  of  quartz. 

"3.  At  Hill  City,  on  tlie  western  side  of  the   Harney  range,  wher^ 
there  are  both  granitic  veins  and  quartz  veins  bearing  tin  ore. 

'•  To  these  we  may  atid  mention  to  a  tin  district  in  the  Wyoming  poi  - 
tion  of  the  Black  Hills,  about  20  miles  west  of  Dead  wood,  where  a  considei  - 
able  amount  of  stream  tin  has  been  washed  out  of  the  bed  of  Sand  Creek 
and  the  discovery  of  the  ore  in  places  in  granitic  veins  is  rep>orted. 

"  These  reports  are  certainly  interesting,  and  would  indicate  that  W' 

are  about  developing  another  great  resource,  and  adding  a  valuable  aii' 

important  industry  to  those  already  existing.  It  is  sincerely  to  be  hop<*' 

that  such  may  be  the  case,  but  well  to  remember  that  it  is  not  essentia 

414 


TIN 

that  tin-mining  should  be  fully  developed  before  the  tin-plate  industiy 
can  be  established  here.  The  development  of  tiu-minini:  in  this  coun- 
try will  depend  j)rincipal]y  upon  the  edlabliahmont  of  the  tlu-nli<te  in- 
dustry here.  '  — Dalzell,  Kecoru,  5G84. 

Tin-plate. 

\o.  14):(0. — How  far-reaching  is  this  whole  matter!  It  has  relation 
to  an  enormous  production  of  iron  ore,  or  liraeHtone,  coal,  coke,  pig-iron, 
and  every  article  coane<rted  with  its  production,  and  why  should  not  all 
these  be  encouraged  and  produced  in  the  United  States?  I  think  J17,- 
000,000  a  year  is  too  much  money  to  gooutof  thiHcountry  when  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  without  harm  lo  the  consumer,  iu  my  judgment, 
and  without  ultimately  enhancing  the  price  of  these  commodities,  can 
produce  the  very  articles  themselves.  We  have  within  live  years  con- 
tributed $100,000,000  to  England,  and  have  drained  our  country  to  that 
extent. 

I  hope,  therefore,  this  matter  will  be  considerel  on  broad  business 
principles  and  without  prejudice.  Twenty  per  cent.,  I  ju<lge,  of  the  tin- 
plates  consumed  in  the  Unite.l  States  in  used  by  the  Standard  Oil  Com- 
pany, that  is,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  and  I  do  not  believe  the  Standard  Oil 
Company  would  in  the  end  be  injured  or  put  to  one  dollar  of  exjMinse  be- 
yond the  present  rates;  because,  while  they  would  get  no  drawbacks,  of 
course,  on  the  other  hand  they  would  have  no  duty  to  pay  on  tlie  tin- 
plates.  They  would  get  the  American  article  instead  of  the  British,  and 
that  is  the  difference. 

I  am  not  disposed  to  give  this  interest  or  this  advantage  to  a  foreign 
country  in  preference  to  my  own.     [Applause.] 

— Randall,  Record,  5686. 
Tin-platc. 

'So,  10-10. — There  are  uow  50,010  persons  employed  in  England  and 
Wales  in  the  manufacture  of  tin-plates  for  American  consumption.  We 
are  feeding  and  clothing  this  great  army  of  men  under  the  British  Hag. 
and  I  want  to  know  whether  it  is  patriotic  for  Americans  to  strike  down 
an  industry  of  this  kind,  which  ought  to  furnish  employment  to  our  own 
people.  I  have  certiQc^ites  before  meshowing  that  the  tin-plate  that  we 
made  in  thi.s  country  was  as  good  as  any  that  was  ever  imported,  but  the 
importers  of  foreign  tin-plate  put  the  price  down  from  $1-1.75  per  box  to 
$5.18,  and  in  this  way  closed  out  the  American  work«,  and  as  Hoon  as 
they  had  completely  destroyed  our  tin-plate  works  they  raised  the  price 
so  as  to  recover  their  former  lo.s.sep. 

The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Randall]  well  said  a  few  mo- 
ments since,  "  We  are  now  entirely  in  the  hands  of  Great  Britain." 
This  is  trut*.  and  we  are  entirely  dependent  upon  (ireat  Britain  for  every 
tin  pan,  every  tin  bucket,  every  tin  kettle,  every  canteen.  If  we  should 
be  involved  in  a  war  with  Great  Britain  or  any  other  country,  and  if  our 
supply  of  tin  fnjm  abroad  should  be  cut  off,  we  would  be  without  can- 
teens and  without  cooking  utensils  until  we  coulil  erect  the  necessary 
plant  and  entered  upon  the  manufacture  of  tin-plate. 

—J.I).  Taylor,  Record,  5088. 
Tiu-plate. 

Xo.  to  11. — Why  do  you  propose  to  leave  a  duty  of  75  per  cent,  on 
sheet-iron  and  make  tin-plates  free? 

Is  there  any  honest  v  or  good  sense  in  such  a  proposition?  If  a  man 
desires  a  new  roof  on  fiis  house,  why  shoulil  he  not  be  allowed  as  good  a 
chance  to  get  a  cheap  iron  or  steel  rfx)f  a«  \n  get  a  cheap  tin  roof?  Is  it 
not  as  necessary  to  furnish  coal-hods,  etove-pipe,  bread- pans,  roofing,  sid- 
ing, etc.,  cheap  as  to  furnish  cheap  tin-ware  and  tin  rooting  ?   If  not,  why 

4L5 


TIN 

not?  There  is  95  to  07  per  cent,  of  iron  or  steel  in  the  tin-plate,  and  only 
from  three  to  five  per  cent,  of  tin.  and  it  is  proposed  to  let  the  iron  or  steel 
coated  with  tin  come  in  free,  while  the  iron  or  steel,  which  is  not  coated 
atull,  is  to  pay  a  hi<;h  rate  of  duty,  or,  in  other  words,  the  advanced  prod- 
uct is  to  pay  no  duty,  while  the  less  advanced  product  is  to  pay  a  high 
duty.  I  am  in  favor  of  protectinj»  every  American  industry,  but  I  cannot 
comprehend  this  unjust  discrimination  against  the  sheet-iron  and  eheet- 
steel  industry.  — J.  D.  Tayloh,  Record,  5689. 

Tin-plato. 

No.  10 12.— I  think  I  have  shown,  what  indeed  is  very  apparent,  that 
tin-plates  are  an  iron  and  steel  product,  and  not  a  tin  product;  audit 
therefore  follows  that  this  bill,  in  puttiny;  them  upon  the  free-list, creates 
this  anomaly  :  from  the  ore,  throufih  the  pig-iron  and  its  product,  clear 
up  to  the  steel  rail,  there  is  not  a  single  item  that  does  not  pay  a  tariff 
duty  and  will  not  pay  a  tariff  duty  under  the  Mills  bill,  except  the  very 
hiphfst  product  of  steel,  tin-plates — not  one. 

I  therefore  suggest  that  tliat  is  an  anomaly  that  ouirht  not  to  be  intro- 
duced into  our  legislation.  The  fact  is  that  the  failure  to  understand  the 
character  of  the  tin-plate  industry  is  what  has  ruined  the  industry  in  this 
country.    In  the  tariff  act  of  1804  there  was  this  provision: 

'•And  on  tin-plates,  and  iron  galvanized  or  coated  with  any  metal  by 
electric  batteries  or  otherwise,  two  cents  and  a  half  per  pound." 

In  other  words,  there  was  a  tariff  duty  commensurate  with  the  demands 
of  the  industry — such  a  tariff  as  we  ought  to  have  now.  But  that  legis- 
lation was  rendered  useless  by  a  decision  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
made  in  utter  ignorance  of  the  subject.  Mr.  Fes^enden  held  that  the 
comma  that  occurred  in  the  paragraph  I  have  just  read  after  the  word 
"  tin-plates"  had  been  put  in  by  mistake,  and  that  the  paragraph  ought 
to  read : 

"  On  tin-plates  and  iron  galvanized  or  coated  with  any  metal  by  elec- 
tric batteries  or  otherwise,  two  cents  and  a  half  per  pound." 

In  other  words,  he  ruled  that  there  was  no  duty  on  tin-plate,  unless  it 
wa«  galvanized.  Now,  to  galvanize  a  tin-plate  would  be  like  pewterizing 
-a  gold  watch,  and  the  consequence  of  this  decision  was  that  tin-plates 
came  into  this  country  under  another  provision  of  the  act  of  1864  : 

"  Tin  in  sheets  or  plates,  terne,  and  taggers'  tin,  at  fifteen  per  cent,  ad 
valorem." 

— Dalzbll,  Record,  5683. 
Tiu-plate. 

[From  London  Iron,  January  13.] 

A  BRITISH  TIN-PLATE  SYNDICATE. 

'No.  1043. — "A  meeting  of  tin-plate  makers,  which  was  numerously 
attended,  was  held  at  the  Swansen  Exchange  on  Tuesday,  January  10, 
under  the  presidency  of  Mr.  James  Spence,  of  London,  for  the  purpose 
of  seeing  what  steps  can  be  taken  with  the  object  of  increasing  the  price 
of  tin-plates.  The  chairman  laid  before  the  meeting  the  basis  of  a  scheme 
which,  he  stated,  would  meet  with  the  approval  of  powerful  capitalists, 
who  are  prepared  to  form  a  syndicate  in  furtherance  of  the  object  in 
view.  The  whole  details  of  the  propoHals,  which  took  the  form  of  an 
agreement,  were  fully  and  exhaustively  discussed,  and  ultimately  a^ 
special  executive  committee  was  appointed  to  carry  out  the  decision  ar- 
rived at.  This  committee  is  to  put  itself  in  communication  with  the 
-cap'talists  already  referred  to  as  being  ready  and  willing  to  cooperate, 
and  to  effect  an  arrangement  with  the  view  of  immediately  putting  into 
practical  working  shape  the  scheme  proposed  to  be  adopted." 

— Dalzbll,  Record,  5716. 
416 


TIN 

Tiu-pluto  and  labor. 

\o.  1011. —  How  does  it  affect  the  producinj?  interests  of  the  coun- 
try? lJoe:-i  it  atl'ecl  the  lal>or  of  the  country  —the  wage-earner  ?  Tc-dav 
there  are  coming  to  the  United  States  iJilT.lHJo.tjOO  in  value  of  tin-jjlates. 
If  those  tin-platee  were  produced  in  this  country  twenty-four  thousand 
people  here  could  be  employed  in  this  industry.  The  labor  in  Great 
Britain  and  Wales  retjuired  to  produce  ttio  tin-plates  we  consume 
amounts,  I  am  advised,  to  JU.OCK >,0<> t,  and  it  is  only  fair  to  conclude  if  we 
produced  those  tin-plates  in  this  country  the  laborers  en^raged  in  that 
work  would  receive  from  it  some  ten  or  twelve  millions  of  dollars. 

— Ka.ndall,  Record,  6080. 

Tin-plate  can  be  produced  in  liie  Nontii. 

\o.  1015.— But  it  may  be  claimed  that  wo  cannot  produce  these  tin- 
plates.  Bessemer  ores  of  the  tinest  (luality  and  in  vast  quantity  are 
found  in  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  an<l  various  States  of  the  South.  No 
one  ■doubts,  however,  that  our  pection  possesses  millions  upon  millions  of 
tons  of  phosphoritic  ores  suitable  to  the  production  of  steel  under  the 
basic  procees,  and  all  of  the  tin-plate  made  in  die  world  is  now  made 
from  mild  basic  steel. 

We  can  produce  every  pound  of  material  which  enters  into  the  manu- 
facture of  tin-plate,  even  down  to  the  tin.  In  my  district  alone  a  large 
deposit  of  tin  of  line  qualitv  is  now  being  developed.  That  it  existfl  in 
quantity  there  can  be  little  doubt.  The  geological  condition  in  which  it 
occurs  extends  for  miles,  and  the  surface  indications  point  to  the  proba- 
bility of  rich  and  extensive  deposits. 

— Yost,  Record,  57-44. 

Tin-plate  elteapeued  by  tariff. 

>o.  lOlO. — So  the  law  remained  until  1^7."),  when  a  Bp)ecific  duty  of 
1  1-lU  cent*)  per  pound  was  put  upon  tin-plates.  Following  that,  at  three 
places  in  this  country,  certain  Weldhmen  who  had  understood  the  busi- 
ness at  home  undertook  the  inauguration  of  the  tin-plate  industry,  at 
"Wellsville,  in  the  State  of  Ohio;  at  Leachburgh,  in  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  at  Demler,  also  in  Pennsylvania,  immediately  adjoining  my 
district. 

The  result  of  this  was  that  whereas  in  1873  the  best  quality  of  tin  plates 
commanded  .l!14.75  a  box,  after  the  starting  of  this  industry  by  these 
Welshmen  the  beet  quality  of  tin-plate.s  coukl  be  bought  in  is 78  for  ^0.2") 
a  box;  and  whereas  in  187."  the  second  quality  of  tin-plates  brought 
5^14 -30  a  box,  in  1878  they  were  found  upon  ttu>  market  at  ifo. 18  a  box.  In 
other  words,  the  moment  British  tin-plate  mauufacturen-: — and  we  take 
two-thinls  of  all  Britain's  product  of  tin-plates — the  very  numient  the 
British  tin  plate  manufacturers  found  themselves  in  competition  with 
these  three  infant  establishments  in  America,  that  moment  their  prices 
went  down,  and  they  went  down  to  such  an  extent  that  under  the  exist- 
ing tariirit  was  found  ab.solutely  impossible  to  continue  the  industry  in 
this  country,  and  therefore  it  died  ;  so  that  to-day  there  is  not  a  tin-plate 
made  anywhere  in  the  I'nited  States. 

Now,  if  that  be  ho,  if  it  be  a  fact  that  there  are  no  tin-plates  ma<le  in 
the  United  State.-*,  and  if  it  be  also  a  fact  that  our  reveiiucH  hu^t  year  from 
imported  tin-plates  amounted  to  $"),7n(),4;M,  I  ask  you  gentlemen  on  the 
other  side  of  the  House  upon  what  theory  you  strike  down  thi."  tariff, 
which  is  tarifl'for  revenue  only,  purely  so,  a  tariU'  laid  upon  the  theory 
on  which  you  say  our  tariff' billsought  to  be  conetructed  and  maintained? 

— D.\L/Ei.i.,  Record  'u,s:]. 
xxvii  417 


TIN 

Tin-plate— Froo  fin  iu  Itritisli  iutorosts. 

Xo.  10-i7. — The  Mills  bill  places  tiu-plates  on  the  free-list.  Wbatevei*'- 
professions  of  friendship  and  partiality  to  American  labor  the  majority 
of  the  Ways  and  ]\Ieans  Committee  may  have  made,  this  act  of  their& 
in  placing  tin-plates  on  the  free-list  clearly  indicates  their  real  intentions 
of  ultimate  free  trade.  It  is  an  act  solely  and  absolutely  in  the  interest 
of  British  capital  and  labor,  securing  to  them  a  monopoly  of  the  tin- 
plate  manufacture  needed  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  American  people. 
It  is  an  act  that  implies  the  inability  of  American  labor  to  produce  tin- 
plates,  or  that  it  is  better  to  employ  British  labor  at  low  wages  to  supply 
us  with  tin-plates  rather  than  permit  the  same  to  be  done  by  home  laboi 
at  reasonable  wages. 

— Dalzell,  Record,  5718. 

Tiii-piate»— How  the  syndicate  works. 

Xo.  1048. — One  of  the  principal  features  of  the  scheme  is  the  fixing 
of  a  minimum  price  for  ordmary  plates — say,  B.  V.  grade  at  15  shillings 
per  box  f.  o.  b.  Swansea— which  would  be  adopted  at  the  figure  below 
which  plates  for  the  present  should  not  be  sold.  The  rumor  of  the  in- 
tention to  form  a  corner  which  was  current  last  week  has  had  the  effect 
of  stifiening  the  price  of  tin-plates  with  makers,  and  it  is  thought  that, 
when  the  result  of  Tuesday's  meeting  is  made  known,  it  will  have  the 
etfect  of  further  improving  both  prices  and  demand.  The  present  mo- 
ment is  regarded  by  the  makers  as  the  most  favorable  part  of  the  year  for 
the  purpose  of  the  present  combination. 

It  is  stated  that  the  tin  syndicate  is  backing  the  tin-plate  makers,  and 
that,  should  any  makers  be  unable  to  hold  their  plates  sufficiently  to  ob- 
tain the  standard  price,  the  members  of  the  syndicate  will  take  the  plates 
on  warrant  at  a  price  1  shilling  below  the  standard. 

And  Mr.  Jacob  Reese,  of  Pittsburgh,  the  well-known  metallurgist,  in  a 
recently  published  letter,  says:  "Last  fall  a  tin  trust  was  formed  in 
Europe  which  bought  the  stock  of  tin  on  the  market,  made  contracts  with 
the  manufacturers,  and  then  put  up  the  price  of  block  tin  from  £100  on 
April  1, 1887,  to  £167  per  ton  March  1, 1888,  in  London,  which  is  an  ad- 
vance of  67  per  cent- 

— Dalzell,  Record,  5716. 

Tin-plate— In  the  South. 

No.  1049. — Whv,  sir,  the  Southern  States,  with  native  tin  ore,  and 
fuel,  and  the  labor  of  a  million  of  people  now  practically  idle,  can  dig  the 
ore,  mine  the  coal,  gather  the  limestone,  smelt  the  ore,  convert  it  into 
steel,  and  roll  and  hammer  it  if  need  be  into  first-class  steel  plates  and 
sheet-iron.  They  can  do  all  that  within  the  limits  of  the  old  Confederacy, 
and  in  doing  it  not  only  give  employment  to  more  than  a  million  of  idle 
men,  but  invite  millions  of  capital  and  tens  and  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  skilled  men  into  that  region  to  deal  with  all  the  metals  in  which  the 
South  so  abounds. 

— Kelley,  Record,  5717. 

Tin-plate— liead  poisoning. 

Xo.  1050. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  offer  the  following  amendment : 
"  On  page  3,  lines  45  and  46,  strike  out  these  words, '  or  lead,  or  with 
a  mixture  of  which  these  metals  is  a  component  part.'  " 

I  offer  this  because  the  paragraph  as  it  stands  oflfers  encouragement  to 
the  importation  of  tin-plate  adulterated  with  lead.  Much  of  the  plate 
now  imported  is  so  adulterated,  and  the  importation  of  such  plate  should 
be  prohibited  instead  of  encouraged.  This  leaded  plate  is  used  by  some 
unscrupulous  makers  of  cans  for  packing  and  preserving  vegetables  and 
iruita.  Aa  is  wed  known,  the  acids  in  some  of  these  vegetables  and 
418 


TIN 

fruits  cut  open  the  lead  in  these  tins,  and  the  result  is  that  the  contents 
are  poisoned  and  become  hiplily  dangerous  to  health  and  life.  I  clip 
from  a  Philadelphia  paper  of  this  morning  an  account  of  one  such  case, 
and  they  are  of  very  frequent  occurrence  : 

"  A  dish  of  canned  tomatoes  eaten  at  dinner  time  on  Monday  in  the 
household  of  Dr.  John  W.  Ranck,  who  keeps  a  drug  store  on  German- 
town  avenue  near  Nicetown  lane,  poisoned  all  those  who  partook  of  the 
vegetable,  and  in  the  case  of  Dr.  Kanck  himself  the  poison  came  near 
terminating  fatally.  Those  poisoned  were  Dr.  J.  VV.  Ranck,  Albert  D. 
Forrest,  his  assistant  in  the  store  ;  Frank  Nestor,  the  oflice  boy  ;  Charles 
Ranck,  aged  11,  and  little  Mamie  Ranck,  aged  7." 

— Buchanan,  Record,  5719. 

Tin-plate  mixed  witli  lead. 

No.  1051. — It  is  not  <renerally  known,  but  it  is  nevertheless  true, 
that  when  tin  goes  up  in  price  the  tin-plate  manufacturers  mix  lead  with 
the  tin  and  use  the  amal}.'am  of  tin  and  lead  for  casting  the  tin-plate, 
because  the  lead  is  only  5  cents  a  pound,  while  the  tin  is  36  cents  per 
pound  in  London,  where  they  buy  their  stock.  There  is  now  great 
danger  of  the  tin-plate  makers  using  lead,  which,  when  coming  in  con- 
tact with  the  acids  of  the  fruits  in  our  canned  goods,  will  produce  a 
deadly  poison,  known  aa  lead  poison,  which,  owing  to  the  extent  of  the 
use  of  canned  fruit  in  the  United  States,  might  prove  more  disastrous  to 
the  people  than  the  yellow  fever  or  the  cholera. 

— Dalzell,  Record,  5710, 
Tin-plute— Onr  plate  worlcH  destroyed. 

Xo.  105ti. — British  manufacturern,  though  possessing  a  monopoly  of 
the  tin-plate  manufacture  since  17i'(i,  never  supplied  cheap  tin-plates  to 
this  country  until  attempts  to  raanuCacture  tin-plates  were  made  here. 
In  1875  we  had  four  tin-plate  works  in  operation  in  this  country.  Prices 
of  British  tin-plates  were  very  high  up  to  that  date. 

Quoting  from  the  Iron  Age,  we  tind  the  prices  to  have  been,  in  1S73, 
for  ordinary  coke  grades,  $12  per  box,  and  for  charcoal  grades  $14.75  ppr 
box.  A  box  contained  112  sheets  of  14  by  20,  and  weighed  about  112 
pounds.  It  was  the  high  prices  that  had  existed  up  to  this  time  that 
tempted  American  capital  to  undertake  tin-plate  manufacturing.  The 
duty  at  that  time  was  15  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  In  1875  the  duty  was 
made  specitic,  1.1  cents  per  pound ;  but  it  was  only  a  low  levenue  duty, 
equal  to  15  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  Tlie  British  manufacturers,  tinding 
that  the  attempts  to  manufacture  tin-plates  in  this  country  were  succes- 
ful,  rapidly  reduced  prices,  and,  by  the  aid  of  cheap  labor  and  a  low  tariff, 
in  1873  completely  throttled  the  young  American  industry. 

— Dalzell,  Record,  5718. 
Tin-plate— Our  resonrceH  in. 

'So,  1053. —  rhe  people  of  Dakota  have  expended  over  $100,000  out 
of  their  own  pockets  in  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  a  school 
of  mines  at  Rapid  City  for  the  purpose  of  experimenting  with  and  test- 
ing these  and  other  ores  in  the  Black  Ililla.  Professor  Bailey,  United 
States  geologist  for  Montana,  speaking  of  the  tin-bearing  rock  in  the 
region  of  Harney's  Peak  in  the  Black  Hills,  says  that  it  cjuarried  from 
the  surface  ;  that  there  are  veins  measuring  more  than  50  feet  in  width 
which  will  average  much  better  than  those  in  Cornwall.  He  declares 
that  there  is  enough  to  supply  the  world,  and  says  that  it  is  impossible 
to  imagine  this  great  bodv  of  ore  ever  being  exhausted.  If  these  state- 
ments are  correct,  the  discovery  is  one  of  the  most  important  of  the 
century. 

— Dalzkll,  Record,  9719. 
419 


TIN 

Tin-Plato— Our  resources  in. 

>o.  1051. — As  the  digcovery  of  gold  in  California  in  1849  gave  a  new 
impetus  to  civilization,  and  led  to  the  rapid  development  of  the  then 
scarcely  known  western  coast  of  America,  so  the  tindingof  tin  in  Dakota 
will  doubtless  stimulate  the  growth  of  population  in  that  now  thinly 
settled  region,  and  tend  to  increase  the  weahh  of  the  world. 

"  Experts  who  have  visited  and  explored  the  Black  Hills  state  that  the 
greisen  rock  of  Dakota  can  be  cheaply  mined  and  dressed  by  crushing 
and  washing  in  the  usual  way,  and  is  particularly  well  adapted  to  wet 
concentration  by  the  processes  so  well  known  and  used  in  Cornwall. 
The  heavy  crystals  of  tin  are  easily  separated  from  the  mica  and  epar, 
and  yield  about  05  per  cent,  of  metallic  tin.  According  to  official  data 
the  Cornish  ores  no  not  average  45  pounds  of  block  tin  to  the  ton  of 
stutr  sent  to  the  mill  for  reduction,  though  ores  yielding  considerably 
less  have  been  profitably  worked  in  Cornwall  and  elsewhere." 

The  London  Industrial  Review,  which  at  lust  believes  in  American  tin, 
says  that  it  "can  easily  understand  the  misrepresentations  used  by  pres- 
ent tin  importers  and  "producers  from  all  sources  to  hold  this  American 
I>roperty  in  check,  to  prevent  its  becoming  a  dancerous  competitor." 

— Dalzell,  Record,  5715. 

Tin-Plate— Our  tribnte  to  England. 

\o.  1055. — From  that  day  to  this  we  have  taken  two-thirds  of  the 
entire  product  of  tin-plate  made  by  England  ;  so  that  in  the  last  twenty 
years  it  is  calculated  that  we  have  j)aid  to  England  for  tin-plate  in  sup- 
port of  English  capital  and  English  labor  and  to  the  detriment  of  Amer- 
ican labor,  $L'J.'),O0O,O0O. 

The  supply  of  bar  tin  required  by  the  United  States  at  the  present  day 
is  one-third  the  entire  production  of  the  world,  and  at  the  present 
moment  the  United  States  consumes  two-thirds  of  the  tin  plate  manu- 
factured in  England,  two  items  together  amounting  to  over  £6,000,000 
sterling  ($30,000,000  per  year). 

— D.\LZKLL,  Record,  5715. 
Tiii-l*Iate— South  should  make  it. 

>o.  1050. — Mr.  Jacob  lieese,  in  an  interesting  letter  to  the  Pitts- 
burgh Commercial  Gazette  on  ihe  above  subject,  after  giving  statistics  of 
the  magnitude  of  the  tin-plate  business  already  farailiar  to  the  readers  of 
the  Iron  Trade  Review,  says: 

"The  South  wants  the  tin-plate  trade.  The  Southern  iron  ores  are  too 
high  in  phosphorus  to  make  steel  by  the  old  Beestmer  process,  but 
their  ores  are  especially  adapted  to  making  steel  by  the  basic  process, 
itiul,  as  all  the  tin-plate  made  in  the  world  is  now  made  from  mild  ba«ic 
.•-teel,  the  South  w^ould  much  ratlipr  make  basic  ingot  iron  for  tin  plates 
tlian  run  in  competition  with  the  steel  works  of  the  North  for  the 
steel-rail  trade.  If  Congress  would  only  put  a  tariff  on  tin-plates  to  jus- 
tify their  manufacture,  it  would  boom  the  South  without  hurting  tlie 
North,  and  I  think  that  there  is  not  a  Southern  Democrat  in  the  Houee 
but  would  be  willintr  to  vote  for  such  a  policy.  It  would  energize  the 
whole  South  from  Virginia  to  Texa.'j.  It  would  give  her  a  new  market 
for  >^;]0,000,000  of  her  products,  and  at  the  same  time  the  phofiphorus 
which  would  thus  be  eliminated  from  the  metal  would  be  put  into  lime 
and  produce  95,355  tons  of  basic  phosphate  worth  ^2<).12  per  ton — 
J-2,41 2,051.45.  — Dalzell,  Record,  5716. 

'I'iu-plate— Value  of  the  niunuraeture. 

>o.  1057. — The  cost  of  production  of  the  tin-plates,  according  to  the 
cost-sheet  we  submit,  would  be  $15,877,623  in  Great  Britain,  and  in  this 
country  5^2S,267,982. 
420 


TIX— TOB 

The  advantace^  to  the  home  market  would  be  immense.  7'he  total 
■wages  paid  to  British  labor  in  the  prodiu-tion  of  tin-plates  imported  last 
vear  was  about  >^s.<»'.»l,4('(.S.  American  wages  for  same  amount  of  work 
would  be  $l.'t»,:;52.y75. 

This  increane  in  employment  furniflhed  to  labor  would  more  than  re- 
move the  glut  in  the  JAbor  market.  It  would  create  snrh  a  demand  for 
labor  as  to  give  employment  to  every  idle  iron  and  steel  worker  in  the 
country. 

It  would  also  stimulate  labor  in  the  production  of  coal,  iron  ore,  coke, 
limestone,  and  other  materials.  The  L*'i4.751  ^ross  tons  of  tin-platen  rej)- 
resent  sro.oOo  tons  of  iron  ore,  .".CO.OiiO  tons  of  limestone,  l,S0r),Ot3  ton^crf 
coal  and  coke,  :i(;o,0()i)  tons  of  pig-iron,  "i.oO  »,oao  pounds  of  lead,  25.0()0  - 
000  pounds  of  tin,  1 :.',()( lO.Ono  poundn  of  talluw  f)r  i)a]m-oil,  :r),00U,O>0 
pounds  of  sulphuric  acid,  11,UU0,U<J0  feet  of  lumber;  tire-brick,  clay,  oil, 
and  lubricants,  hemp,  etc. 

It  would  require  sixty-eight  large  works  of  five  trains  of  rolls  each,  in- 
volving an  outlay  of  over  i?:JO,00'),tiO()  capital,  and  giving  employment  to 
about  l.'4,n00  workin -n  in  the  rolling-mills  alone,  who  would  earij  at  least 
$12,000,000  per  annum. 

— D.\LZELL,  Record,  5716. 

Tin-plato— Who  want  fVoo  liii? 

\o.  KhlH. — Importers  and  such  large  users  of  tin-plates  as  the  Stand- 
ard Oil  Company  are  naturally  and  consistently  in  favhr  of  free  tin-plates. 
There  are  quite  a  number  of  iuiporters  who  are  interested  as  owners  of 
tin-plate  works — Henry,  Nash  cN:  Co.;  Bond  «.v  Pearsons;  Sim.>i  iV  Coven- 
try; Taylor  Bros.:  Phelps,  Dodge  <fc  Co.,  and  others.  We  readily  admit 
that  to  these  free  tin-plates  would  be  (juite  an  advantage. 

— I).\i,zELL,  Record,  5718. 

Tobac'oo. 

X«».  lO.m. — If,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  Representatives  of  Virginia  stood 
as  solidly  on  every  single  solitary  item  of  the  Mills  bill  as  they  ntand  on 
the  tobacco  feature  it  would  be  a  great  deal  better  for  the  State  and  for 
the  people  who  are  directly  interested  in  the  pro<lu(;tion  of  very  many 
of  the  articlea  which  that  measure  sj  disastrously  atlects.     [.Vpplause.] 

Tobacco  is  just  a.s  much  a  product  of  the  soil  as  corn  or  wlieat  or  any 
other  kind  of  grain,  and  why  it  should  be  insisted  that  you  shall  place 
such  restrictions  upon  an  agricultural  p-^oduct  I  cannot  understand.  Il 
is  a  restriction  not  imposed  upon  any  other  product  of  the  soil.  In  time 
of  war  it  is  true  we  needed  the  money  derived  from  this  ta.xation.  It 
then  became  a  matter  of  public  necessity.  But  that  time  has  happily 
pas-sed  away,  aud  the  greatest  dilliculty  we  now  have  to  contend  with  is 
how  to  get  rid  of  otir  surplus  revenues. 

Here,  as  I  said,  is  a  strictly  agricultural  product  which,  it  seems  to  me, 
every  consideration  of  riirht  flemands  shou'd  be  placed  upon  a  fo-)tiri: 
with  other  agricultural  products.  The  burden  imixjsed  upon  it  should 
be  removed.  It  is  an  unjust,  ineijuitable  discrimination  which  has 
already  been  too  long  tolerated  an<l  for  the  continued  imposition  of 
which  no  reasonable  excuse  can  be  given. 

— Yost,  Record,  ()W.'»<>. 

Tobnct'o    inx    r<>taiiie(l  !<»  proviilt*   Kovcrnniont  oflicen  fhr 
l>4>iiio4'ralM. 

"So.  liMlO.  — 1  want  to  call  the  attention  of  the  committee  to  the  fa'-t 
that  we  raise  from  the  internal-revenue  tax  on  tobacco  about  f.W.c »()i i,( K lO 
annually.  The  estimated  reduction,  under  the  provisions  of  the  pend- 
ing bill,  of  the  revenue  derived  from  that  source  is  about  |24,0(>i,0(K).    If 

421 


TOO— TRA 

tliis  be  correct,  and  I  doubt  not  that  it  is,  we  will  obtain  in  thd  future  by 
the  retention  of  the  tax  on  cipar«,  cheroots,  and  cis^aretiea  only  about 
J(),(XK),00O,  a  considerable  portion  of  which  will  have  to  be  expended  in 
ii«  collection. 

■  In  other  words  we  retain  a  portion  of  this  tobacco  tax.not  for  revenue, 
but  to  give  the  Government  supervision  of  the  subject ;  and  1  desire  to 
eay  to  my  Democratic  friends  here  that  the  use  of  the  taxin>»  power  for 
such  a  purpose  is  not  in  accordance  either  with  Democratic  traditions  or 
Democratic  principles. 

—Wise,  Record,  6953. 
Tools  and  cutlery. 

Xo.  lOOl. — The  country  at  large  has  invested  in  the  manufacture  of 
tools  and  cutlery  a  capital  of  about  fourteen  and  a  half  millions ;  the  ma- 
terial used  annually  costs  six  and  a  half  millions,  and  the  product  is  over 
sixteen  millions.  Of  this  New  England  furnished  capital  to  the  amount 
of  six  millions,  nearly  one-half  of  the  whole ;  she  expends  two  and  three- 
fourths  millions  for  material,  slightly  lees  than  one-half,  and  returns  a 
finished  product  of  seven  and  a  half  millions,  or  nearly  50  per  cent,  of 
it  all. 

— Gallingkr,  Record,  30"JO. 

Trade  and  Commerce— Our  immense. 

Xo.  1002. — Wliat  country  can  show  such  a  trade  as  ours,  such  com- 
merce, such  immense  transportation  lines,  such  a  volume  of  exchanges, 
and  buch  marvelous  production  from  the  raw  material  to  the  finished 
product.  Its  balance  sheet  is  without  a  parallel  in  the  world's  history — 
richest  in  agriculture,  greatest  in  its  domestic  trade  and  traffic,  and  lead 
ing  in  manufactures  any  nation  in  Europe.  Why  abandon  a  policy 
•which  can  point  to  such  achievemenla  and  whose  trophies  are  to  be 
Been  on  every  hand?  The  internal  commerce  of  the  United  States 
is  greater  tiian  the  entire  foreign  commerce  of  Great  Britain,  Francei 
Germany,  Russia,  Holland,  Belgium,  »'  >'  Austria-Hungary.  Why,  a 
single  railroad  system  in  this  country  (  lat  of  the  Pennsyvania  Kail- 
road  Company)  carries  more  tonnage  and  traffic  in  a  single  year  than  all 
the  merchant  ships  of  Great  Britain.  Tiie  whole  of  Europe  has  not 
built  as  many  miles  of  railroad  as  this  country  has  during  some  recent 
years,  and  in  ISSO  the  whole  known  world  ditl  not  lay  as  many  miles  of 
track  as  were  laid  across  this  country.  Great  Britain's  foreign  commerce 
equals  about  one-sixth  of  our  domestic  commerce.  Can  we  do  better 
under  any  other  fipCal  policy?  We  say  not.  Our  own  history  supports 
the  answers.    Wise  statesmanship  commands  us  to  let  well  enough  alone. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4751. 
Trade,  Italance  of.  * 

\<>.  1063.— Now,  I  want  you  to  think  for  a  moment  about  what  the 
taritr  of  18G1  has  done  in  this  behalf.  The  balance  of  trade  in  all  the  his- 
tory of  the  country  before  ISGl  was  ag.ain.«t  us,  except  an  occasional  year 
now  and  then,  but  the  high  tariff  of  ISfil,  notwithstanding  the  great  war, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  we  purchased  largely  from  abroad,  and 
notwithstanding  the  fict  that  we  borrowed  great  sums  of  money  from 
foreign  countries,  enabled  us  to  redeem  all  our  bonds  held  abroad,  to  pay 
for  products  which  were  purchafed  abroail,  and  so  early  as  18GS  or  1870 
the  balance  of  trade  began  to  turn  in  our  favor,  and  from  that  time  on 
each  succeeding  year  brought  gold  and  silver  into  our  country  from  for- 
eign countries  to  pay  for  what  we  sold  to  foreign  countries  in  excess  of 
what  we  bought  from  them,  and  to  Fuch  an  extent  has  this  trade  been  in 
our  favor  that  the  vast  aggregate  is  not  less  now  than  one  thousand  four 
hundred  millions  of  dollars. 
421' 


TRA 


■^ow,  anybody  who  would  theorize  ?Jx»ut  this  would  conclude  that  we 
j.i^\it  to  have  in  the  United  States  a  large  nuantity  of  f;old  and  silver: 
and  what  is  the  fact  ?  Why  the  fact  is  we  nave  an  ininieiiHe  quantity  of 
^old  and  eilver — a  greater  quantity  than  we  have  ever  liad  at  any  former 
period  of  our  history.  It  isewtimated  that  there  is  now  in  tlie  United  States 
;)t'iween  eight  and  i.ine  hundred  millions  of  dollars  of  gold  bullion  and 
^old  coin,  and  we  have  over  three  hundred  millions,  including  fractional 
currency,  of  silver  coin.  Tliere  are  more  than  two  coined  dollars  back  of 
every  paper  dollar,  and  every  parser  dollar  is  consequently  as  good  as  a 
coined  dollar.  It  was  the  Republican  policy  of  protection  that  brought 
ibout  this  condition  of  things. 

— Bavnk,  Record,  4771-2. 
rrninps.  lltMtory  of*. 

Xo.  lOtt  I. — Twenty-seven  years  of  protection  have  produced  etrange 
offspring.  Whoever  heard  of  a  tramp  in  our  country  twenty  yenrs  ago? 
-Now  they  are  seen  daily,  anil  ulinoet  hourly,  in  tiie  by-ways  and  in  the 
public  places.  Whoever  heard  of  strikes  and  lockouts  in  our  Republic 
iintilour  high  protective  tarill  period? 

(They  have  come  from  free-trade  Europe.  See  following.  No.  10*55.— Ed.) 

— McCiiKAKv,  Record,  3748. 

rrainpN— IVherc  do  thoy  conic  flroin? 

>'o.  ma^. — But  it  is  said  that  the  protective  tariff  is  the  cause  of  pau- 
jierisin,  and  the  poor  "  tramp"  is  pointe<l  out  as  one  of  the  producta  of 
the  "  robl)er  system." 

Let  ns  examinetheoflioial  statistics  and  see  what  information  we  obtain 
of  this  point.  We  will  take  the  year  ISSO  for  comparison,  eo  we  may 
have  the  census  of  that  year  for  authority.    The  returns  are  as  follows  : 


Country. 


Uon. 


'nlted  KlnRdom I    34  0M,930 

Tolled  8l»oea.._ '    60,156.783 


Wholo  Hatlo 

Dunaber   of  .  of  paupers 

poraona      i  to  p<>pul&- 
relieved.  Uoa. 


1,(07,404 
8U,006 


1  to  S3 
1  to  665 


This  plan  of  assisting  pauper.'^  to  leave  ttie  country  has  been  found  a 
cheap  and  effective  way  of  transferrinvr  the  burden  of  supporting  these 
people  from  the  tax-payers  of  England  to  the  tiix-payer.s  of  the  United 
States,  and  our  cii.storas  and  consular  reports  show  that  the  plan  has 
been  adopted  and  carried  out  with  success.  It  will  be  fouml,  therefore, 
on  careful  investigation  that  a  large  number  of  our  tramps  and  paupers 
are  alien  immigraata  and  the  products  of  foreign  industrial  systems,  and 
not  our  own.  — .Momiow,  Record,  4271. 

rrun4|iortation— dorcriiiiiciit  Nhoiild  fiirniNli. 

\«,  10<«l. — If  our  Western  farimrs  ure  to  cuinpelo  in  European 
markets  with  the  wheat  of  India,  will  they  have  the  same  governmental 
aid  in  transportulion  which  India  ha-^  ?  We  know  they  will  not.  Wo 
know  that  even  the  navigable  riverd  and  water-wny.s  over  which  the 
National  Government  retains  legal  and  exclu.'^ive  control  have  not  been 
improved  to  the  proper  extent.  The  excuse  f  ir  neglwting  this  ulain 
duly  has  heretofore  been  the  lack  of  money  and  the  great  national  (U-bt  ; 
i)ut  that  excuse  doiM  not  avail  when  there  is  a  surplus  in  the  Treasury 
which  creditors  will  not  consent  to  take  except  upon  the  condition  that 
unearned  interest  be  added. 

—Post,  Recorvl.  4.1^4. 
423 


THA 

TraiiHportiitioii  -laovoriiiiiciit  sIioiil«I  f'liriiiNli. 

\<».  10U7. —  Mr.  Chairman,  the  American  peoj)U' are  at  adisadvantacrcf 

in  the  international  struggle  for  lai^k  of  cheaper  trausportatiou.  Ruesia 
and  Germany  are  i)roviding  internal  improvements  on  a  scale  comm<"n- 
eurate  with  the  importance  of  those  empires.  France  has  7^G"J  mik«  of 
canals  which  have  cost  3^200,000,000,  and  1,813  miles  are  projected  which 
will  cost  $^218,000,000  more. 

The  fact  that  the  wheat  of  India  competes  with  that  of  the  Fnit((l 
States  in  foreifin  markets  has  been  fre(piently  referred  to  in  this  debate. 
Such  competition  was  made  possible  by  direct  tjovernmental  expenditures 
in  the  construction  of  canals  and  railroads.  Over  $1CO,000,00(>  has  been 
expended  for  canals  in  India,  while  the  government  railroads  are  run  in 
the  interest  of  producers  and  at  a  loss  of  i?l 24,000,000  in  twenty-four 
years.  With  the  government  furninhing  cheap  transportation,  it  is  ea^y 
to  flood  the  markets  of  Western  Europe  with  the  wheat  of  India.  It  is, 
therefore  not  alone  with  the  cheaper  labor  of  India  that  the  American 
farmers  will  have  to  contend,  but  with  governments  which  neitlier  hoar.l 
money  in  their  treasuries  nor  pay  a  premium  on  bonds  not  yet  due,  but 
wisely  provide  cheap  transportation  for  their  farmers  and  producers,  pro- 
ducers, protecting  these  unorganized  classes  from  the  extortion  of  organ- 
ized corporations. 

— Post,  Record,  4344. 

Traiisportation,  not  troo  f ratio,  wanted. 

Ao.  1<M»S. — Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  the  message  of  the  farmers  to  the 
Fiftieth  Congress,  and,  sir,  no  message  has  come  before  it  of  greater  or 
more  pressing  importance.  It  urges  that  the  two  greatest  inland  water^ 
way  systems  of  the  whole  world  be  connected  in  the  interest  of  com- 
merce and  national  defense.  In  the  language  of  a  United  States  en- 
gineer— 

"  It  is  a  plain  problem  of  creating  or  rather  opening  up  anew  what  wag 
once  a  great  water-course  between  the  Lakes  and  the  Mississippi  River. 
In  the  onward  march  of  this  great  nation  this  has  been  found  to  be  nec- 
essary for  the  commercial  interest  of  the  community,  and,  as  is  easily 
seen,  for  the  niilitarv  defense  of  the  country." 

Tlien  would  the  glorious  prophecy  of  the  Chicago  Daily  News  be  ful- 
filled : 

'■  A  commercial  fleet  greater  than  the  entire  seacoast  marine^  now- 
locked  up  in  the  ice-bound  harbors  of  the  Lakes  37  per  cent,  of  every 
year,  would  sweep  through  this  channel  every  fall,  carrying  the  produce 
and  manufactures  of  the  Northwest  down  to  the  Gulf  for  the  Mexican, 
West  Indian,  and  South  American  trade." 

If  the  I'rtsident  of  the  United  States  had  recommended  that  a  smaU 
part  of  the  surplus  could  be  wisely  and  economically  expended  for  this 
great  national  object,  thereby  restoring  the  currency  to  circulation  in 
the  interest  of  cheaper  transj)ortation,  the  ICnglish  free  trade  jofarnals 
might  not  have  been  filled  with  encomiums  upon  his  wisdom,  but  he 
would  have  deserved  the  thanks  of  the  American  people. 

— Post,  Record,  4Sia. 

Tr»n»*i»ortation,  not  I'roc  trade,  wanted. 

.\o.  10<»*.>. — They  are  not  asking  for  free  trade  to  enable  them  to  eend 
their  corn  and  potatoes  to  Kncland  and  to  receive  in  return  the  clothings 
boots  and  shoes  manufactured  in  England,  the  Ameriean  farmer  paying: 
the  transportation  both  ways. 

They  have  to  pay  too  much  and  too  high  transportation  already.  They 
are  aware  that  the  average  rate  of  freight  has  been  greatly  reduced  since; 
1801  by  improvements  in  transpyortation  facilities  on  the  Great  Lakes 
424 


and  on  land.  They  aluo  know  that  i':'.(iti,0)u,0<>(')  are  annually  gatherecl 
from  them  aa  the  net  earningB  cf  the  railroads  and  taken  to  the  money 
centers. 

They  do  not  ask  for  a  policy  which  will  close  the  factories  of  this 
country,  increase  the  cost  of  transportation  by  adding  thou'iands  of 
miles  to  the  distance,  and  place  tliem  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  tnin8j>c>r- 
tation  corporations.  They  ask  that  the  water-ways  be  improved  and 
deepened;  that  the  artiticial  water  in  railway  corporations  may  be 
equeezed  out  by  competition  with  transportation  on  natural  water. 

Post,  Record,  4344. 

Trnnsp<»rtatioii  wasto.     (^Si  o  \o.  :t4>5.) 

TrcHKiir.v  NiirpIiiH. 

\o.  lOUK — In  March,  ls>l,  when  a  Kepubliran  Prefident  was  in- 
aui;urated  and  a  Republican  Secretary  took  charge  of  the  Trea.'^ury  De- 

?artment,  both  this  President  and  this  Secretary,  coming  from  the  jfreat 
.Northwest,  not  being  the  tools  of  the  Wall-street  speculators,  as  is  the  con- 
dition now.  it  was  evident  that  there  wouM  accumulate  a  great  Huri)ln< 
in  the  Treasury  and  that  the  priceof  bonds  would  appreciate  verv  rapidly. 
That  Secretary  fif  the  Treasury,  Mr.  Windom,  immediately  and  without 
hesitation  acted  upon  the  law  then  and  now  on  the  statute-books — 
the  law  of  18t>'J,  which  authorized  him  to  refund  the  debt  at  a  lower 
rate  of  interest.  And  he  did  refund  the  debt,  re<lucing  yearly  interest 
several  million  dollar?  by  so  doing,  and  at  the  same  time  preventing  a 
gorge  of  money  in  the  Treasury. 

Mr.  Cleveland  and  his  Secretaries  lacked  either  the  inclination  or  the 
capacity,  perhaps  both,  to  act  as  did  President  (iarfieM  and  Secretary 
Windom;  the  re.sult  has  been  the  accumulation  of  money  of  which  I 
have  alreatly  spoken,  and  the  appreciation  of  bonds  ufttil  they  now  bear 
from  2o  to  30  per  cent,  premium. 

In  the  whole  history  of  the  world,  from  the  earliest  days  of  civilization 
down  to  the  present  time,  no  nation  has  ever  paid  a  premium  upon  its 
own  indebtedness.  Every  nation  reserves  the  sovereign  right  to  pay  its 
debts  when  it  pleases.  Tne  United  States  did  this  bv  sj)ecial  enactment 
in  the  acts  of  istj;»  and  ls7i»,  when  the  bonds  were  refunded.  Rut  for  tho 
lirst  time  in  the  history  of  the  world  this  .Vdministration,  failing  and  re- 
fusing to  exerci.se  the  sovreienty  whieli  belongs  to  the  nation,  has  been 
paying  a  premium  upon  the  indebtedness  of  the  Government. 

— Nichols  (IndepU),  Record,  4580. 

TroaHiiryNurpliiH— ICt'asoiiM  fur  in<>r(>aHiii«;. 

.\<».  I071. —  Instead  of  reducing  the  surplus  the  .Vdministration  ha« 
nearly  doubled  it.  It  is  true  the  .\<lministration  had  an  object  in  doing 
this  ;  its  oliject  has  been  to  be  able  to  say  that  it  was  necesstiry  to  reduce 
taxation,  and  in  that  way  attack  the  American  system  of  protection  for 
the  benefit  of  its  friends  in  foreign  lands;  and  why  not,  when  we  lind 
tliat  Thonias  F.  Rayard,  the  Secretary  of  State  :  Charlt«  S.  Fairchild,  tho 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ;  and  William  W.  Endicott,  the  Secretary  of 
War,  are  all  members  of  the  Cobden  I'ree-Trade  Club  of  I./)ndon.  and 
that,  in  union  with  them,  the  Speaker  of  this  Hous**,  electctl  by  Dem- 
ocratic votes  to  preside  over  it  (though  he  failed  of  being  ele<'ted  a  mem- 
])er  of  the  body)  is  also  a  member  of  this  free-trade  Cobtlen  Club. 

The  free-traders,  controlling  the  executive  as  well  as  the  legislative 
departnients,  were  determined  to  hold  all  the  money  possible  in  the 
Treasury,  that  they  might  have  an  excuse  to  declare  it  was  necessary  to 
reduce  what  they  chooee  to  uiU  taxation— that  is,  the  duties  on  imported 
goods.  — NicnoiJ?  (Indept.),  Record,  4580. 

425 


TRE— TRU 

TreaMury  NnrpliiN— Kecord  of*  Doinooratic  party  ou. 

\o.  1072. — During  the  last  campaign  Dt-mocraticspeakerB  and  Dem- 
ocratic ])apera  were  proclaiming  from  tliu  hill-tops  that  the  Republican 
party  had  accumulated  $400,000,000  in  the  Treasury  and  were  holding  it 
there  to  the  great  damage  of  the  country.  They  said  that  when  the 
Democrats  came  into  power  this  money  t'hould  be  distributed  among  the 
people  of  the  country  ;  it  should  no  longer  be  hoarded  in  the  Treasury  of 
the  United  States.  Mr.  Daniel  Manning,  who  succeeded  a  Republican  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  found  in  the  Treasury  $375,000,000.  In  the 
three  years  which  the  administration  has  been  in  power  the  amount  in 
the  Treasury  has  nearly  been  doubled,  and  there  is  hoarde<l  to-day  nearly 
$700,000,000',  This  is  the  difference  between  Democratic  pledges  and 
Democratic  performances. 

— NicnoLS  (Indept.),  Record,  4580. 

TruNts — A  Democratic  iiiMtitutiou. 

\o.  107:i- — But  I  say  to  you  that  if  a  trust  has  been  fostered  and  en- 
couraged by  the  Republican  party,  why  is  that  your  side  with  its  ma- 
jority in  all  these  years  has  not  brought  forward  some  propoBitiou  to 
crush  them. 

When  you  come  to  talk  on  the  other  side  about  trusts,  I  wish  to  say  to 
you  the  greatest  and  most  iniquitous  trusts  to-day  are  Democratic  trusts. 
Take  the  Standard  (Jil  Company  ;  it  is  a  Democratic  trust.  It  has  repre- 
sentatives high  up  near  the  Democratic  throne.  Take  the  sugar  trusts  in 
America  to-day,  and  it  is  a  Democratic  trust.  Take  the  iron  trust,  and  it 
is  a  DemocTatic  trust. 

And  there  is  the  whisky  trust,  which  is  also  a  Democratic  trust.  That 
trust,  which  is  so  dear  to  the  Democratic  heart,  has  its  inspiration,  its 
motive  power  dir^t  from  the  Democratic  party.  So  gentlemen  who  go 
on  enumerating  trusts  as  having  been  fostered  and  encouraged,  should 
linow  they  are  Democratic  in  their  inception  and  Democratic  in  their 
tendencies. 

— Petebs,  Record,  6497. 

Trnsts  arc  of  Democratic  origin. 

\o.  1071. — With  like  disingenuousness  "  trusts  "  have  been  thrown 
into  this  debate,  as  though  they  were  related  to  the  tariff  and  not  to  the 
iJemocratic  party.  There  was  no  such  thing  as  a  "  trust "  connected  with 
imports  or  any  article  touched  by  the  tariff  during  the  whole  twenty-four 
years  in  which  the  Republicans  were  in  power.    The  Peoria  Journal  says: 

"  The  Democratic  party  found  the  country  free  from  "  trusts  "  with  but 
-one  exception — the  Standard  Oil  Company.  During  the  last  three  years 
we  have  heard  more  about  the  combinations  of  capital  against  labor  than 
ever  before.  We  have  the  sugar  trust,  the  zinc  trust,  the  envelope  trust, 
and  the  Lord  only  knows  how  many  more  truEts  have  sprung  into  exist- 
ence during  the  last  two  or  three  years,  and  that,  too,  upon  articles  that 
are  protected  by  a  heavy  tariff.  One  of  these,  the  sugar  trust,  will  cost 
the  people  of  these  United  States  $00,000,000  annually,  and  it  is  openly 
espoused  and  fostered  by  both  Houses  of  Congress — Republican  and 
l>emocratic  alike." 

Ihe  undeniable  facts  stated  as  to  the  p;rowth  of  trusts  under  Demo- 
cratic rule  is  coupled  with  an  assertion  in  regard  to  Congress  which  is 
novel.  For  my  part,  I  repudiate  the  sugar  and  every  trust  intended  to 
raise  the  price  or  in  any  manner  monopolize  the  necessaries  of  life,  as  con- 
trary to  public  policy.  Our  laws  must  protect  us  against  home  trusts  ; 
our  tariff  against  foreign  trusts. 

— Post,  Record,  4347. 
426 


TRU 

rrasfM  and  turifl'-Froo-llHt  no  roinody. 

Xo.  1075. — Now,  sir,  whatever  may  he  our  hostility  to  trufit«.  wemust 
always  remember  that  when  we  wish  to  take  away  from  a  trust  the  power 
to  oppress  the  people,  we  must  not  ilo  that  which  may  bo  injure  the  in- 
dustry as  to  defctroy  ita  existence.  The  committee  followed  that  course 
with  the  Buj2;ar  trust.  They  have  lowered  the  margin  of  prolit.  But  if 
they  put  refined  sujjar  on  the  freelic't  and  leave  a  tax  on  raw  sugar  every 
gentleman  knows  perfectly  well  it  would  nut  only  destroy  the  tru.st,  but 
it  would  utterly  obliterate  the  sugar-reiinin;:;  industry,  because  it  would 
vax  the  raw  material  anil  leave  no  eiiuivalent  tax  upon  the  finished  prod- 
uct. That  la  only  analogous  as  a  line  of  action  ;  not  strictly  analogous  to 
this  case  in  other  features.  We  reduce  the  tax  here  until  we  bring  the 
price  of  the  domestic  article  and  the  price  of  the  foreign  article  within 
I  ]  cents  of  each  other.  The  difference  at  other  times  has  been  very 
,'reiit.    It  has  been  as  great  as  2  and  '.i  cents  a  pound. 

— Breckinkidgk  (Dem.),  Arkansas,  Record,  6329. 

TruNtH  due  to  oapital,  not  tarifl'  or  fVeo  tratle. 

Xo.  107<(. — There  is  a  tendency,  it  is  true,  to  combination  on  the 
part  of  capital  through  corporative  organizations,  tru-sts,  and  what  not, 
that  is  antagonistic  to  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  people  which, 
while  not  growing  out  of,  are  made  poscible  ny  the  modern  facilities  for 
rapid  communication  and  tranajvirtation.  These  agencies  make  possi- 
Me  the  great  combinations  of  capital  wliich  center  in  New  York,  Ix)n- 
ilon,  and  other  great  cities,  and  thence  to  reach  out  to  the  whole  world 
demanding  tribute.  They  are  not  confined  to  any  one  country  ;  they 
rise  abo7e  all  tariffs,  whether  protective  or  for  revenue  only,  and  exist 
■wherever  capital  is  found,  and  greed  of  gain  and  untcrupulous-ness  com- 
bine with  opportunity.  It  will  not  be  claimed  that  a  prot<^ctive  tariff 
gave  rise  to  the  Standard  Oil  combination,  nor  that  a  tariff  for  revenue 
only  ia  responsible  for  the  great  Knglish  combinations  of  capital  which 
€xist  to-day,  nor  that  the  revenue  policy  of  France  is  responsible  for  the 
■recent  French  copper  syndicate.  The  tendency  grows  out  of  the  pecu- 
liar commercial  and  business  conditions  of  the  age  and  must  l)e  met  by 
legislation  aimed  at  them  directly,  and  of  a  character  that  will  restrain 
the  abuses  of  which  they  are  guilty,  and  surely  this  end  can  be  better 
attained  by  a  study  of  the  extent  and  character  of  their  operations  and 
tlie  true  and  real  causes  of  their  existence  than  by  an  .outcrv  against  the 
the  tariff  upon  the  demagogic  assumption  that  it  is  responsible  for  them. 

— Thompson,  Ohio,  Record,  4319. 

TriiNtx— Froc-Iist  no  roniody  lor.    ' 

\«.  1077. — I  desire  to  oppose  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman 
from  Arkansas.  I  wish  siiuply  to  congratulate  the  gentleman  from  Ar- 
kansas on  having  announced  tiiat  it  is  illogical  an<I  inadinisHible  to  place 
41  tax  on  the  raw  materi  il  when  you  j>ut  the  finished  product  on  the 
/ree-Iist. '  I  only  regret  that  when  the  subject  of  crude  glycerine  and 
caustic  soda  wa.^  nmlor  discussion  this  hill  was  not  in  his  charge,  but  in 
the  charge  of  another  member  of  the  Ways  anil  .M^ans  ("ommitl«'e. 

I  also  congratulate  the  gentleman  on  having  discovered  that  where 
a  truth  exists  it  is  not  always  a  remedy  to  put  the  articles  subject  to  that 
tnist  on  the  free-liot.  That  is  what  many  of  us  have  said,  because  we 
.j'ulged  the  tariffhas  no  logical  connection  with  trusts.  The  truth  seems, 
if  I  judge  rightly  and  understand  the  gentleman  rightly,  to  be  already 
<Jawnin'^  on  his  mind. 

—Adams,  Reconl,  0331. 

12; 


T.RU 

Trusts— ForcifjBi  oarlh<'r:uaa'<'. 

jVo.  107S. — Tilt  re  is  a  foreign  trus^  on  china  and  earthenware.  I 
have  the  evidence  here  in  the  Ix)ndon  Pottery  Gazette  of  March  10,1888^ 
from  which  I  read  : 

"If  any  manufacturers  are  not  true  to  the  rules  of  the  new  association 
the  bond  they  will  have  signed  will  enable  their  fellow-manufacturers  1  o- 
sell  them  up 'rump  and  stump.'  Nothing  but  the  state  of  dire  necessity 
into  which  the  trade  has  fallen  would  tempt  men  to  put  their  hands  to 
such  a  bond.  The  scheme  has  just  been  auccessfnl  with  the  china  manu- 
facturers.   They  have  just  obtained  a  second  advance. 

"If  the  keen  buyers  who  always  want  to  beggar  the  trade  and  reduce 
prices,  say  to  a  manufacturer  who  will  not  sell  at  lower  than  the  fixed 
rate,  '  Well,  if  I  am  forced  to  pay  the  association  price  I  will  not  buy 
from  5'ou,'  such  manufacturer  can  reply,  'All  right;  if  you  buy  from 
another,  and  I  have  to  stand  for  orders,  I  shall  get  my  pull  out  of  your 
business,  for  our  rules  will  not  let  me  suffer  through  refusing  to  reduce 
at  your  request.'  So  you  see  one  manufacturer  cannot  be  played  oflT 
against  the  others." 

— McKiNLBY,  Kecord,  4757. 

Trnst— Foreign  plate-glass. 

No.  1079. — There  is  a  trust  or  combination  made  up  of  all  the  plate- 
glass  manufacturers  of  Europe.  I  have  here  a  circular  which  is  dated 
London,  25th  of  April,  1887,  and  which  reads : 

'■Dk.\rSir:  We  beg  to  inform  you  that  the  Associated  Plate-Glass 
Manufacturers  have  revised  their  prices  for  plate-glass  of  all  description«i,. 
and  that,  withdrawing  all  previous  quotations,  we  inclose  you  herewith 
our  tariff  of  prices,  the  discount  from  which  will  be  83  per  cent.,  with  the 
exception  of  glazing-glass  used  for  silvering  purposes,  the  discount  from 
which  will  be  2-3  per  cent." 

This  trust  is  still  in  force.  Here  is  a  foreign  combination  to  control 
the  price  of  plate-glass,  and  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  are  engaged 
in  making  the  monopoly  more  complete  and  controlling  by  reducing  the 
import  duties  now  paid  on  their  product  and  by  relieving  them  of  a  bur- 
den they  now  have  to  bear,  and  thus  enabling  them  to  break  down  Amer- 
ican competition,  which  alone  has  reduced  the  price  of  plate-glass,  and 
now  prevents  the  most  extortionate  exactions  for  the  foreign  product 
upon  American  consumers. 

— McKiNLKY,  Ptecord,  4756. 

Trust— Foreign  plate-glass. 

Xo.  lOSO. — Here,  again,  is  an  importers'  trust  in  the  "same  line  of 
goods.  I  read  from  the  New  York  Herald,  of  February  28,  an  account  of 
the  investigation  by  the  New  York  Legislature  : 

"  Mr.  James  II.  Ileroy,  an  importer  of  plate  and  French  glass,  was  next 
called  to  tell  what  he  knew  about  the  glass  trust.  He  is  a  spry  old  gen- 
tleman who  has  been  in  the  business  for  fifty  years.  Colonel  Bliss  asked 
the  witness  to  identify  a  circular.  It  is  a  very  peculiar  circular,.and  will 
open  the  eyes  of  the  public,  if  not  the  eyes  of  the  committee.  It  is  as 
follows : 
♦' '  Henry  C.  Marrinner, 

"  '  Plate  and  sheet-glass  import'^r,  No.  126  South  Fifth  avenue  : 

"  '  We  beg  leave  to  quo»^e  you  70,  10,  and  5  per  cent,  discount  from  the 
price-list,  January  20,  1S87,  for  French  window-glass.  In  case  you  wish 
to  make  any  large  purchases  we  can  make  you  extra  discounts  as  follows  : 
If  you  receive  from  us  or  any  members  of  our  association  in  New  York 
(which  includes  all  the  regular  importers),  either  all  from  one  house  or 
part  from  each  of  the  houses,  one  hundred  boxes  in  one  calendar  months 
428 


TRU 

you  are  entitled  to  an  extra  discount  of  5  per  cent.;  or  if  the  deliveries 
to  you  in  any  one  calendar  month  from  any  or  all  of  these  houses  should 
amount  to  $1,000,  then  you  will  he  entitled  to  an  extra  discount  of  10 
per  cent.  This  is  done,  as  you  will  see,  to  give  large  purchasers  the  ad- 
vantage over  small  buyers,  which  they  have  been  long  entitled  to,  but 
which  could  not  be  given  to  them  until  we  made  our  present  organiza- 
tion to  regi>'.ate  prices. 

" '  This  arrangement  of  rebates  take  effect  from  February  1. 

•' '  We  can  also  make  deductions  from  the  new  price-list  of  January  5, 
1888,  for  colored,  enameled,  ground,  and  cathedral  glass,  extra  discounts, 
as  follows : 

"  '  For  orders  of  twenty  cases  or  2,000  feet  or  more  at  one  time,  10  per 
cent,  discount. 

"  '  For  import  orders  of  7,500  feet  or  more  of  cathedral  and  one  hun- 
dred cases  or  more  colored,  enameled,  and  ground  glass  we  will  make 
special  prices,  according  to  the  conditions  of  the  order. 
'* '  Yours,  very  trulv, 

«"HEROY  ct  MARRIXNER.' 

"  There  wa.s  no  doubt  about  the  intention  of  that  trust.  Mr.  lleroy 
said  '  it  was  simply '  to  make  prices  below  which  they  would  not  sell 
their  goods.  At  the  last  meeting  he  attended  he  thought  it  was  the  desire 
of  the  combination  to  reduce  prices,  and  added, '  We  have  not  yet  de- 
cided what  to  do  in  the  case  of  a  man  who  undersells  us.  We  do  not 
decide  these  things  in  a  hurry.  As  a  result  of  the  combination  prices 
have  advanced.  I  can't  tell  exa(;tly  the  amount  of  the  busines.^  <lonp. 
It  is  largely  exaggerated,  but  including  all  branches,  it  is  about  5i20,000,- 
OOO." 

I  have  also  in  my  possession  a  copy  of  the  trust  contract.  Not  content 
with  making  this  combination  among  themselves,  they  sought  in  every 
way  possible  to  induce  our  American  producers  of  plate-glass  to  join 
them  and  assist  in  fleecing  the  American  public. 

— McKiNLEY,  Record,  4757. 

Trusts,  lumber— lu  Canada. 

Xo.  10^*1. — Now,  let  us  see  about  these  foreign  trusts  and  combina- 
tions, and  see  what  our  Democratic  friends  do  about  them.  Canada.  liu«t 
year,  exported  to  this  country  about  $0,000,000  worth  of  lumber.  It  is 
Jair  to  say  that  of  that  $0,000,000  worth  eacn  thousand  feet  paid  to  our 
Government  $2  as  tarilf  duty.  According  to  the  speeches  of  some  of 
our  friends  on  the  other  side,  and,  in  fact,  according  to  the  theory  of  the 
Democratic  party,  that  duty  was  added  to  the  cost  of  production  in 
ijanada.  This  bill  makes  luqaher  duty  free.  Therefore,  if  the  bill  passes, 
it  will  take  otl"  that  $2  duty  from  each  thousand  feet  of  lumber  that 
is  manufactured  and  sent  from  Canada  to  this  country,  and  will  thereby 
reduce  the  cost  of  production  there. 

Now,  sir,  I  charge  that  the  Canadian  Government  with  its  four  mill- 
ions of  people  is  itself  a  trust  in  the  manufacture  of  tliis  lumber.  All 
the  people  of  Canada,  four  millions  in  number,  are  interested  in  every 
foot  of  lumber  whicli  is  manufactured,  and  every  foot  of  it  that  is  sent 
to  this  country  ;  and  when  this  bill  plactes  lumber  on  the  free-list  it  will 
give  $2  per  thousand  feet  to  that  Canadian  trust.  Then  this  bill  is  legis- 
lation to  help  a  Canadian  trust  in  lumber. 

—Nutting,  Record,  5495. 

TrnstN,  potato— Cuiiafla. 

Xo.  1082.— I  tlesire  now  to  call  attention  to  the  potato  trust.  This 
is  a  combination — a  trust — which  affect  the  fiirmers  of  mv  State.  The 
farmers  of  the  ."^lale  of  New  York  lust  year  raised  20,000,000  bushels  of 

42'J 


L'NI— VAL 

potatoes,  and  the  farmers  of  our  entire  country  last  year  raised  175,000,000 
bushels  of  potatoes.  Last  year  Canada  sent  to  this  country  1,500,000 
bushels  of  potatoes.  Potatoes  raised  in  Canada,  with  Canada's  cheap 
labor,  potatoes  belonging  to  the  Canadian  people  and  the  Canadian  Gov- 
ernment, and  the  Canadian  potato  trust — upon  each  bushel  of  these 
potatoes  our  Government  laid  and  collected  a  duty  of  15  cents,  or,  in  the 
aggregate,  upon  the  whole  importation,  $250,000. 

Now,  sir,  the  Canadian  Government,  with  ifs  4,000,000  people,  with  its 
territory  which  is  greater  than  that  of  the  United  States,  is,  as  I  claim, 
a  "  trust "  in  the  matter  of  raising  potatoes  or  any  other  agricultural 
product  that  comes  from  Canada  to  this  coilntry.  As  the  law  now  stands 
the  duty  on  potatoes  coming  into  this  country  is  15  cents  a  bushel,  and 
the  Mills  bill  makes  them  free.  Then,  if  you  pass  this  bill  you  take  the 
duty  off  potatoes,  and,  as  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  claim,  and  their 
claim  is  correct,  reduce  the  cost  of  raising  potatoes  that  are  to  be  exported 
here  15  cents  a  bushel. 

Then  if  you  pass  the  Mills  bill  it  will  be  in  the  interest  of  or  benefit 
of  the  Canadian  potato-raisers  and  the  Canadian  potato  trust.  Then  if 
next  year  after  we  have  passed  the  bill  the  people  of  Canada — this  Cana- 
dian potato  trust — import  in  this  country  1,500,000  bushels  of  potatoes^ 
this  15  cents  a  bushel  will  go  their  pocket,  and  so  you  legislate  in  favor 
of  Canada's  potato  trust— $250,000. 

— Nutting,  Record,  5495. 

Tapper,  Sir  Charles.    (See  No.  79.) 

Twine.    (See  Kos.  143,  589,  590.) 

U. 

United  States— Progress  in. 

No.  1083. — Mr.  Mulhall,  of  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  in  hi© 

"  Balance  Sheet  of  the  World,"  says: 

''  It  would  be  impossible  to  find  in  history  a  parallel  to  the  progress  of 
the  United  States  in  the  last  ten  years.  Every  day  that  the  sun  rises 
upon  the  American  people  it  sees  an  addition  of  two  and  a-half  million, 
dollars  to  the  accumulation  of  wealth  in  the  Republic,  which  is  equal  to 
one-third  of  the  daily  accumulation  of  all  mankind  outside  of  the  United 
States." 

— MuiiHALL. 

V. 

Talnaf  ion  and  tax— New  England  vs.  The  South. 

Xo.  1084. — Let  me  make  one  other  point  of  comparison.  I  find  that 
the  total  estimated  true  valuation  of  all  property  in  the  country  in  1880 
was  about  forty-four  billions  of  dollars,  the  assessed  valuation  being 
seventeen  billions,  or  about  :^9  per  cent  of  the  whole.  Of  this  property 
the  six  New  England  States  had  five  billions  and  the  twelve  Southern 
States  six  billions,  but  the  five  billions  of  Xew  England  property  was 
assessed  for  taxation  at  two  billions  six  hundred  and  fifty  millions,  while 
the  six  billions  of  the  South  were  assessed  at  only  two  billions  two 
hundred  and  twenty-nine  millions.  Tnus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  six 
New  England  States,  with  less  than  five  millions  of  people,  pay  in  reve- 
nue to  the  Government  more  than  the  twelve  Southern  States,  with  over 
fifteen  millions  of  people.  Might  it  not  be  well  for  some  of  our  Southern 
friends  on  this  floor  when  they  are  talking  of  the  robberies  and  extor- 
4.30 


VIR— WAG 

tione  of  New  England  manufacturers  to  pay  a  little  attention  to  this  cir- 
cumstance and  explain  how  it  happens  that  five  billions  of  Northerii 
property  should  be  worth  four  hundred  and  twenty  millions  of  dollars 
more  for  the  purpose  of  taxation  than  six  billions  of  Southern  property  ? 

Gallingkr,  Record,  3G90. 

Talue  oi*  rarni  products.    (See  Nos.  253,  272.) 
Vegetables  which  we  bay.    (See  No.  611.) 

Virginia  for  protection. 

No.  1085. — In  Virginia  the  sentiment  is  overwhelmingly  against  the 
changes  proposed  in  this  bill — especially  as  to  the  item  we  are  now  con- 
sidering. Instead  of  placing  tin-plates  on  the  free-list,  instead  of  abolish- 
iag  the  duty  on  "mineral  substances  in  a  crude  state  and  metals  un- 
wrought,"  our  people  want  an  increase  of  those  duties.  Instead  of  wool 
on  the  free-list  they  want  a  restoration  of  the  tariff  of  1SG7.  Instead  of 
abolishing  the  duty  on  the  products  of  their  fields,  their  gardens,  and  their 
forests,  they  want  those  products  protected  and  made  to  yield  their  fullest 
return. 

— Yost,  Record,  5744. 

Voice  fYoin  the  graTe— Jackson  vs.  Calhonn. 

'So,  1080. — Has  it  come  to  this,  that  a  voice  from  the  grave  of  Jack- 
son has  less  influence  on  a  Democratic  House  than  a  voice  from  the  >.'ravL 
of  Calhoun  ?  These  sentiments,  held  by  Mr.  Monroe  and  General  Jack- 
son, led  to  the  strengthening  of  the  protective  policies  that  led  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  period  from  then  to  1883. 

—Kerr,  Record,  3638. 

Votes— How  obtained  for  Mills  bill.    (See  No.  191.) 

Vote  on  the  Mills  bill. 

So.  1087. — The  following  is  a  ciireful  analysis  of  the  vote  on  the  final 
passage  of  the  bill  in  the  House  :  Whole  number  of  members,  o'2o  ;  ayes^ 
162,  one  less  than  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  ;  noes,  149;  not  voting,  14. 
Of  those  voting  for  the  bill,  99  were  from  the  South,  and  63  from  the 
North.  Of  those  voting  against  it,  133  were  from  the  North,  and  liJ  from 
the  South.  The  total  popular  vote  in  the  162  districts  whose  raemberb 
voted  for  the  bill  was,  at  their  election  in  1886,  3,610,112;  while  in  the 
149  districts  of  those  who  voted  against  it  the  vote  was  4,549,.')S2.  The 
vote  for  the  bill,  represents  about  36  per  cent,  of  the  popular  vote  of  the 
Presidential  election  of  1884,  which  was  10,059,423.  Of  the  Southern  vote» 
86  per  cent,  was  for  the  bill,  and  14  per  cent,  against  it.  Of  the  Northera 
vote,  32  per  cent,  was  for  the  bill,  and  68  per  cent,  against  it. 

—Ed. 

w. 

Wages— Competition  in. 

So.  1088.— If  the  labor  of  this  country  cannot  stand  the  competition 
of  the  Chinese  upon  the  Pacific  coast,  and  a  few  thounand  imported 
Italian  laborers  upon  the  Atlantic  coaflt,  how  could  it  stand  the  competi- 
tion of  404,000,000  of  Chinese,  40,000,000  of  Japanese,  ttie  60,000,000  of  the 
population  of  India,  and  the  pauper  millions  of  Europe,  under  a  free-trade 
policy. 

— Senator  Dolph,  Record,  2116. 

431 


WAG 

'\Vau<'-(Mirii4>r<^  of  <  <>iino<-li<-iit  iiiid  ICliodo  I>Iuii<l  own  iiioro 
l»ro|>crtv  tiiaii  the  wau:4'-<'uru4'r««  of  tvliole  MorlU  oiit- 
si<l4>  the  I  iiite<l  Stutt'M. 

\o.  lOSlK— Mr.  Presi<l'-nt,  the  laborer  of  this  country  is  better  oflf 
tlian  he  ever  was  before.  AVitti  wages  higher  on  the  average,  with  the 
price  of  hving  lower  on  the  average,  ho  is  in  this  respect  immensely 
oetter  off  than  anywhere  else  in  the  whole  worltl.  The  wage-earners  in 
this  country  own  more  property  than  al!  the  other  wage-earners  of  the 
world  put  together.  Nay,  more,  I  think  1  would  not  overstate  the  matter 
if  I  make  it  stronger.  I  see  my  friend,  the  Senator  from  Rhode  Island 
[Mr.  Aldrich]  sitting  by  me.  The  wage-earners  in  Connecticut  and 
lUiode  Island  own  more  property  than  the  wage-earners  of  the  whole 
world  outside  of  the  Unitea  States.  This  elibrt  to  make  the  laboring 
man  believe  that  he  could  live  as  well  and  as  cheaply  here  under  a  sys- 
tem of  free  trade  as  he  lives  now  under  a  system  of  protection  is  not 
worthy  of  even  a  free-trader,  in  view  of  all  the  statistics  and  the  refuta- 
tions which  have  been  made. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  lOlo. 

^Vagc-earner!«— Professional  and  others. 

\o.  1000. — Can  high  tariif  taxes  in  any  way  improve  the  condition 
of  t^o  more  than  1,OI«),UOO  domestic  servants  :  the  (>4,G98  clergymen  ;  the 
8'),tj71  physicians  and  surgeons  ;  the  84,000  soldier^", sailors, and  marines; 
the  227,710  teachers  and  scientiiic  persons  ;  or  that  defenseless  class,  the 
<)4, 137  lawyers?  The  poorly  paid  clergymen,  as  well  as  other  classes 
mentioned,  are  compelled  to  pay  an  increased  price  for  every  article  they 
buy  or  consume,  and  are  in  no  way  compensated  therefor  for  the  en- 
hanced cost  of  their  living  ;  nor  are  any  of  the  above  named,  except  the 
lawyers,  who  reap  an  abundant  harvest  of  fees  on  account  of  false  in- 
voices and  smuggling  induced  by  excessive  duties  on  imports. 

— Glass,  Record,  3544. 

(See  also  1108.) 

Who  is  best  able  to  pay  a  servant,  the  man  who  earns  $1,  or  the  man 
who  earns  $2? 

Soldiers,  sailors,  and  marines  are  not  wage-earners.  Teachers  are  paid 
bv  the  State;  clergymen  are  paid  by  contribution.  Is  not  New  England 
better  able  to  do  all  these  things  than  the  free-trade  South? — Ed. 

Wages— America  and  Enrope. 

Xo.  1091. — This  fact  is  clearly  established  by  the  reports  of  our  con- 
suls and  by  the  reports  of  the  bureau  of  statistics  in  the  several  countries 
named,  as  well  as  by  the  pergonal  observation  of  those  who  hive  traveled 
in  the  European  countries  mentioned.     In   1883  the  average  rate  of| 
wages  in  the  branches  of  trade  mentioned,  in  the  city  of  Berlin,  Ger- 
many, was  as  follows :   Locksmiths,  without  board,  J4.28  per  week ; 
journeymen  masons,  $o.3."> ;  journeymen  carpenters,  |I4.99  ;  painters,  the 
same;  house  painters,  f 3.37  ;  paviors  of  streets,  foremen, $7.37,  journey- 
men, |G  ;  common  laborers  on  strf^ete,  $3.21  ;  apprentices  at  such  work, 
$2.85  ;  journeymen  tailors,  ?4.28  ;  harness-makers,  $3.09.    These  figures ; 
were  taken  by  myself  from  the  original  leport  of  the  bureau  of  statistical 
<-f  the  city  of  Berlin.    The  city  of  Berlin  has  a  population  of  over  1.300,- 
•TiOO  people.    Compare  these  figures  with  the  rate  of  wages  in  New  York, 
in  Washington,  or  any  other  of  our  larger  cities.    Mr.  Carroll  D.  Wright, 
onr  able  Commissioner  of  Labor,  and  formeily  holding  a  similar  position 
in  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  in  his  sixteenth  annual  report  for  said 
State,  makes  a  general  comparison  of  the  average  rate  of  wages  for  the 
year  1883  in  England  and  Massachusetts,  as  well  as  the  average  cost  of 
432 


.  WAG 

living  in  each  country,  assumlnt;  that  similar  articles  are  used  and  in  like 
quantities.  He  gives  as  the  result  of  his  investigation  the  average  rate 
of  wages  in  Massadiusetts  as  $1.77  to$I  in  England,  while  the  average 
■cost  of  living  is  a  100  in  Massachusetts  to  87^  in  England,  or  while  the 
■costof  living  in  England  is  about  17  per  cent,  less  than  in  Slassacnusetts, 
yet  the  averaga  rale  of  wages  is  77  per  cent,  more  in  Massachusetts  than 
in  England. 

— Brkwkb,  Record,  3G04. 

liraKCS — Attacks  on  protectiou  aiiued  at. 

Xo.  109S. — The  attacks  on  a  protective  tariff,  however  masked  or 
disguised,  are  aimed  at  the  wages  of  laboring  men,  and  are  not  removed 
by  the  vain-glorious  assumption  of  free-trade  orators,  destitute  of  all  sym- 
pathy for  manual  labor,  that  Americans  can  do  more  work  per  day  than 
the  people  of  any  other  country.  If  it  were  true,  then  this  extra  wear 
and  tear  of  human  life  should  not  go  unrewarded  ;  but  it  is  not  wholly 
true.  Foreign  workingmen  not  only  work  for  less  pay  but  more  hours 
for  a  day's  work  than  are  required  here.  The  output  of  a  great  part  of 
manufactures  is,  moreover,  inexorably  regulated  by  machinery  with 
fixed  speed  or  revolutions  for  perfect  work.  The  best  machinery  is 
eagerly  sought  after  and  quickly  distributed  throughout  the  world.  It  is 
the  lower  and  unequal  wages  of  foreign  workmen  alone  with  which 
Americans  have  to  contend.  We  should  not,  however,  for  any  consider- 
■ation  impair  the  superior  physiijue  of  American  workmen  by  com- 
pelling them  to  perform  greater  tasks  than  are  allotted  to  any  other 
people. 

—Senator  Morrill,  Record,  3020. 

'Wages  In  the  United  States. 

Xo.  1093- — For  many  years  free-traders  denied  the  fact  that  wages 
jire  much,  if  any,  lower  in  Great  Britain  than  here.  But  since  the  in- 
vestigations of  Col.  Carroll  D.  Wright,  a  few  years  ago,  then  ooinmis- 
flioner  of  labor  for  Massachusetts,  bat  now  Commissioner  of  Labor  of 
the  United  Statt^s,  which  showed  that  on  an  average  wages  in  Mas.s;tchu- 
aetta  are  77  per  cent,  higher  than  in  Great  Britain,  running  from  oS  per 
cent,  in  cotton  manufacturing  (where  less  skill  is  required  in  most  gra'lea 
of  cottons  made  in  this  country  than  in  other  maHufacturing  iudu-'tries) 
to  over  100  per  cent,  in  inilus'.ries  requiring  a  high  degree  of  .skill,  the 
<laim  has  been  set  up  that  whatever  advantage  a  workingman  may  have 
in  this  country  over  a  similar  workingman  in  Great  Britain  is  oUset  by 
the  increased  cost  of  living. 

— DixoLKY,  Record,  3020. 

Imogen — Austria  and  other  countries. 

No.  109 1. — The  pitiful  condition  of  the  labor  market  in  Austria  is 
shown  by  a  strike  of  blacksmiths  and  farriers  which  hiw  just  begun  at 
Pesth.  The  strikers  demand  only  that  they  shall  be  allowed  to  rest  on 
fiundays.  that  twelve  hours  shall  conititute  a  day's  work,  and  that  their 
pay  shall  be  seven  tlorins  f$2.8l)  per  week. 

At  present,  they  are  required  to  work  fourteen  hours  per  day  and  half 
time  on  Sundays,  and  receive  as  wages  only  abitut  3»)  ceutii  j)er  day. 

Mr.  HOPKINS,  of  Illinois.     Where  is  that? 

Mr.  BRUMM.  In  Austria.  Compare  these  wag»>«  with  those  that  are 
paid  under  our  protective  system,  then  tell  me  what  is  the  cause  of  it. 
llow  is  it  that  uuder  the  protective  system  the  carpenter  and  the  plas- 
terer, bricklayer,  mason,  etc.,  get  better  wages  than  they  do  in  Europe? 
We  do  not  protect  the  carpenter  or  the  briiklayer  or  the  pla8t<»rer.  We 
•do  not  import  hou'ies  or  walls  or  pavements,  yet  all  get  better  wagee. 
xxviii  433 


WAG 

Pir,  it  is  simply  because  we  protect  the  manufactured  article  enough  tc 
enable  us  to  make  them  here,  and  thus  create  such  a  demand  for  artisanE 
and  laborers  as  to  raise  the  wages  of  all  classes. 

— Brumm,  Record,  5220. 
WageH— Bel{;iiiiii. 

No.  1095.— Belgium  is  a  competitor,  and  to  England  a  most  alarm- 
ing one.  It  is  a  perfect  bee-hive.  The  women  make  the  land  blossom 
like  a  rose  at  daily  wages  from  20  to  25  cents.  In  the  lace  factories  at 
Brussels  the  skilled  women,  who  in  Italy  were  earning  12  cents  a  day, 
could  command  20.  In  the  cotton  mills  2o  cents  a  day  was  regarded  as 
satisfactory  wages  for  women,  from  40  to  50  for  men.  In  the  iron  and 
steel  works  $4  a  week  would  furnish  an  ample  supply  of  common  labor- 
ers, while  skilled  labor  seldom  averaged  more  than  $5  or  $6.  Miners  of 
iron  and  coal  received  from  $3.75  to  })4  a  week. 

—Senator  Frye,  Record,  653. 

Wages — Canada. 

Xo.  1096.— Mr.  TARSNEY.  Can  the  gentleman  state  the  amount 
of  wages  paid  in  Maine  and  the  amount  of  wages  paid  in  Canada  ? 

Mr.  MfLLIKEN.  It  was  stated  the  other  day  by  my  colleague  [Mr. 
Boutelle].  I  believe  it  amounts  to  a  little  less  than  luu  per  cent,  of  dif- 
ference against  American  manufacturers  of  lumber. 

Mr.  TARSNEY,  How  much  is  that  a  day  ?  How  much  is  the  differ- 
ence a  month  ? 

Mr.  MILLIKEN.  If  the  gentleman  will  refer  to  the  debates  he  will 
see  it  fully  stated  by  my  colleague  in  his  remarks  made  a  few  days  ago. 
It  averages  $2.40  to  the  American  workman  in  Maine  and  $1.38  to  the 
Canadian  in  New  Brunswick,  or  about  $G  per  thousand  feet  of  lumber 
manufactured  on  this  side  of  our  boundary  line,  while  it  is  a  little  more 
than  $3  on  the  other  side,  while  the  highest  duty  is  but  $3.  It  will  be 
seen,  therefore,  that  the  duty  does  not  cover  the  difference  between  labor 
on  this  side  and  the  other. 

— MiLLiKEN,  Record,  5287. 
Wages— England. 

No.  1097. — But  England  is  the  free-trader's  paradise,  and  her  scale 
of  wages  higher  than  in  any  continental  country,  is  cited  as  proof  positive 
that  a  tariff  is  no  protector  of  wage-workers,  forgetting  that  this  scale  was 
largely  influenced  by  the  highest  kind  of  protection,  rigorously  enforced 
by  England  until  she  believed  that  her  wealth,  her  machinery,  and  her 
skilled  workmen  could  control  the  markets  of  the  world.  Neither  her 
manufacturers  nor  her  laborers  to-day  participate  in  this  admiration  of 
her  fiscal  policy.  Wages  all  over  Great  Britain  are  low  and  decreasing. 
Eighty  thousand  women  are  working  in  her  cotton-mills  at  Manchester 
for  from  .30  to  35  cents  a  day,  while  the  manufacturers  are  insisting  upon 
a  decrease,  to  enable  them  to  compete  with  Germany  and  Belgium.  Two 
shillings,  and  in  favored  localities,  two  and  six  pence  a  day  are  the  high- 
est wages  paid  to  common  men  laborers,  while  hundreds  of  thousands 
cannot  get  work  at  that.  I  saw,  on  the  magnificent  docks  at  Liverpool, 
thousands  of  men,  hungry-looking  men,  daily  asking  for  work,  work  at 
any  price,  work  if  only  an  hour,  so  that  they  might  buy  bread  for  their 
childreti.  The  streets  of  the  great  cities  are  full  of  idle  men,  not  willingly 
so,  but  from  necessity,  and  great  armies  of  police  are  required  to  preserve 
the  peace.  She  is  to-day  supporting  in  her  poor-houses  more  than  a  mil- 
lion of  people,  and  how  many  more  receive  out-door  relief  no  man  can 
tell.  Her  silk  industry  is  almost  destroyed,  her  cotton  is  suffering,  her 
iron  and  steel  being  supplanted  by  that  of  Germany  and  Belgium,  hex 
ehip-building  not  employing  one-half  of  the  usual  complement  of  men. 
434 


WA(; 

I  heard  Mr.  Brafllau'_'h  declare  in  a  npeech  in  Parliament  that  acricul^- 
ure  was  ruined  ;  that  half  of  the  farm  laborers  could  net  no  work  ;  that 
those  employed  received  t}ie  pi'iance  of  a  8liilling  or  a  fihillinir  and  eix- 
})ence  a  day.  If  1  should  describe  the  condition  of  KngiiBh  laborers  in 
his  words  i  should  be  charged  with  gross  exaggeration.  Tliis  being  Eng- 
land's condition  to-day,  what  utter  nonsense  to  talk  about  high  wages 
there.  I  say  that  men  and  women  there  will  to  day  work  for  what  they 
can  get,  and  that  the  wages  actually  paid  are  not  more  than  one-half  thoteo 
paid  in  our  Northern  States. 

_ — Senator  Fkye,  Record,  653. 

IVhkos— England  and  MaNHnohnNottH. 

No.  1098. — But  to  proceed  with  ray  remarks  at  the  point  where  I 
was  interrrupted,  as  to  the  (lotton-spinning  industry  in  the  State  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, which  is  protected,  a.s  I  have  already  stated,  by  a  duty  of  50 
per  cent,  I  wish  to  state  what  are  the  wages  paid  in  the  State  of  Massa- 
chusetts, where  this  industry  is  protected,  and  the  wages  paiil  in  Great 
Britain. 

In  England,  in  the  cotton-spinning  district  laborers  are  paid  75  cents  a 
day.  In  Massachusetts  they  are  p.iid  92  centa  a  day.  Spinners  are  paid 
$1.48  in  England,  and  in  Massachusetts  they  are  paid  }il.(;5.  Weavers  in 
Great  Britain  are  paid  90  cents,  and  in  Massachusetts  they  are  paid  95 
cents.  This  is  all  the  difference  there  is  between  the  laborers  in  the 
cotton-spinning  industry  in  Massachusetta  and  England,  and  as  the  gen- 
tleman from  Pennsylvania  has  stated,  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachu- 
setts is  the  most  favored  portion  of  the  United  States  so  far  as  laboring 
men  are  concerned,  engaged  in  these  protected  industries. 

— Russell  (Dem.),  Massachusetta,  Record,  3652. 

IVages— Germany. 
Xo.  1091). — My  conclusion  was  that  the  wages  in  Germany  were 

hardly  as  high  as  in  Belgium.  Agricultural  laborers  seemeil  to  be  plenty 
at  20  cents  a  day,  while  women  wood-sawyers  in  the  streets  of  Municn 
were  content  with  the  same. 

At  Stuttgart,  an  important  manufacturing  point,  there  is  an  immense 
corset  factor}',  and  the  wages  actually  paid  were  not  one-third  of  those 
in  a  like  concern  in  the  United  States.  The  entire  product  wa-s  shipped 
to  this  country,  and  invoiced  at  one-half  of  its  market  price.  Hon.  Chas. 
P.  Kimball,  formerly  Democratic  candidate  for  governor  of  Maine,  re- 
ceived the  appointment  from  Mr.  Cleveland  to  the  consulship  at  this  city. 
Three  months  atfer  his  arrival  he  wrote  me  :  "  I  came  here  a  free-trader; 
I  am  now  a  high  protectionist.  With  present  wages  in  America  the  at- 
tempt to  compete  with  these  Germans  is  ab'?urd.  Wby  the  wages  are  a 
mere  bagatelle.  Our  party  should  be  looking  to  an  increa.se  ratlier  tlian 
to  a  decrease  In  duties."  I  am  quoting  this  letter  from  memory,  but 
the  substance  is  correctly  given.  Mr.  Kiml)all  paid  a  first-class  coachman 
two  marks  (48  cents)  a  day,  and  he  boarded  himself.  From  careful  in- 
quiries addressed  to  our  consuls,  to  gentlemen  investigating  the  labor 
problem,  to  employers  and  employe<l,  I  am  entirely  satisfied  that  the 
average  annual  earnings  of  able-bodied  men  in  Germany  will  not  exceed 
$115,  and  of  women  $85,  while  the  agricultural  laborers' and  the  women 
employed  in  out-of-door  work  earn  still  less. 

— Senator  Frvk,  Record,  653. 

IVaKCN— Ireland. 

]Vo.  IIOO.— It  is  hard  for  me  to  understand  how  any  moderately 
decent  rate  of  wages  can  prevail  in  this  afllicted  countrv.  More  than 
half  of  the  people,  men  and  women,  seemed  to  be  entirely  out  of  work. 

436 


WAG 

As  you  ride  through  the  country  hundreds  will  follow  your  carriage,  some 
of  them  for  miles,  begging  for  a  penny.  Agriculture  seems  practically 
dead.  Out  of  the  250,000  tenants  of  small  holdings,  5  acres  and  less, 
many,  if  not  the  most,  formerly  worked  on  the  farms  in  England  and 
Scotland  during  each  summer,  earning  and  saving  enough  to  pay  their 
rents, while  their  wives  and  children  carefl  for  the  home  lot.  But  now 
the  farmers  of  England  and  Scotland  cannot  employ  more  than  two- 
thirda  of  their  own,  so  that  resource  is  cut  off.  In  some  countries  almost 
half  of  the  inhabitants  are  now  receiving  help.  Pauperism  is  fearfully 
increasing.  They  raise  an  abundance  of  wool,  are  willing  to  work  for 
the  lowest  wages,  and  nearly  all  their  mills  are  idle.  What  little  cotton 
manufacturing  they  had  seems  to  have  disappeared,  and  even  the  linen 
"industry  has  greatly  declined.  I  hardly  see  how  any  rate  of  wages  could 
be  fixed. 

They  might  depend  upon  the  greed  of  the  manufacturer  and  the  hun- 
ger of  the  worker.  The  very  best  of  house  servants  could  be  obtained 
for  $1  a  week.  Flax  breakers  asked  about  $4  a  week,  hacklers  about  the 
same,  spinners  and  weavers  $2  to  $2.50.  The  women  at  work  on  the 
farms,  1  was  told  by  good  authority,  were  glad  of  20  cents  a  day.  Of  the 
countries  I  visited,  the  wages  in  Switzerland  and  Italy  were  the  lowest, 
Germany  next,  then  Belgium,  then  France,  while  those  in  England  were 
highest. 

— Senator  Fbye,  Record,  654. 

Wa^es  in  Italy. 

Xo.  1101. — Italy  is  not,  I  admit,  a  serious  competitor  of  ours  to-day, 
but,  if  I  mistake  not  her  spirit,  means  soon  to  be.  She  is  not  a  power  to 
be  ignored  in  the  great  struggle  of  the  nations  for  commercial  and  manu- 
facturing supremacy.  She  has  nearly  30,000,000  of  people,  an  army  of 
600,000  men,  a  navy  greatly  supfeiior  to  ours,  powerful  coast  defense, 
supports  and  encourages  her  merchant  marine  by  bounties  and  subsidies. 
Kmg  Humbert  is  one  of  the  most  sagacious  rulers  in  all  Europe,  and 
understanding  thoroughly  that  to  make  hi.^  country  prosperous  and 
powerful  the  people  must  be  employed,  he  is  doing  his  utmost  to  en- 
courage manufacturing  enterprises,  with  a  success,  too,  which  is  little 
known  outside  his  own  borders.  During  ten  years  the  increase  ship- 
ment of  cotton  from  India  to  Italy  has  been  175  per  cent.,  while  that 
to  England  for  the  same  period  shows  a  decided  decrease.  What  are  the 
wages?  In  a  g:)vernment  lace  factory,  employing  hundreds  of  women 
and  girl:-,  making  the  finest  thread  laces  in  the  world,  the  earnings 
were  from  8  to  12  cents  a  day.  One  woman,  who  had  worked  there  for 
forty  years,  the  most  skilled  in  the  factory,  succeeded  in  earning  12 
cents  a  day,  as  I  saw  by  the  pay-roll  of  the  mill.  The  superintendent 
of  a  cotton  mill  near  Naples,  employing  mostly  women,  told  me  that 
{hey  were  excellent  workmen,  willing,  contented,  and  cheerful;  that 
their  wages  averaged  20  cents  a  day,  while  the  men  worked  for  40.  In  a 
marble  yard  I  found  the  earnings  to  be  from  40  to  60  cents  a  day.  Forty 
cents  a  day  was  regarded  as  good  pay  for  an  able-bodied  man.  In  the 
silk  mills  20  cents  for  women  and  from  40  to  50  for  men  would  secure  all 
the  laborers  wanted.  The  farming  was  done  almost  entirely  by  women 
at  from  16  to  20  cents  a  day.  I  never  saw  ther-^  any  improved  farm  im- 
plements. Should  they  be  furnished,  four  out  of  five  of  these  women 
could  be  relieved  from  out-door  work  and  go  into  the  mills.  Indeed, 
there  seems  to  be  no  end  to  the  men  and  women  willing  to  work  for  the 
lowest  wages  and  yet  with  nothing  to  do.  It  is  difficult  t©  conceive  of  a 
progress  in  manufacturing  which  shall  create  in  twenty  years  a  demand 
for  labor  e^fficient  to  increase  to  any  great  extent  the  wages. 

— Senator  Fbve,  Record,  653. 
436 


WAG 

linages— Massachusetts. 

Xo.  1102. — I  wish  to  say  to  my  colleague  from  Ma^Bachusetts  [Mr. 
Russell]  and  to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  that  I  live  in  a  city 
where  there  is  a  great  number  of  manufactures — woolen,  cotton,  paper, 
steel,  and  iron — and  its  statistics  show  the  wages  there  are  from  GO  to  75 
per  cent,  higher  than  they  are  in  Great  Britain ;  the  cost  of  living  is  no 
higher,  and  that  the  only  thing  which  is  higher  is  rent.  I  wish  to  say 
further  that  the  working  people  of  that  city  are  more  than  one-half  of 
them  depositors  in  the  savings  banks  as  the  effect  of  the  protected  in- 
dustries in  which  they  are  engaged.  And  what  is  true  of  that  city  is 
true,  I  believe  of  every  other  city  in  Massachusetts.  I  believe,  too,  if  the 
Milts  tariff"  bill  be  passed  the  effect  will  be  to  reduce  the  wages  of  those 
laboring  men,  and  that  our  people  could  not  save,  and  would  not  be  in. 
the  condition  of  prosperity  they  are  to-day. 

—Whiting,  Record,  3649. 

Wages— Scotland . 

No.  1103.— Scotland  is  in  no  better  condition.  In  Glasgow,  where 
Mr.  Bright  said  forty-one  thousand  families  cut  of  every  one  hundred 
thousand  lived  each  in  one  room,  the  army  of  the  unemployed  is  per- 
fectly immense,  the  evidences  of  pinching  poverty  horrible.  The  great 
works  on  and  near  that  marvelous  river,  the  Clyde,  are  painfully  slack 
in  business,  ship-building  greatly  depressed,  the  most  of  the  iron  used, 
until  recently  mined  and  worked  at  home,  is  now  imported  from  Spain, 
and  wages  are  adjusted  by  the  employers.  While  i  was  there  all  the 
ship-yards,  furnaces,  forgee,  and  factories  in  and  for  10  miles  around  the 
city  shut  down  for  an  entire  week  on  account  of  a  two-days'  fair. 

The  Langloan  iron  works,  located  here,  do  an  immense  business,  cover 
35  acres  of  land,  run  seven  furnaces,  produce  300  tons  of  iron  daily,  con- 
sume in  its  production  500  tons  of  coal.  The  average  haul  of  the  coal  is 
only  2  miles,  and  the  cost  delivered  53.  The  average  wages  illustrate  the 
highest  paid  labor.  Skilled  workmen  are  paid  froiu  33  to  78  a  day,  the 
large  majority  not  over  43 ;  their  coal  miners  from  5^5.59  a  week  to  $5.88, 
iron  miners  from  $5.34  to  $5.59  per  hand,  foremen  from  $G.25  to  $().32  a 
week,  common  laborers  from  54  cents  to  G2  a  day.  I  had  a  curiosity  to 
visit  Paibley,  knowing  that  the  enormous  thread  mills  had  their  dupli- 
cates in  our  own  country,  at  Newark  and  Pawtucket,  run  by  the  same 
owners.  The  hands  employed  there  and  here  are  nearly  all  women.  The 
business  is  such  as  to  require  careful  selection.  The  operatives  were  neat 
in  appearance,  active,  attentive  to  their  work,  and  satisfactory  to  their 
employers.  Their  earnings  at  the  Paisley  mills  averaged  about  $2  80  a 
week.  A  month  or  two  since  I  was  at  Pawtucket ;  found  the  average 
weekly  wages  of  the  same  class  of  workers,  on  precisely  the  eame  work 
and  for  the  same  owners,  to  be  nearly  $8  a  week.  Mr.  Coates,  of  the  lirm, 
told  me  that  the  help  in  Paisley  were  as  active,  eflicient,  and  attended  to 
as  many  machines  or  spindles  as  at  Pawtucket.  It  is  impossible  to  lyid 
a  more  reliable  and  faithful  illustration  of  the  difference  in  wages  in 
Great  Britain  and  America  than  this. 

— Senator  Frve,  Record,  C54. 

Wages— United  States  and  Norway. 

No.  1104.— The  census  of  1S80  shows  an  average  yearly  earning  of 
American  workmen  of  $345,  $1.11  for  each  working  day  ;  while  in  free- 
trade  Norway,  which  takes  all  it«  manufactured  goods  from  other  nations, 
the  average  yearly  wages  is  only  about  $22,  or  7  cents  for  each  working 
day.    In  which  country  can  the  most  be  laid  iiside  ? 

— Ed. 

437 


WAG 

Wages— Balance  due  Aiuericau  labor— Protection  payis. 

Xo.  1105. — During  the  past  year  the  amount  of  wages  paid  to  our 
employes,  in  the  last  process  of  manufacturing,  was  |!l,400,(-00,00().  To 
produce  the  same  amount  of  merchandise  in  England  they  would  pay 
$784,000,000.  These  facts  show  the  following  result :  We  pay  in  this 
country  $010,000,000  more  to  our  wage-earners  who  produce  a  given 
product  than  would  he  paid  in  England  for  the  same  amount  of  product. 
The  entire  revenue  collected  by  us  on  all  inportations  during  the  year 
ending  June  30, 1887,  amounted  to  5!218,0( '0,000.  If  the  wage-earners  paid 
all  of  this  amount  they  would  have  a  balance  of  $398,000,t^00  more  than 
they  would  have  if  they  were  receiving  English  wages. 

— Owen,  Record,  5549. 

Wages— Boot  and  shoe  industry. 

Xo.  1106. — Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  show  the  effect  of  taxation  on 
Massachusetts  industries,  I  wish  to  refer  to  another  industry,  a  compara- 
tively unprotected  industry,  which  is  the  second  in  importance  and  vol- 
ume in  the  great  Commonwealth  of  Mas.sachusette,  and  I  refer  to  the  boot 
and  shoe  industry.  That  is  an  industry  which  pays  the  highest  wages 
which  are  paid  in  any  part  of  New  England  to  manufacturing  operatives. 

This  is  well  known  to  every  man  in  this  House  who  has  studied  the 
questions  that  we  should  discuss  in  this  debate.  These  operatives  are 
moreover  men  of  high  grade  of  intelligence ;  they  are  the  frugal,  high- 
taxed,  unprotected  mechanics  that  add  to  the  immense  deposits  of  our 
savings-banks.  The  nominal  duty  on  boots  and  shoes  is  about  30  per 
cent.,  and  I  believe  that  if  that  duty  were  taken  off,  and  I  say  this  with 
a  full  knowledge  and  am  responsible  to  a  district  containing  more  boot 
and  shoe  manufactories  than  any  other  in  this  country  outside  of  Mas- 
sachusetts— that  if  that  duty  of'  30  per  cent,  was  taken  off  and  similar 
duties  were  taken  off  of  the  articles  entered  into  the  manufacture  of 
boots  and  shoes  my  people  would  be  better  off  to-day  and  would  be  able 
to  still  further  increase  the  wages  of  their  employes. 

— Russell  (Dem.),  Massachusetts,  Record,  3653. 

Wages— Farm  labor. 

Xo.  1107. — Mr.  Chairman,  here  is  a  table  embodied  in  a  crop  re- 
port, No.  46,  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  and  on  page  590  I  find  a 
tabulated  list  of  the  wages  of  agricultural  laborers  in  some  of  the  coun- 
tries producing  wheat.  Listen  to  it.  India,  that  ])roduced  in  1887, 
239,000,000  bushels  of  wheat  to  throw  upon  the  markets  of  the  world,  in 
1880  paid  for  wages  (reduced  to  dollars  and  cents  in  our  currency)  $2.38 
a  month,  and  in  1884  it  was  just  $2  a  month. 

The  wages  of  agricultural  labor  were  equivalent  to  $2.28  per  month  in 
1876,  $2.01  in  1884,  and  if  the  same  nominal  rate  in  1887,  the  reduction  in 
value  of  the  rupee  would  make$1.81,or  nearly  7  cents  per  day  for  twenty- 
six  working  days.  The  rupee  is  rated  at  43.6  cents  in  1876, 38.6  in  1884,  and 
34.6  in  1887.  Think  of  it  for  a  moment :  7  cents  a  day  the  laborer  in  the 
wheat  fields  of  India  gets ;  and  our  friends  who  are  in  favor  of  this  sys- 
tem of  building  up  the  industries  of  the  country,  of  piling  up  the  money 
in  the  pockets  and  coffers  of  the  manufacturers,  never  look  beyond  that 
manufacturing  interest  or  have  a  word  to  say  when  they  are  confronted 
with  the  proposition  that  the  American  wheat-grower  comes  into  com- 
petition with  foreign  labor  that  can  live  on  $2.38  a  month  or  as  low  as  7 
cents  a  day.  It  is  all  right  for  the  farmers  to  compete  with  the  cheap 
and  most  degraded  labor  of  the  world,  but  it  is  terrible  if  the  American 
artisan  and  machinist  and  mechanic  have  to  come  into  competition  with, 
the  skilled  and  cheaper  labor  of  Europe. 

— Hatch  (Dem.),  Record,  4575. 
438 


WAG 


'Wages— Farm  values. 

No.  1108. — That  it  is  true  what  I  assert  as  regards  the  value  of  land 
In  the  manufacturing  States,  the  following  table  is  the  best  evidence : 

Here  are  three  Southern  farming  States  in  a  group,  and  three  North- 
ern manufacturing  States: 


Value  of 
Farming  States :  farming  lands. 

North  Carolina $6.07 

South  OaroUna 6.10 

Georgia ~ 4.30 


Value  of    . 
Manufacturing  States:  farming  lands. 

New  York _ $44.41 

New  Jersey „ 65.16 

Pennsylvania..... - 49.30 


Total 15.47  Total 158.87 

Average 5.15  |        Average 52.95 

Observe  the  difference.  The  farmers,  land  is  worth  more  than  ten 
times  as  much  in  the  manufacturing  .^'tates  as  it  is  in  the  agricultural 
State?.  Wages  paid  for  transient  farm-labor  per  day  two  years  ago  was,  in — 

New  York $1.26 

New  Jersey 1.17 


Total 

Average.. 

And  in — 


2.43 
1.21 


North  Can  Una $0.60 

South  Carolina ^ 60 

Less  than  one-half  as  much. 

In  North  and  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and 
Arkansas,  77  per  cent,  of  the  people  are  engaged  in  agriculture.  These 
six  States  possess  the  best  climate,  the  finest  land,  and  grow  the  most 
valuable  products  of  the  country.  The  farming  lands  have  an  average 
value  of  $5.18  per  acre;  the  rugged  lands  of  Pennsylvania,  with  only  21 
per  cent,  of  the  population  engaged  in  agriculture,  are  worth  $49.30 
per  acre.  —Nichols  (Indep^),  Record,  4579. 

Wages— Flax-spiuners. 

No.  1109. — The  only  other  table  I  will  give  on  this  point,  represent* 
the  average  of  wages  paid  in  the  flax-spinning  trade  in  Europe  and 
America,  on  the  basis  of  sixty  hours'  work  per  week,  although  in  some 
of  the  European  countries  they  are  required  to  work  from  seventy-two 
to  eighty-one  hours  per  week.  This  taole  shows  that  in  some  branches 
of  this  industry  the  United  States  pays  its  workingmen  and  women  more 
than  six  times  as  much  as  they  receive  for  the  same  labor  in  some  Eu- 
ropean countries.  And  yet  we  are  told  by  Democratic  orators  that  labor- 
ing men  are  no  better  off  here  than  in  Europe.  It  is  not  true,  and  thia 
table  will  help  to  show  that  it  is  not  true : 


Sorters 

Roughers 

Machine  workers 

Spinners 

Reelers 

Bovlng 

Carders , 

8prea<ler8 

Drawing 

DoITers 


ce'i" 


$2  00 
1  00 
1  16 
1  60 
1  60 
1  40 
1  40 
1  20 
1  20 
90 


$3  7.5 
3  00 

1  78 

2  18 
2  18 
2  (Nl 
1  88 
1  88 
1  78 
1  40 


$2  88 
2  30 
1  46 
1  98 
1  98 
1  70 
1  1)5 
1  55 
1  60 
1  16 


J, 

4 

a. 

-i 

.a 

$ 

3 

M 

1 

1 

$3  85 

1 

$0  80  ,$1  00 

1  36 

1  10  1  1  12 

2  02 

3  37 
2  02 



64 

1  12 

1  12 
1  12 

2  20 
2  02 

60 

64 

1  12 

1  85 

60 

76 

$4  80 
4  86 
1  46 
1  82 
1  38 

1  68 

2  19 
1  70 
1  96 
1  34 


$12  00 
12  00 

6  00 

7  00 

7  00 
6  00 
6  00 

8  00 
6  00 
8  60 


— GALLiNaKB,  Record.  ."G88. 
4;i9 


WAG 

Wages  from  lree-tra«lo  authority. 

Xo.  1110.— I  wish  to  read  a  word  from  the  last  coaeular  report.  I 
should  like  to  incorporate  in  my  reoiarksall  that  the  Senator  from  Maine 
[Mr.  Frye]  saiil  the  other  day  from  personal  observation,  but  that  is  pro- 
tection authority,  and  this  is  the  way  the  free-trader,  in  appealioK  to  the 
laboring  man,  answers  it.  "  Oh,"  he  says,  "  the  Senator  from  Maine  is  a 
protectionist ;  you  cannot  believe  what  he  says."  Now  I  want  to  pee 
what  free-traders  say.  I  take  this  pame  Consul  Schoenhof,  because  he  is 
an  avowed  free-trader.  Writing  from  Ireland,  in  the  very  last  number 
of  the  Consular  Reports,  No.  86,  November,  1887,  on  page  307,  he  says : 

"  It  is  useless  for  me  to  dwell  much  on  the  linen  industry  of  Uls^ter. 
It  is  well  known  that  in  Ulster  they  are  foremost  in  this  branch  in  the 
whole  world.  Still  I  find  that  the  earnings  of  tho  people  employed  in 
the  linen  mills  in  Ulster  are  far  below  those  of  any  class  employed  in 
the  textile  branches  in  England.  Mill  regulations  and  working  of  time 
of  course  are  the  same  for  the  whole  Kingdom.  Flax-breakers,  men 
who  have  to  do  very  exhausting  work,  earn  from  15?.  to  20«.  per  week  ; 
hacklerp,  from  18  to  23*.  ;  spinners  and  girls,  from  8s.  to  10.9. ;  half-timers, 
boys  5s.  and  girls  4s. ;  and  weavers,  mostly  women  tending  2  looms,  from 
12s.  to  los.  13y  others  I  was  told  that  the  earnings  were  only,  for  weav- 
ers, 8s.  to  10.^.,  and  up  to  15s.  only  for  the  finer  goods." 

A  shilling  is  25  cenUs.  At  10  shillings  they  have  $2.50  a  week,  or  practi- 
cally that.    Then  he  comes  to  the  woolen  mills  of  Ireland,  and  says  : 

" The  wages  I  have  noted  down  are:  For  men,  from  128.  to  14a.,  lis. 
being  about  the  limit  of  the  best  men. 

Three  dollars  and  a  half  per  week  for  the  best  men  in  the  woolen  mills 
of  Ireland ! 

"  Spinner  girls,  8s.  to  10s. ;  children,  58.  to  6i. ;  and  weavers  earn  from 
108.  to  12«.    The  mill— 

And  I  comndend  this  to  free-traders — 

"  The  mill,  employing  about  750  hands,  pays  out  about  £400  per  week 
in  wages.  This  includes  overseers,  etc.,  which  is  a  trifle  over  108.  per 
head." 

There  might  be  some  occasion  to  attack  the  manufacturers  of  the  coun- 
try if  they  were  paying  these  wages  in  the  United  States. 

— Senator  Platt,  Record,  1015. 

Wages— How  determined. 

No.  1111. — The  wages  of  manufacturing  industries,  it  is  generally 
agreed,  were  determined,  at  first,  by  the  profit  in  farming.  Until  a  man 
could  earn  more  by  entering  a  factory,  he  preferred  to  take  a  farm, 
Now,  the  profit  in  farming  depends  on  two  elements — the  efforts  of  the 
farmer  and  the  fertility  of  the  soil.  So  great  in  America  was  this  latter 
«lement,  that  a  very  slight  effort  brought  a  bountiful  return.  In  Amer- 
ica, therefore,  the  cost  of  production  in  agriculture  was  small,  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  farmer's  exertion,  and  wa;^es  were  thus  high.  In  Eu- 
rope, however,  where  land  was  scarce  and  less  fruj/ful,  after  centuries  of 
cultivation,  wages  were  low.  The  European  laborer  must  either  take 
the  proffered  wages  or  starve.  The  American  laborer  may  beaome  a. 
land-owner.  The  American  manufacturer,  now,  starts  his  factory  to 
produce  the  rest  of  the  commodities  necessary  for  the  home  consump- 
tion. He  will,  then,  compete  with  the  European  manufacturer,  in  the 
production  of  similar  goods.  To  attract  laborers  from  farming,  the  Amer- 
ican manufacturer  must  offer  higher  rewards  than  can  be  obtained  on 
the  farm,  and  to  do  this  he  must  advance  the  price  of  his  goods.  To  him, 
the  cost  of  production,  measured  in  wages,  is  high.  But  his  European 
rival  has  no  such  wages  to  pay.  He  docs  not  employ  men,  but  "  hands." 
To  him,  the  cost  of  production,  measured  in  wages,  is  low.  The  price  of 
440 


WAG 

his  goods  is,  therefore,  far  less.  The  American  laborer,  for  his  par^  re- 
fuKes  to  work  for  such  terms  as  the  European  laborer.  He  prefers  living 
at  ea.se,  owning  his  own  land,  to  toiling  as  an  industrial  slave.  If,  then, 
the  American  goods  are  to  be  made  at  all,  they  must  be  sold  at  a  higher 
price.  The  American  article  and  the  European  article,  with  different 
prices,  are  now  in  the  same  market.  But  "there  cannot  be,  for  the 
same  article,  two  prices  in  the  same  market."  The  American  manu- 
facturer is,  therefore,  forced  either  not  to  sell  at  all  or  to  sell  at  jrreat 
loss.  American  capital  and  labor  are,  in  either  case,  ruined.  Under 
free  trade,  the  history  of  American  manufiicturod  is  one  continual  history 
of  industrial  disasters. 

— PIkn.ning's  Pbize  Ess.vy,  1887. 

Wages  higher  because  or  the  tarifr. 

'So.  1113. — I  need  no  other  evidence  to  prove  this  than  the  voice  of 
the  swelling  tide  of  immigration  that  is  ever  purging  on  the  American 
shore. 

The  history  of  the  tariff  system  proves  that  a  material  reduction  of  the 
duly  on  foreign  importations  of  the  like  and  kind  produce^l  here  swells 
our  revenue, diminishes  home  production,  stimulates  foreign  manuf/^ct- 
ures,  and  increases  foreign  importations.  It  proves  that  proper  i)rotec- 
tion  maintains  high  wages,  and  by  virtue  of  healthy  competition  an(l 
diversification  of  industry,  cheapens  prices.  The  chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Ways  and  Means,  in  the  opening  speech  of  the  tariff  debate, 
proves  this  beyond  all  contradiction. 

He  cited  an  extract  from  a  free-trade  magazine  to  show  that  the  wages 
of  the  shoemakers  in  Ma&sachusetts  was  ]'20  per  cent.  hiu;her  than  in 
England,  and  that  English  shoes  were  dearer  than  thopo  in  Ma«saihu- 
setts,  because  a  Yankee  workman  could  make  thirty-five  pairs  a  day, 
while  an  Englishman  can  make  but  ten,  and  therefore  tariff  did  not  regu- 
late wages. 

The  true  solution  of  the  question  of  higher  wages  and  cheaper  prices  is 
that  protection  started  into  life  myriads  of  shoe  factories  in  New  England 
that  competed  with  ea<:h  other  as  well  as  with  foreign  establishments.. 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4003. 

Wages  increased  by  machinery. 

Xo.  lli:{. — The  gentleman  from  Texas  includes  among  the  three 
agents  causing  higher  wages,  matrhinery  ;  but  he  does  not  tell  us  what 
has  produced  the  machinery.  How  came  the  mat^hinery  he  speaks  of  to 
exist?  Clearly  it  came  into  existence  in  response  to  a  demand  for  it. 
This,  of  course,  everybody  will  admit.  What  created  the  demand  for  it  ? 
Clearly  the  demand  for  multiplied  and  cheapened  processes  uf  manufact- 
uring goods  for  consumption.  Why  did  methods  of  manufacturing  goods 
need  to  be  cheapened?  Why,  certainly  because  of  the  competition  of 
manufacturers,  each  and  all  of  whom  were  striving  to  possess  the  mar- 
ket by  offering  their  wares  cheaper  than  others. 

How  could  theee  manufacturers,  while  thus  competing  and  inventing 
machinery  to  cheapen  their  products,  endure  competition  with  the  goods 
manufactured  in  Europe  by  cheaper  labor?  Surely  only  because  they 
•were  protected  bv  a  protective  tariff.  Thus  it  was  that  the  tarill'alf  trded 
the  inventors  and  improver*  of  machinery  the  opportunity  and  incentive 
to  bring  the  same  to  the  hit^h  state  of  {>erfectii>n  t  j  whicii  it  haaatti-.int\l. 
In  thi^  manner  it  was  that  a  protective  taritf  brought  into  existence  the 
improved  machinery,  and  so  is  entitled  to  the  croditat  oneand  the  samo 
time  of  creating  the  machinery  of  which  the  gentleman  speaks  and  also 
enhancing  the  rate  of  wages. 

— WiCKEAM,  Record,  4G97. 

441 


WAG 

Wages— Increase  since  1800. 

'So.  1111. — Let  US  examine  the  merits  of  this  claim,  and  if  it  be  es- 

tAblished,  I  will  never  consent  to  change  a  system  of  taxation  which 
really  improves  the  condition  of  the  American  workingman  ;  and  I  shall 
have  much  less  regard  for  the  Constitution  of  my  country  if  it  be  shown 
that  in  its  operation  it  tends  to  drag  down  the  American  mechanic  to  the 
level  of  the  ill-led,  ill-clothed,  and  oppressed  laborers  of  Europe. 

I  find  in  a  foot- note  in  McMaster's  History  of  the  People  of  the  United 
States,  an  account  which  states,  that— 

"  In  the  great  cities  unskilled  workmen  were  hired  by  the  day,  bought 
their  own  food,  and  found  their  own  lodgings.  But  in  the  country,  on 
the  farms,  or  wherever  a  hand  was  employed  on  some  public  work,  they 
were  fed  and  lodged  by  the  employer  and  given  a  few  dollars  a  month. 
On  the  Pennsylvania  canals  the  diggers  ate  the  coarsest  diet,were  housed  iu 
the  rudest  sheds,  and  paid  $6  a  month  from  May  to  November,  and  $5  a 
month  from  November  to  May.  Hod-carriers  and  mortar-mixers,  diggers 
and  choppers,  who,  from  1793  to  1800,  labored  on  the  public  buildings  and 
cut  the  streets  and  avenues  of  Washington  City,  received  $70  a  year,  or, 
if  they  wished,  $60  for  all  the  work  they  could  perform  from  March  1  to 
December  20.  The  hours  of  work  were  invariably  from  sunrise  to  sun- 
set. Wages  at  Albany  and  New  York  were  3  shillings,  or  as  money  then 
went,  40  cents  a  day;  at  Lancaster,  $8  to  ^10  a  month.  Elsewhere  in 
Pennsylvania  workmen  were  content  with  $6  in  summer  and  $5  in 
winter.  At  Baltimore  men  were  glad  to  be  hired  at  18  pence  a  day. 
None  by  the  month  asked  more  than  $6.  At  Fredericksburg  the  price  of 
labor  was  from  $5  to  $7.  In  Virginia  white  men  employed  by  the  year 
were  given  £16,  currency ;  slave?,  when  hired,  were  clothed  and  their 
masters  paid  £1  a  month.  A  pound,  Virginia  money,  was,  in  Federal 
money,  $3.33.  The  average  rate  of  wages  the  land  over  was,  therefore, 
$65  a  year,  with  food  and  perhaps  lodging.  Out  of  this  small  sum  the, 
workingman  must,  with  his  wife's  help,  maintain  his  family." 

Here  we  have  a  starting-point,  the  lowest  iu  the  scale  of  wages  during 
the  present  century.  From  that  point  the  rate  of  wages  has  risen,  not 
only  among  manufacturing  operatives,  but  with  every  class  of  wage- 
workers. 

— Shaw,  Record,  3540. 
Wa{;es— Jate  manui'acturers. 

"So.  1115. — The  principle  reason  why  bagging  can  be  made  so  much 
cheaper  in  England  than  it  can  in  this  country  is  because  they  pay  their 
labor  only  one-third  to  one-half  the  wages  that  we  pay  ours,  and  still 
our  labor  complain  that  their  wages  are  too  low.  The  wage  question  is 
of  paramount  importance.  Upwards  of  fifteen  hundred  operatives  are 
employed  in  jute  manufacture  in  Missouri  alone.  It  is  in  a  large  sense  a 
professional  employment,  acquired  by  practice  and  generally  followed 
permanently.  These  workers  receive  from  two  to  three  times  as  much 
pay  as  similar  workers  receive  in  Great  Britain  and  Germany,  spinners 
and  weavers  earning  here  $5.50  to  $0  and  5^8.50  to  $9  respectivelv,  per 
week,  whereas  abroad  they  get  from  $2  to  $3  and  from  $2.75  to  $3.50,  re- 
spectively, per  week.  Not  a  jute  manufacturer  in  the  United  States  could 
live  a  day  with  these  products  placed  on  the  free-list;  so,  in  addition  to 
the  destruction  millions  of  dollars  invested  in  this  class  of  lousiness,  thou- 
sands of  operatives,  absolutely  dependent  on  it  for  their  livelihood,  would 
be  thrown  out  of  employment. 

— Warner,  Record,  5671. 

Wages,  low— What  remedy  do  the  Ocmocrats  offer? 

\'o.  IIKS. — It  is  said  that  notwithstanding  our  protective  tariff  wages 
are  low  and  many  of  our  people  are  unemployed.    Whether  wages  are, 
442 


WAG 


low  or  not  depends  somewhat  on  how  we  make  comparison.  If  we  com- 
pare the  rate  of  wages  to-day  with  the  avera^re  rate  of  wages  before  the 
war,  uncler  our  low  tariff,  we  will  find  they  are  much  hiph^r  now  than 
then.  There  never  waa  a  time  when  the  amount  received  by  the  wage 
earner  for  his  work  w^onld  buy  so  many  of  the  necessaries  of  life  as  at  the 
present  time.  The  per  cent,  of  our  population  who  are  out  of  employment 
to-day  is  not  greater  than  it  has  been,  on  the  average,  for  the  last  forty 
vears,  with  the  exception  of  the  time  daring  the  war  and  for  a  few  years 
following  the  same.  During  the  war  a  million  and  more  of  our  laboring 
men  were  engaged  in  saving  the  country,  and  hence  the  demand  for  labor 
gave  all  employment,  and  it  took  some  eight  years  after  the  close  of  the 
war  for  the  nation  to  recuperate  and  to  supply  the  necessities  of  the 
people.  But  if  the  wages  are  too  low  what  remeily  do  the  friends  of  this 
bill  present  for  relief?  They  propose  to  largely  reduce  the  duties  upon 
foreign  imports,  and  to  throw  open  our  ports  to  the  free  importation  of 
many  articles  which  are  produced  abroad  and  can  be  produced  here.  In 
other  words,  they  propose  to  increase  theconsuinption  an<l  supply  of  our 
people  from  the  production  of  foreign  labor,  which,  of  necessity,  must 
decrease  the  consumption  of  similar  things  which  should  be  sufjplied  by 
our  own  shops  and  produced  by  our  own  people.  That  the  average  rate 
of  wages  in  France  and  Germany  is  from  75  to  100  per  cent,  less  than  in 
the  United  States  we  think  there  can  be  no  qnestion,  while  the  average 
rate  in  England  is  from  60  to  75  per  cent,  less  than  here. 

— Brkwer,  Record,  3604. 

H'^agcs— ^laintainod    by  divorNiflcd   iiiiluNtry  nii<l    protec- 
tion. 

Xo.  1117. — To  show  the  benefits  resulting  to  labor  by  diversified  in- 
dustry, Mr.  J.  R.  Dodge,  statistician,  in  his  report  to  the  Commissioner  of 
Agriculture  for  1883,  divides  the  States  ana  Territories  of  the  United 
States  into  four  classe=i,  the  first  having  less  than  SO  per  cent,  engaged  in 
agriculture  ;  second,  those  with  30  and  less  than  50  percent. ;  third,  those 
having  50  and  less  than  70  per  cent.;  and  fourth,  those  having  70  per 
cent,  and  over,  being  almost  exclusively  agricultural  States.  He  gives 
the  wages  of  farm  laborers  in  each  section  or  class  as  follows : 


n  a 

9" 

|i 

Claeflea. 

III 

ill 

IP 

O  3  P 

hi 

» 

< 

< 

First 

15 

18 

?25  00 

Second 

la 
13 

12 
68 

'^5  00 

Third ~ 

19  SO 

0 

77 

13  20 

Therefore,  good  wages  can  be  beat  sustained  under  protection  and  a 
diversified  industry. 

—Ed. 
IVaKCN  like  taxoH. 

3fo.  Ills.— Of  coarse  it  is  impossible  in  a  general  way  to  lay  a  tax 
with  muthematical  exactness.  It  not  unfre<iuently  happenj',  in  practice, 
that  taxes  are  laid  where  slight  immediate  benefit  seems  to  accrue  to 
those  who  pay  the  largest  share  of  the  tax.  A  conspicuous  in.stance  of 
this  is  seen  in  the  postal  service  of  the  country,  where  the  people  are 

•H3 


WAG 

taxed  to  sustain  post  routes  which  are  not  yet  eelf-sustaininp.  Yet  all 
admit  the  wisdoru  of  the  courae  pursued,  nor  do  they  regard  the  pioneer 
who,  leaving  the  oomforls  and  luxuries  of  civilized  life,  starts  into  the 
unknown  country,  tiiere  to  huild  up  citio3  and  add  to  our  habitable  terri- 
tory, as  receivinii  undue  benefit  from  the  taxation  of  the  many  though 
here  we  may  ai)j)ear  fo  be  "taxing  the  many  for  the  favored  few,"  but 
which  is  in  fact  for  the  "  general  welfare  "  of  the  United  States. 

— Allen,  Mastachusettf,  Record,  3842. 

WaK<^'4— I'rit^*^!*  and  cost  of  livinis;— 9IaH«>iacha»«ctts  an«l  En{$- 

lillHl. 
'So.  1119. — WAGES   AND   LIVING   IN   LANCASHIRE   AND    MASSACHUSETTS. 

Totlie  Editor  of  BraddreeCs  : 

Sir:  I  send  you  the  following  by  way  of  helping  you  to  solve  the 
much-discussed  question  as  to  the  comparative  wages  and  cost  of  living 
of  the  wage  earning  classes  in  the  United  States  and  Europe,  but  particu- 
larly in  Great  Britain,  In  the  following  comparison  as  to  wages  and 
cost  of  living  in  England  and  Massachusetts  a  family  of  two  adults  and 
three  children  in  each  country  is  supposed  to  consume  the  same  quanti- 
ties of  the  same  articles;  that  is,  to  be  placed  on  equality  as  to  scale  of 
living,  clothing,  and  eundries  not  being  included  in  either  case.  Each 
family  is  supposed  to  consist  of  a  four-loom  cotton-weaver,  with  wife  and 
three  children,  two  of  the  latter  working  in  the  mill.  In  neither  case  is 
the  wife  supposed  to  work.  The  English  weaver  is  a  Lancashire  opera- 
tive, working  fifty-six  hours  per  week,  and  his  two  working  children  are 
half-timers.  The  Massachusetts  weaver  works  sixty  hours  per  week,  and 
his  two  working  children  are  employed  thirty-two  weeks  in  the  year. 
The  wages  of  the  Lancashire  operatives  are  based  upon  the  rates  given 
in  the  report  of  Albert  D.  Shaw,  United  States  consul  at  Manchester, 
England,  transmitted  December,  1,  1881,  to  the  Department  of  State. 
The  wages  of  the  Maesachusetts  operatives  are  based  upon  the  average 
rates  paid  in  that  State  January  1,  1882,  the  weekly  wage-  of  the  children 
being  their  average  weekly  wages  for  the  entire  year — that  ie,  one  fifty- 
second  of  their  total  yearly  wages. 

The  Massachusetts  weaver  earn?  per  week $5.64 

Two  children  In  weave-room,  each  average  per  week  $2  33 4.66 

Total  Income  per  week  of  the  (amlly $10.30' 

The  Lancashire  weaver  earns  per  week 5  28 

Two  children  In  weave-room,  half-timers,  each  per  week,  84  cents 1.G8 

Total  Income  per  week  of  the  family 6.96 

Excess  of  weekly  income  In  Massachusetts 3.34 

Each  family  is  supposed  to  consume  the  following,  the  same  being  the 
weekly  subsistence  of  an  English  operative's  family  of  the  size  under 
consideration,  presented  in  the  Progress  of  Manchester,  by  D.  Chadwick, 
of  the  British  Association,  revised  by  Dr.  Watts,  and  quoted  by  Leone 
Levi,  in  Work  and  Play  (London,  1887),  page  129.  The  English  prices 
are  based  upon  rates  current  in  Lancashire  from  the  report  of  Consul 
Shaw  before  alluded  to,  December,  1881,  and  from  other  oflicial  sources. 
The  Massachusetts  prices  are  average  rates  current  in  said  State,  January 
1,  1882. 

— O'Neill,  Pennsylvania,  Record,  3649. 

WaRes— Papcrinakers. 

\o.  112().— You  will  observe  that  the  price  of  paper  has  been  reduced 
in  twenty-eight  years  nearly  50  per  cent.,  and  it  is  also  true  that  during 
that  time  the  quality  has  improved,  and  that  wages  have  advanced  40 
444 


i 


WAG 

per  cent.  To  illuetrate  this  point  of  the  increase  in  wages,  the  skilled 
•workman,  who  in  18G0  received  from  $1.50  to  f  1.75  per  day,  now  receives 
from  $2.75  to  $3.50  per  day,  an  increase  of  more  than  GO  per  cent.  The 
same  class  of  help  in  Great  Britain  receives  from  $1.25  to  $1.75  per  day, 
or  not  more  than  one-half  of  the  rate  of  wapoa  here.  The  average  in- 
crease of  wages  in  the  paper  industry  in  the  United  States,  including  all 
kinds  of  labor,  is  40  per  cent.,  and  more  than  balances  any  advantage  the 
manufacturer  may  have  received  from  the  use  of  wood-pulp,  or  cheaper 
material  of  any  kind. 

— Whiting,  Massachusetts,  Record,  6946. 

Note.— The  Honorable  Mr.  Whiting,  of  Maaeachusetta,  Ijclni?  opnnecuvl  with  ih© 
Whiting  Paper  Company  ot  Holyoke,  Maaa.,  la  a  rellablo  authority  on  tho  mauutacturs 
ol  paper.— Ed. 

'\¥aees— Flat  form  of  1884  on— Effect. 

No.  1131.— The  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of  the  Chamber,  all  of 
them  concede  that  American  labor  and  laborers  are  of  higher  character 
and  are  better  rewarded  under  the  present  system  than  tho^e  of  any 
other  nation  in  the  world,  and  that  the  industrial  progress  of  this  coun- 
try in  the  quarter  of  a  century  of  Republican  power  hai  bf^n  the  niost 
marvelous  of  that  of  any  nation  in  the  history  of  the  world.  While  ad • 
mittin;»  these  facts,  they  strenuously  conteml  that  the  hi^h  character  of 
oar  laboring  population  and  the  marvelous  progress  of  our  industries 
have  been  matle,  not  by  virtue  of  the  tariff,  but  in  spite  of  ita  existence. 
Are  the  gentlemen  entirely  sure,  have  they, no  question  in  their  own 
minds  as  to  the  truth  of  these  propositions?  If  this  be  true,  why  did 
they  declare  in  their  platform  of  1884 — 

"  That  from  the  foundation  of  this  Government  taxes  collected  at  the 
•custom-house  have  been  the  chief  source  of  Federal  revenue,  and  that 
such  they  must  continue  to  be?" 

Why  did  they  further  declare — 

"  That  m  iny  industries  had  come  to  rely  on  legisl  ^tion  for  sut^cessful 
<»ntinuance  so  that  any  change  of  the  law  must  at  every  step  be  regard- 
ful of  the  labor  and  capital  thus  involved  ?  " 

And  yet  they  propose  to  change  the  dities  without  investigation. 

Why  do  they  say — 

"  That  the  necessary  reduction  in  the  revenues  can  and  must  be  effected 
without  depriving  American  labor  of  the  ability  to  compete  successfully 
with  foreign  labor,  and  without  imposing  lower  rates  of  duty  than  will 
be  ample  to  cover  any  increased  cost  of  production  whi<^h  ra.iy  exist  in 
consequence  of  the  higher  rate  of  wages  prevailin;;;  in  this  country  ?  " 

If  these  declarations  were  ma^le  in  good  faith  why  has  there  been  no 
Attempt  to  investigate  and  see  whether  they  have  complied  with  the 
pledge  they  made  to  the  people  ? 

— Kkrr,  Reconl,  3(>39. 

IFaKOS— Turitr  nothing  to  do  with.    (See  Nom.  100.1,  1020.) 

WaK^N  and  protection: 

Xo.  lltilli. — We  are  toM  by  our  free-trade  friends  that  we  have  been 
«nabled  to  p.iy  higher  wages  in  this  country  th.in  could  bo  paid  in  Eu- 
rope because  of  our  cheap  lands  ami  immense  natural  resources  ;  and 
that  our  protective  tariff  h;i.s  had  no  tendency  to  incrca.se  wag«»fl ;  but 
this  statement  we  insist  cannot  bi*  BU^tained.  It  is  true  we  have  an  im- 
mense country — a  land  bouniled  by  oceann  an<l  stn^tching  from  the  laken 
to  the  Kulf — a  country  possessed  of  all  kiu'ls  of  climate  and  soil,  and 
■with  more  natural  resources  and  wealt'i  than  any  otluT  country  in  the 
irorld;  but  we  neglected  to  develop  this  wealth  and  u'.ilize  these  natural 

4-15 


WAG 

resources  until  after  the  enactment  of  our  tariflf  laws  in  1861.  It  was^ 
our  protective  tariff  which  induced  our  capitalists  to  develop  the  wealth 
of  the  nation,  which  erected  our  furnaces  and  built  our  factories,  which 
have  thrown  open  our  iron  and  coal  fields,  constructed  our  railroads,  and 
opened  our  forests,  and  thereby  given  employment  to  our  labor  ;  and,  so' 
far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  desire  to  see  that  policy  continued  which  baa 
made  our  blessed  land  grow  and  prosper  beyond  any  other.  I  have  men- 
tioned the  low  rate  of  wages  in  England,  France,  and  Germany  simply 
for  the  purpose  of  showing  what  we  must  compete  with  in  our  own  land. 
How,  1  ask  my  free-trade  friends,  are  we  to  pay  for  labor  in  this  country 
nearly  twice  as  much  as  is  being  paid  for  similar  labor  in  the  countiies 
named,  and  yet  market  our  products  in  competition  with  that  produced 
abroad,  unless  we  in  some  way  give  advantage  to  our  labor  and  industries 
by  our  tariff  laws  ? 

— Brewer,  Record,  3605. 

Wages— Qnestion  of. 

]Vo.  1133« — Sir,  the  question  before  us  is  one  purely  of  wages.  If 
wages  in  the  United  States  were  no  greater  than  in  England,  France, 
and  Belgium,  our  chief  competitors,  we  would,  no  doubt,  now  compete 
with  all  the  world  in  all  metallic  and  textile  fabrics.  Is  it  wise  in  this 
country  to  pursue  a  policy  that  will  compel  the  reduction  of  wages  of 
laboring  men  employed  in  manufactures  to  the  standard  now  general  in 
European  countries  ?  We  know  from  documents  furnished  by  our  con- 
suls the  rate  of  wages  there. 

The  Senator  from  Maine  [Mr.  Frye],  in  a  recent  speech  made  in  Bos- 
ton, gives  in  detail  the  most  striking  information  gained  by  him  from 
personal  observation  and  inquiry  in  the  workshops  of  several  countries 
of  Europe  as  to  the  low,  starving  rates  of  wages,  and  the  degradation  of 
labor  existing  there.  God  forbid  that  such  injustice  and  wrong  shall 
ever  exist  here.  Our  free  institutions  could  not  survive  such  scenes. 
Manufactories  conducted  upon  such  a  basis  would  be  an  unmitigated 
curse.  Cheapness  purchased  at  such  a  price  would  be  crime.  And  yet 
without  protective  duties  we  must  either  abandon  our  manufactures  or 
reduce  wages  to  the  European  standard.  What  more  evidence  do  we 
need  than  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people  who  come  to  us  annually 
from  European  countries,  bearing  the  most  indisputable  testimony  to 
their  poverty,  their  sufferings,  and  their  distress  ? 

— Senator  Sherman,  Record,  205. 

Wages— Rate,  how  fixed. 

No.  1134.— The  gentleman  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Bynum]  gravely  in- 
forms us  that  the  rate  of  wages  in  factories  is  determined  by  the  rate  of 
wages  in  independent  pursuits,  but  this  is  not  more  true  than  the  con- 
verse of  the  proposition,  that  the  rate  of  wages  in  independent  pursuit? 
is  determined  by  the  rate  of  wages  in  factories,  and  that  it  therefore 
follows  that  any  system  that  tends  to  hold  up  or  raise  wages  in  any  one 
branch  of  business  or  industry  operates  as  a  benefit  to  the  labor  employed 
in  all.  The  result  has  been  that  farm  hands  in  all  of  the  country  have 
had  their  wages  raised  more  than  50  per  cent,  and  in  my  own  State  from 
$10  to  $12  per  month  before  the  war  to  $18  and  $20  since  the  war,  as  the 
result  of  the  policy  of  protection. 

— Kkkr,  Record,  3640. 

Wages  reduced  of  employes  in  cnstoin-honses. 

Xo.  1125.— Why,  sir,  hardly  had  this  administration  been  installed 
in  power  when  its  Democratic  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  by  a  special 
order,  cut  down  the  pay  of  every  laboring  man  in  the  custom-house  at 

446 


WAG 

San  Francisco  from  $920  a  year  to  |!720.  Think  of  it !  Two  dollars  a  day 
for  a  laboring  man  in  Government  employ  in  the  land  of  generous  habits 
and  high  wages,  the  golden  State  of  California. 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4000. 
Wages  reduced  ot*  employes  Ilonse  of  RepreNeutativcs. 

j¥o.  1130. — Why,  sir,  in  the  last  Couyrees  one  of  the  leading  mem- 
bers on  the  other  side  of  this  House,  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  [.Mr. 
Burnes],  declared  that  the  employes  of  this  House,  who  had  neitner 
mileage  nor  passes,  were  no  more  entitled  to  an  extra  month's  pay  to  go 
to  their  homes  in  the  heat  of  summer  for  a  little  recreation  than  the  ver- 
iest scavengers  on  Pennsylvania  avenue.  And  only  the  other  day,  to  my 
utter  surprise,  we  heard  the  member  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Hemp- 
hill] declaring  that  the  policy  of  his  party  was  for  cheap  labor.  Carry 
that  doctrine  to  its  legitiui.ite  results  and  it  means  the  substitution  of 
Asiatic  labor  for  American. 

— WooDBURN,  Record,  4000. 
Wages  reduced  of  bod-carriers. 

^o.  1137. — Your  Democratic  Secretary  of  the  Navy  found  a  rich 
subject  at  the  Mare  Island  navy  yard  for  the  exercise  of  the  knife  of 
Democratic  economy.  By  another  special  order  he  cut  down  the  pay 
of  every  hard-working  hod-carrier  from  $3  a  day  to  5;2.10. 

— WooDuuRN,  Record,  40C0. 

Wages  reduced— Surrey or-Gcueral  of  Nevada. 

iVo.  11S8. — Your  parly  came  across  the  mountains  into  my  State  and 
found  that  the  Surveyor-General,  a  most  important  othcer  to  my  people, 
had  been  receiving  under  Republican  rule  $2,500  a  year  ;  and  by  D^nuo- 
cratic  economy  you  reduced  his  wages  to  the  level  of  a  skilled  miner,  not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  he  wa.s  obliged  under  the  law  to  give  bond  for 
the  faithful  performance  of  his  duties  in  the  penal  sum  of  $120,000. 

— WooDBiTRN,  Record,  4000. 
Wages— Rise  and  fall  together. 

Xo.  1129. — It  is  a  truth,  a  truth  that  cannot  be  repeated  too  often 
or  be  too  forcibly  impres-sed,  that  whatever  benefits  one  industry  benefits 
all,  and  whatever  strikes  down  one  industry  injures  every  other  industry 
in  the  whole  country.  In  this  connection  the  Boston  Advertiser  gives 
figures,  which,  in  its  own  words,  "  tell  a  most  signifii-ant  story :  " 

''  In  the  year  1885,  the  wages  for  transient  farm  labor  by  the  day  were : 
In  Massachusetts,  $1.50  ;  New  York,  Si. 26  ;  New  Jersev,$  1.17  ;  Delaware, 
$1;  Maryland,  93  cents;  Virginia,  71  cents;  South  Carolina,  00  cents. 
Not  only  is  the  farmer  most  pro.sperous  in  those  parts  of  the  country 
where  manufactories  are  most  flourishing,  but  the  whole  industrial  his- 
tory of  this  country  shows  that  periods  of  decline  in  manufactures  have 
also  been  periods  of  decline  in  the  profits  of  farming. 

"  Forty  years  ago  the  average  monthly  wages  of  farm  laborers,  when 

{)aid  all  in  cash,  without  board,  were  $13.25.  In  1879,  when,  after  the 
ongindustrial  stagnation,  furnace  fires  began  to  be  relighted  and  spindles 
to  move,  the  averageprice  of  farm  labor,  all  in  cash,  was  $1(5.10  per  month. 
In  18.S2,  after  specie  payments  had  been  resumed  and  business  had  re- 
covered its  normal  condition,  the  average  price  paid  to  men  for  working 
on  farms  was  $18.58  per  month.  The  same  statistics  show  that  what  is 
true  of  farm  labor  is  true,  in  every  case,  of  farm  i)rodiu'ts  and  the  value 
of  farm  lands."  — Bkownk,  Indiana,  Record,  3533. 

Wages— Salt-workers. 

Xo.  113<K — I  have  said  before,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  removal  of 
the  duly,  small  as  it  is,  upon  salt  would  disastrously  atfect  and  probably 

447 


AVAG 

■wipe  out  the  production  of  this  commodity  in  the  Suite  of  New  York.  I 
base  my  assertion  in  this  respect  noon  well-known  facte.  Fv)r  instance, 
in  the  year  1802  there  was  invented  in  Barustable  County,  Massachusetts, 
$1:^0,000  of  capital  in  the  salt  industry.  This  investment  paid  a  profit  of 
25  per  cent,  under  the  duty  then  collected,  which  was  20  centa  per  bushel, 
the  duty  having  been  increased  in  1798  from  12  to  20  cents  a  bushel,  with 
an  additional  10  per  cent,  when  brought  to  this  country  in  foreign  ves- 
sels. In  1807  this  duty  was  repealed,  and  was  not  reimposed  until  1813. 
From  1807,  the  year  in  which  Congress  enacted  the  legislation  repealing 
the  duty  on  salt,  up  to  1813  the  product  of  the  Massachusetta  salt-works 
steadily  declined  until  it  had  almost  entirely  disappeared.  From  1813, 
under  the  protection  of  the  tariff  of  that  year,  the  industry  revived  and 
extended  steadily  from  year  to  year  until  1830,  when  the  duty  was  again 
reduced,  and  from  that  time  forward  the  production  of  saltseemsto  have 
steadily  diminished. 

Our  laborers  to-day' receive  from  $1.12^  to  $2.50  a  day,  according  to  the 
character  of  the  work  performed  and  the  skill  required.  The  highest 
wages  are  of  course  paid  for  night  work.  If  you  insist  upon  passing  this  bill 
in  its  present  form  the  result  must  be  the  reduction  of  wages  in  New  York 
State  to  something  like  75  cents  per  day  in  order  to  meet  the  cut.  It  is  not 
likely  that  the  men  could  afford  to  work  at  this  rate  of  starvation  wages. 
While  they  are  c  mtented  and  happy  at  present,  they  would  be  compelled 
to  seek  other  employment  if  forced  to  the  alternative  of  accepting  the 
lower  wage  or  quitting  the  business.  Consequently  we  may  predict  with 
absolute  certain'ythat  to  repeal  the  duty  on  salt  will  close  up  the  great 
number  of  salt  manufactories  in  New  York  State. 

— Belden,  Record,  4203. 
Wages — Savings  by  laborers. 

Xo.  1131. — A  man  earns  double  as  much  in  America  as  in  England 
and  the  purchasing  power  of  a  dollar  is  very  nearly  equal.  The  total 
cost  of  supplies  for  a  family  in  America  is  about  5  per  cent,  more  than 
in  England.  The  official  statistics  show  that  the  price  of  ordinary 
family  supplies  are  not  more  than  5  per  cent,  in  the  excess  here.  Now, 
you  do  not  comfort  a  worker  greatly  to  tell  him  that  if  he  will  vote  for 
you  he  can  buy  for  95  cents  what  now  costs  him  a  dollar,  especially  if 
you  "  tell  the  truth  "  that  at  the  same  time  instead  of  getting  a  dollar  foi; 
&  day's  work  he  will  get  50  cents.  He  is  too  good  at  figures  to  surrender 
50  cents  in  order  to  save  5  cents.  Now,  this  5  per  cent,  more  that  a 
man's  family  costs  him  here  than  in  England  can  be  paid  for  the  entire 
year  by  the  extra  American  wages  he  receives  in  two  weeks.  That  is,  in 
two  weeks'  work  the  amount  of  wages  he  receives  above  what  he  would 
get  in  England  pays  the  5  per  cent,  extra  expenses  for  one  year.  For 
the  other  fifty  weeks  in  the  year  he  can  save  his  extra  wages  and  still 
furnish  his  family  the  same  things  that  it  would  require  the  whole  of 
his  wages  to  supply  if  he  lived  in  England.  In  otlier  words,  if  the 
families  lived  just  the  same,  the  American  wage- worker  will  at  the  end 
of  the  year  have  fifty  weeks  of  the  extra  American  wages  in  his  pocket. 
The  English  workman  will  not  have  a  dollar. 

— OwBN,  Record,  5547. 
Wages— Sagar  of  lead. 

Xo.  113:3. — We  pay  from  $7.50  to  $9.50  per  week  for  laboring  men, 
and  have  men  in  our  employ  at  $9.50  per  week  who  have  worked  for 
3'ears  in  the  same  capacity  in  sugar  or  acetate  of  lead  factories  in  Ger- 
many for  $2.40  per  week.     (L#etter  of  Manufacturers.) 

— BUBBOWS. 

Wages— Supply  and  demand. 

Xo.  1133. — "Demand  and  supply  make  wag^s,"  rays  the  SfPii'lemaa 
from  T'xas.    True,  with  certain  limitations.    But  the  protective  policy 
448 


WAG 

^com^s  in  to  encouraoje  and  establish  new  industries  and  new  opportu- 
nities for  labor,  and  thus  increases  the  demand  and  necessarily  tends  to 
raise  the  rate  of  waj^es,  not  simply  in  manufacturing  industries,  hut  also 
in  every  other  employment  wiihin  the  reach  of  the  demand  for  labor 
which  they  create.  — Dingley,  Record,  3922. 

Wages— Tiii-i>latc. 

Xo.  li;j  I. — In  response  to  the  gentleman,  I  will  tell  you,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, why  we  cannot  make  tin-plates  in  this  country.  I  have  here  be- 
fore me  a  tabulated  statement  showing  the  wages  paid  in  Great  Britain 
in  this  manufacture,  and  also  those  paid  in  the  United  States  for  similar 
worlc.  A  roller  in  Great  Britain  for  rolling  ''  100  boxes  I.  C.  tin-plate  " 
receives  $6.87,  while  a  roller  in  the  United  States  receives  for  the  same 
work  $26.  ^ 

The  wages  of  a  doubler  in  England  were  $5.51 ;  in  this  country,  $11.05. 
This  table  shows  that  $274.90  were  paid  in  the  United  States  for  labor 
which  cost  in  England  only  $122. IS,  a  dill\?rence  of  125  per  cent,  in  favor 
of  the  American  laborer.  This  is  the  reason,  and  the  only  reason,  why 
tin-plate  has  not  been  made  in  this  country,  and  why  it  cannot  be  made 
at  this  time.    The  table  in  detail  is  as  follows : 


Occupation. 


Wages. 


Amount  ot  work. 


Boiler r ^^  boxes,  IC 

Doublor d" 

PurnacemaD do 

Catcher ' do 

atiearer do 

Weigher do 

Roll-iumlng do 

Ploklers I do 

■Cold  roUIng do 

■Catching ! do 

OpenluK,  glrlet do 

Annealing Per  week 

Tinman 

AVaehman < 

Oradler 

Helper 

Boxer 

Assorter 

lilghting  Area 

EuglDeers ~ 

F'ttera 

Millwright 

Smith 

Sirlker 

Bricklayer 


Qreat 
Brltalu. 


Laborere., 

Watchman 

Tin-house  manager. 

Mill  maungor 

Open'Ts.Klil^t 

PlckorH-ntr.  girls 

Hi-<)uror«,  gltls 

Dippers,  girls 

Duh  or.**,  girls 

Carriers,  girls 

Ileckouer,  girl , 


100  boxes,  IC. 

do 

do 

Per  week 

100  boxes 

Per  week 

do 

Per  day 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 


do 

do 

Per  week. 

do 

100  boxes.. 

Per  day 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 


$6  87 

5  51 

6  20 

3  ('-2 
a  17 

48 

48 

1  40 

1  21 

22 

18 

17  50 

6  00 

e  00 

a  00 

6  46 
1  01 

0  72 

4  38 

1  25 
1  52 

97 
1  K 

73 
1  52 

62 

72 

14  60 

15  79 
1  65 

48 
48 
48 
80 
34 
48 


United 
States. 


123  00 

II  05 

III  00 
(•) 

11  00 
1  i8 

1  34 

4  25 
3  60 

56 

00 

51  25 

12  00 
12  00 

5  10 
9  50 
a  40 

18  i!0 
9  HO 

2  75 
S  75 

2  25 

3  00 
1  2. 
3  00 
I  121 
1  50 

25  00 

38  60 

3  50 

75 

1f> 

1  00 

75 

50 

1  00 


Total - »122  18  I  »U74  90 


•Included  In  roller. 

tin  this  country  the  most  of  this  work  would  bo  done  by  young  raoa  and  boys. 

xxix  -149 


WAG 

This  liet  of  wages,  you  will  perceive,  covers  only  that  part  of  labor  em- 
ployed from  bars  of  iron  or  steel  to  the  finished  plates,  and  shows  the 
American  rates  to  be  125  percent,  higher  than  those  of  Great  Britain. 
Thi^  dilTerence  in  wages  in  the  production  of  bars  in  each  country  is  in 
about  the  same  ratio.  — J.  D.  Taylor,  Record,  5688. 

WagOH— Trade. 

\o.  li:i."5.— Tne  farmer  ia  not  only  greatly  interested  in  diversified 
industries  supplying  the  greatest  possible  number  employment  outt-ide  of 
agriculture,  but.  alao  in  such  labor  being  well  paid  for.  The  more  the 
wageman  gets  for  his  labor  the  more  he  buys  from  the  farmer.  A  man 
who  gets  good  wages  can  and  will  live  well.  A  man  who  gets  poor 
waj^e-  can  buy  buc  little;  he  must  live  poor.  The  man  who  is  out  of 
employment  iii  a  wretched  customer  for  the  farmer.  The  free-tradf^rs 
delight  in  telling  wagemcn  how  much  cheaper  they  could  live  under 
free  trade— that  everything  they  buy  would  be  so  much  cheaper.  ^Vell, 
in  the  first  place,  we  have  seen  that  is  not  so.  In  the  second  place,  if  it 
is  BO — if  they  are  thrown  out  of  employment  by  the  destruction  of  our 
industries,  or  if  their  wages  are  scaled  down  to  the  level  of  European 
wages — what  will  they  have  to  buy  with? 

—Ryan,  Record,  4826. 
Wages— Tariii*  does  not  determine. 

No.  1136.— Will  a  reduction  of  duties  necessarily  cause  a  reduction 
of  wages  ?  No  greater  fallacy  was  ever  asserted.  Labor  does  not  receive 
all  or  any  great  portion  of  the  protection  given  by  the  present  law.  The 
protection  upon  cotton  goods  runs  ^om  42.30  per  cent,  to  73.31  per  cent., 
and  yet  the  labor  cost  in  these  manufactures  only  runs  from  12.57  per 
cent,  to  37  per  cent.  The  protection  on  woolen  goods  runs  from  52.07 
per  cent,  to  89.94  per  cent.,  and  yet  the  labor  cost  in  these  manufactures 
only  runs  from  1(3.30  per  cent,  to  31.25  per  cent. 

Wages  neither  rise  above  nor  fall  below  the  standard.  The  standard 
is  not  fixed  by  the  manufacturers  in  proportion  to  the  rate  of  duties  im- 
posed, but  is  fixed  by  the  prices  paid  in  all  the  avocations  and  by  the 
opportunities  in  independent  pursuits.  The  only  efieet  of  a  duty  upon 
imports,  so  far  as  wages  are  involved,  is  that  it  enables  the  manufacturer 
to  pay  the  standard  of  wages  already  existing. 

— Bynum,  Record,  3518. 
Wages— Watchmaker.    (See  No.  1157.) 
Wages  and  wage-workers. 

Xo.  1137. — 1.  If  Massachusetts  is  credited  with  the  average  wages 
paid  and  Great  Britain  is  credited  with  the  high  wages  paid,  the  Massa- 
chusetts wages  are  higher  in  twenty-three  out  of  the  twenty-four  indus- 
tries considered,  the  percentage  in  favor  of  Massachusetts,  in  all  the 
industries,  being  48  28. 

2.  If  both  Massachusetts  and  Great  Britain  are  credited  with  the 
average  wages  paid,  the  wages  in  Massachusetts  are  higher  in  each  of 
the  twenty-four  industries  considered,  the  percentage  in  favor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, in  all  industries,  being  75.94. 

3.  On  an  industry  basis,  the  average  percentage  in  favor  of  Massachu- 
setts, in  twenty-three  industries,  is  65.05. 

4.  Taking  the  wages  paid  per  hour  as  the  basis,  the  average  in  Masea- 
chu^etts  is  higher  in  each  of  the  twentv-four  industries,  the  percentage 
in  favor  of  Massachusetts,  in  all  the  industries,  being  70.88. 

5.  On  the  basis  of  establishment  pay-rolls,  the  percentage  in  favor  of 
Massachusetts  is  97.39.  - 

The  percentage  that  will  truly  and  fairly  indicate  the  higher  rate  of 
wages  paid  in  Massachusetts  in  the  industries  considered,  as  compared 
450 


WAG 

■with  the  wages  paid  in  the  same  industries  in  Great  Britain,  must  be 
found  somewhere  between  the  exlixnies  here  given,  namely  :  IS.l'S  per 
cent,  and  77  o*J  per  cent.  The  re.sult8  shown  in  flections  4  and  S  are  not 
based  upon  as  complete  data  as  those  shown  in  sections  1,  2,  iind  :;,  and 
neither  percentage  can  be  fairly  used  in  determining  tiie  grand  result. 

The  mean  of  48  28  per  cent,  and  7').\)\  i)er  cent.,  as  we  have  previously 
shown,  is  02.11  per  cent.,  and  this  approximates  eo  closely  to  the  gen- 
eral average,  G5(J5.  as  shown  in  section  ^S,  that  we  slate  as  the  grand 
result  of  the  comparative  weekly  waijes  investigation  in  Massachusetts 
and  Great  Britain  fur  the  year  iss;;,  that  the  general  average  weekly 
wage  of  the  employes  in  the  twenty-four  industries  in  Ma>-.sachu9etts  is 
624-  P^r  cent,  higher  than  the  general  average  weekly  wages  of  the 
employes  in  the  same  industries  in  Great  Britain. 

Our  consul,  Mr.  Lathrop,  made  a  report,  1884-'S.3,  on  labor  in  English 
factories.    I  quote : 

''The  average  wages  of  the  men  in  the  Trowbridge  woolen  factories 
are  estimated  at  J5.44  per  week.  The  average  wages  paid  to  418  women 
in  one  leading  factory  are  given  as  $2.(30  per  week,  and  in  another  at 
13  02  per  week.  These  wages,  adds  the  consul,  would  not  support  life 
unaided;  but,  generally,  these  women  are  the  wives  and  daughters  of 
the  male  operatives;  neither  could  the  male  wa^ies  alone  su'^tain  the 
average  Entjlish  families,  and  so  the  children  in  their  turn  contribute  to 
the  general  fund  by  also  working  in  the  factories.  Boys  and  girls,  when 
employed,  earn  from  $2.25  to  $2.40  per  week.  Thus,  to  enable  a  Trow- 
bridge family  to  live,  every  member — husband,  wife,  and  children — 
works  in  the  mills." 

Consul  Shaw,  speaking  of  labor  in  Manchester,  England : 

"American  work-people,  as  a  whole,  would  not  live  under  the  condi- 
tions in  force  here  among  operatives,  nor  could  they  be  induced  toa<lopt 
the  English  system.  Here  whole  families  live  in  the  mills  and  they  are 
satislied  to  do  so.  Here  the  children  are  compelled  to  help  pay  the 
family  expense. 

"Great  numbers  of  houses  visited  by  me  containeti  only  one  living 
room,  and  this  served  as  kitchen,  dining-room,  sitting-room,  and  in 
some  instances  also  bed-room.  Into  some  of  these  small  houses  large 
families  are  crowded,  and  the  manner  of  life  is  almost  necesfari I y  de- 
moralizing and  unfortunate."  — Kya.n,  Record,  4825. 

Wai^cH  aii«l  wealth  coutraNted. 

No.  li:W.— Upto  1880  thef^ntire  wealth  of  the  United  States  was  bat 
$15,000,000,000;  to-day  it  is  $")0,<i0(),0()0,0()0. 

Let  us  get  some  conception  of  the  larire  ratio  of  beneflt  that  labor  has 
received  under  this  increase  of  wealth,  for  this  estimate  does  not  include 
his  capital.  An  employed  day  is  his  capital.  The  laborer's  capital  has 
increased  from  80  cents  a  day  to  $1.20  a  day.  This  is  the  average  wage. 
It  has  increased  85  per  cent.  We  cannot  compute  the  value  of  his  m- 
creased  capital  as  we  can  of  merchandise,  but  his  returns  from  his  capital 
are  just  as  plain.  His  return  on  bis  increased  aipital  is  $245,000,000  a  day, 
or  $1,100,000,000  a  year  more  than  in  1800.  The  average  return  on  capital 
in  18G0  was  4  per  cent. ;  in  1885  it  was  41  per  cent.  The  average  day  etm- 
ingsof  labor  in  18f30  was  05  cents ;  in  1885  it  wa.s  $1.2(».  Tin*  returns  from 
investments  have  increased  12  per  cent.,  and  froin  lal>or  50  per  cent. 

— OwKv,  Record,  5544. 
WaRCM  and  work— Ciood  work  fVoiu  liiKk  waKcu. 

Xo.  IISIK— There  is  only  one  way  to  get  the  best  work  out  of  men 
and  that  is  to  ^ive  e&ch  the  work  he  can  do  best.  You  can  onlv  accom- 
J>li8h  this  by  diversifying  industry.    To  diversify  industry  completely  in 

451 


WAG 

a  country  such  afl  ours,  there  is  but  one  way  given  under  Heaven  among 
men.  To  enable  the  American  people  themselves  to  supply  all  their 
wants  you  must  give  and  assure  to  tue  American  people  tne  American 
markets.  What  does  this  phraae  mean  in  practical  life?  It  means  that 
we,  the  nation,  suy  to  capital,  "  Embark  yourself  in  the  manufacture  of 
bulIi  and  such  articles,  and  you  shall  have  a  market  to  the  extent  of  the 
American  people." 

Capital  then  says  to  labor,  "  Go  with  me  into  this  new  field,  all  of  you 
w  ho  like  this  work  best,  and  we  will  share  the  resulta."  Then  begins  a 
new  industry.  Multiply  this  by  hundreds,  and  you  have  a  community 
where  every  man  honestly  minded  will  get  what  on  the  whole  suits  him 
best,  and  the  nation  will  get  the  greatest  amount  of  work  from  the  great- 
est number. 

—Reed,  Record,  4669. 
MuRos— lliiy  wo  don't  export  kooiIn. 

\o.  11  lO. — If  the  dilliculties  which  woolen  manufacturers  and  em- 
ployes in  woolen  mills  are  called  to  encnunter  have  been  great  under  a 
threat  of  the  Mills  bill,  what  would  they  be  with  tlie  bill  a  law  of  the  land? 

The  gentleman  from  Texas  [Mr.  Mills]  ba«  indulged  in  swelling  proph- 
ec.es  of  an  immense  export  trade  in  woolens  if  we  could  only  have 
froe  wool.  IIow  unfounded  all  such  prophecies  are  may  be  seen  by  ex- 
amining the  statibticsof  the  exports  of  cotton  goods.  Notwithstanding  we 
have  cotton  cheaper  than  our  European  rivals,  yet  we  were  able  last  year 
to  export  cotton  goods  to  the  value  of  only  fifteen  millions,  and  those 
goods  only  coarse  cottons,  in  which  the  labor  ib  a  small  element,  simply 
for  the  reason  that  our  labor  costs  more  than  it  does  abroad.  If  we  hiid 
free  wool  we  could  not  export  more  than  lifteen  millions  of  woolens,  for 
the  reason  that  our  high-cost  labor  would  prevent. 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  6757. 
H'at^oM  iu  Canada  and  ]VIaine. 

\o.  1111. — The  gentleman  from  Ohio  and  other  members,  if  they 
desire  to  get  an  exact  understanding  of  the  relative  prolit  of  the  manu- 
facturer and  the  workingman,  could  better  find  it  by  consulting  the  actual 
facts  and  figures.  It  is  true  that  the  men  who  work  in  lumber  in  the 
State  of  Maine  and  other  parts  of  New  England  are  paid  at  a  rate  equiv- 
alent to  only .$170  a  year?    The  statement  is  absurd. 

I  hold  in  my  hand  a  comparative  statement,  very  carefully  made  up 
from  what  I  believe  to  be  reliable  sources,  of  the  relative  wages  paid  in 
the  lumber  industry  in  the  State  of  Maine  and  in  Canada.  Before  read- 
ing this  statement  I  will  sav  in  addition  to  the  amounts  which  these  men 
are  paid  by  the  month  and  by  the  day,  it  costs  a  large  percentage  more 
to  supply  the  men  in  the  lumber  camps  of  Maine  than  it  does  the  men 
in  the  i)rovinces,  because  our  men  insist  upon  better  food  and  more  lib- 
eral provision. 

The  following  rates  of  wages  have  been  furnished  me  as  a  fair  average 
of  the  pay  of  workingmen  in  the  woods  and  in  the  lumber  mills  in  New 
I'.runswick  and  in  the  State  of  Maine  : 


New  Bruns- 

State ot 

wick. 

Maine. 

Per  vMtitK. 

Per  month. 

$18  00 

nn  00 

18  00 

iiO  (HJ 

18  00 

20  00 

15  00 

18  00 

26  00 

30  00 

30  00 

46  00 

S'p'i  tenders 

Ctiiippera 

Teamsters „ 

Bw<iMiper8 

Oic  ka 

T  wu  ttorues,  teamster,  sieds,  and  chains.. 

4o2 


WA<i 


Kew  UrunB- 
wlck. 


i         „      ,;  -iiwyor , _ „ „....\ 

8(HXiiiJ  K>4iig  uawyer «....; 

First  FMtHry  siiwyer 

Hecond  rotary  buwyer 

Pliers ^ 

Common  laborers 


I'tT  dav. 

$1  40 
1  20 
1  3fi 
1  30 
i  40 
1  89  I- 
1  36 
1  00 


Slate  of 
Maine. 

J'rr  day. 

$•-•  50 

1  :i 
•J  i») 

4  (10 
•I  2S 
1  '& 
1  60 


Mr.  Chairman,  I  presume  that  in  my  State  the  fair  average  Btumpajre 
of  spruce  would  Ije  from  $_'  to  $L'.2').  A  frtir  e.stiraate  of  theVahie  of  the 
log  when  it  has  been  chopped  and  liauled  to  water,  and  driven  down  tlie 
stream,  and  brought  to  the  tail  of  the  mill,  is  about  J^'J  per  thousand; 
and  of  the  ifvt  in  value  per  thousand  representeil  by  the  log  at  the  mill 
about  seven-ninths  stands  for  wages  paid  to  lal>or. 

— BouTELLK,  Record,  543.5. 
lY'aKON — Ciilnss  workcrN. 

Xo  111!I2. — It  is  inevitable  that  the  proposed  reduction  means  either 
the  closing  of  our  factories  or  a  relative  and  corresponding  reduction  ia 
wages.  A  statement  is  herein  given  showing  the  amount  paid  i>er  month 
to  workmen  in  piate-^liis-s  manufactories  in  France,  Germany,  Belgium, 
England,  and  the  L'nite<l  States,  and  will  indicate  the  character  of  compe- 
tition to  which  American  labor  will  beex{X)sed  by  the  passage  of  this  bill. 
Statement  shomng  (he  amount  paid  per  month  to  workmen  in  plate-ghun  mann- 

factorifs. 


Department. 


Franco. 
Germany, 

and 
Belgium. 


CastlDK  department : 

Founders  

Bklmmers  and  teamers 

Casters 

Kiln  flrers 

Pr<KlUfer  flrers 

OrindlnK  department : 

No  1  grade 

No.  '1  grade 

No.  8  grade 

Boys 

8mor>tblug  department: 

No.  1  grade 

No.  2  grad»^ 

No.  :t  grade 

Uoys 

FolishlnK  dcpartmeat : 

No.  1  grade 

No.  2  grade 

B')y8 

Cutting  ror>m  : 

Ohlof , 

Aasli«iant «.. 

Bli)ckors 

Pack'^ra 

Emery  wn<<her 

Crocus  burner 

Laborers 

Bricklayers - 

0ari>enter8 


US  00 
:w  w 

18  00 

22  0«l 

27  (O 

•.'II  00 

If.  00 

4  IHI 

27  no 
2«i  HO 

10  UO 
4  UO 

3-J  no 

2i  fV 

4  00 

30  00 
34  OU 
14  no 
13  00 
34  OO 
24  IK) 

11  00 

aw  w 

37  00 


England. 


$60  «0 
39  30 

37  00 

27  t¥) 

28  00 

33  80 

29  20 
33  00 

0  10 

33  80 

29  30 

23  OO 

6  80 

39  30 
31  40 
10  80 

89  30 

83  80 
31  00 
37  00 
4S  00 
33  80 
19  00 
89  OO 
89  00 


TnltM 
Hlate«. 


tlOOOO 
80  00 
40  00 
4S  00 
50  00 

75  CO 

00  in) 

60  (« 
35  UO 

70  W 
Oo  uO 
So  0:1 
IB  00 

80  00 
00  OU 
38  00 

100  W 
7".  00 
'.(3  00 
50  00 
H'l  u) 
75  tV 
SO  00 

lOO  CO 
66  00 


—House  Ueport  ^Tariff),  149<1,  1-50. 

4m 


WAG 


li%'Hgcs  orglaNM-workcrH.    (See  No.  880.) 

M'uKos— Europe 

Xo.  lll!t. — A  comparison  of  the  rate  of  wageefin  this  country  and  in 
my  own  IState  of  Iowa,  as  compared  with  tliose  prevailinp  in  a  number  of 
the  leading  countries  of  Europe,  illustrates  the  advantages  produced  by 
the  American  system  upon  the  interest  of  the  laboring  men.  I  do  not 
read  the  table  at  length,  but  will  print  it  as  a  part  of  my  remarks : 

BXFOBT  OF  THE  OOUUUSIONEB  OF  LABOB  OTATIBTICB. 

[OomparatlTO  wagee— Europe  and  United  States.] 


OocupalloDS. 


DUILDINa    TBAJ>ES. 


Bricklayers... 

Masons 

Plasterers 

Carpenters.... 
Hod-carriers. 


OTHEB  TBADES. 


Blacksmiths 

(^aWnct-makers. 

ClKiir-makers 

Cixjpers 

Jewelers , 

Laborers a... 

Mlllwrlgbts 

Potters 

Printers 


Teachers  public  schools-  { 

Saddle  and  harness  makers 

Bhoomakers , 

Telegraph  operators 

TIntralibs 

Maclilulsts 

Painters 

Farm  laborers 


England       „._ 

and  »r-^» 

Wales.       ""^^y- 


$7  P6 
7  68 
7  80 
7  W 

i  91 


7  37 
7  68 

6  07 

7  50 

8  76 
4  70 
6  97 

6  20 

7  17 
12  00 

7  70 
6  63 


7  65 
6  66 


4  02 


U  21 

4  07 
4  43 
4  11 
3  92 


4  00 
4  26 
3  63 
3  97 
fi  21 

3  11 

4  18 
3  60 


3  69 

2  95 
5  11 

3  5o 

4  60 
4  »i 
3  06 


France. 


$5  74 

5  33 

6  34 
6  20 
8  13 


6  81 
6  14 

4  69 

5  68 

6  24 

3  93 
6  74 

4  78 

6  64 

7  00 
T)  70 
■i  90 
6  92 

5  46 


Belgium. 


3  10 


>4  56 

6  22 
4  66 
4  07 
8  22 


6  38 

5  66 

6  28 
6  17 
6  84 

3  77 
6  00 

4  86 

6  94 

7  74 
6  51 


6  35 
4  40 


2  72 


Austria. 


$3  66 

3  73 

4  01 

5  10 
2  60 


3  18 

4  40 
3  00 
3  64 
3  80 
8  00 
3  10 
3  17 
3  85 

8  47 

3  80 


6  76 
3  70 


3  50 


United 
Btatee. 


$21  00 

•il  (X) 

21  60 

16  00 


13  30 
18  00 


13  25 


18  30 
13  40 


10  00 
18  00 


9  00 


By  this  it  will  appear  that  the  advantages  to  the  laborer  are  largely  in 
favor  of  the  American  system  of  protection.  The  conditions  that  in  those 
countries  bind  men  to  the  classes  in  which  they  were  born,  with  no  hope 
of  promotion,  are  familiar  to  all.  Our  history,  under  the  operations  of 
our  policies,  has  on  many  occasions  shown  that  our  noblest  men  and  our 
most  heroic  characters  have  come  up  from  the  lower  walks  of  life.  This 
Bhows  that  the  margin  obtained  by  the  laboring  man  for  his  labor,  above 
the  actual  cost  of  living,  affords  him  an  opportunity  for  the  culture  and 
development  of  his  mind,  awalteniug  an  inspiring  hope  in  the  mind  of 
every  American  youth. 

— Kekr,  Record,  3639. 

IVa^oH— Kii{;laii<I  and  United  States  compared. 

\o.  114 1. — Mr.  Duncan  writes :  "  For  work  done  by  the  week,  in 
all  classes  of  work,  .\merican  wages  are  as  nearly  as  possible  double 
thone  paid  in  Great  Britain." 

If  it  is  not  true  that  the  American  laborer  geta  better  pay,  gets  better 

(•otnpensation  for  his  labor,  than  any  other  laborer  in  the  world,  why  is 

it  that  since  ISOO  thero  have  come  to  this  country  9,\29,'.)4'i  foreigners? 

Why  have  they  come?     Why  liave  thev  sought  this  region  if  it  is  not 

4.'V4 


WAG 

Abetter  their  condition?  They  are  lalwring  people.  They  do  not  flee 
entirely  from  bad  government,  and  they  do  not  cotno,  as  it  i>i  frequently 
aaid  here  and  elsewhere,  to  get  our  cheap  lands.  Why  should  more  than 
700,000  Canadians,  with  cheap  lands  in  Canada,  come  to  the  United 
States?  They  do  not  come  for  that  purpose  at  all.  Where  do  they  go 
when  they  come?  They  go  to  the  manufacturing  States  and  the  manu- 
facturing cities,  where  labor  is  compensated,  where  it  is  well  paid.  I 
have  before  me  the  census  reports  showing  where  they  go.  Of  the 
6,679,943  foreigners  in  the  Unitcil  States  in  IKSO,  how  many  were  found 
in  the  State  of  Alabama?  Nine  thousand  seven  hundret'l  and  thirty- 
four.  In  Arkansas  only  lOj.'ioO.  Dues  anybody  tay  lliat  Arkansas  and 
Alabama  do  not  present  an  attractive  tield'for  the  agriiuilturist?  Tfxa^ 
only  had  of  this  great  number  of  peo|>le  a  comparatively  few,  114<ili> 
only.  Examination  of  the  report  will  farth«r  siiuw  that  Hoston  had 
114,0!)0  of  them  ;  that  Massachusetts,  without  anv  a'_'rioullural  grounds 
for  them,  had  443,491;  that  Baltimore  had  5<),13t3;  that  St.  Louie  had 
105,013 ;  and  New  York  had  478,094.  1  ask  to  be  allowed  to  pat  this 
.  table  in  my  remarks. 

—Senator  Tkllkh,  Record,  2205. 

'WageH— Kns^land  and  ITnited  StatcM. 

Xo.  11 15. — How  has  the  laboring  man  fared?  He  has  been beneflte<i 
in  two  ways,  by  the  increase  in  wages  and  by  a  decrease  in  prica^  of  all 
necessities.  Let  me  call  attention  to  the  following  table,  which  shows  the 
difference  between  wages  paid  laboring  men  here  and  those  paid  in  free- 
trade  England : 


OccupaUon. 


Jlook -binders 

Brush  makers 

Boller-maliers 

Bakers 

Ulasc-turnace  keepers... 

Blast  furnace  flUers 

Bolt  makers 

Bolt-cutters 

Coal-miners 

Cott«)n-mlll  hands 

CarrlaK3-makera 

CuUory 

Chemicals 

Clock-inakors 

Olatis  blowers 

Olass  (i>artly  skilled) 

Olasa  (unskilled) 

Olove- makers  (girls) 

Olove  makers  (men) 

Halters _>....., 

Iron  ore  miners 

Irou  moulders 

Iron,  per  tun  (Qnlshed). 

Ueaters  and  rollers 

Instrumoiit-makors 

Loug!«horemon 

l>lneu  threa'l  (men) 

Xiln"n  thro  d  (women).. 

Printers  (1,000  emsi 

Paii/>rn  makors 

Plumbers 

CoUshors 

Palmer- makers ~.. 

Pud'Jlers,  per  week 

Quarrymen 


England. 

United  Statce. 

M  00 

$16  00  to  18  00 

6  00 

15  00  to  '.1)  00 

7  75 

16  .'.0 

«  as 

la  7.'> 

10  00 

18  00 

7  60 

14  00 

fl  50 

16  50 

3  00 

10  00 

6  B8 

10  00 

4  60 

6  72 

0  75 

18  00  to  r.  00 

0  DO 

12  00  to  -M  00 

i  00  too  00 

13  00  lu  16  iM 

7  00 

18  00 

e  00  too  00 

25  00  to  30  00 

6  00to7  00 

la  00  to  l.'>  00 

a  ooto4  00 

7  00  to  10  00 

U  fiO 

6  00  10    S  00 

4  50 

10  00  to  30  00 

0  00 

IJ  00  to  24  00 

5  M 

IJ  10 

7  50 

1'.  00 

a  00  to  3  00 

.1  31  to    8  71 

10  00  to  la  00 

>1  CO  to  30  I'O 

7  00 

18  00  to  M  00 

BOO 

15  00 

5  DO 

7  53 

9W 

6  aa 

M 

40 

1  fiO 

18  00 

BOO 

18  00 

7  00 

18  00 

S30 

12  00  to  a4  00 

8  00  10  10  00 

18  OO  U<  'M  00 

0  00 

la  00  to  16  00 

45j 


WAG 


Ocoupatlon. 

Kopemakers •■  ■ 

Kallway  engineers 

Kallway  flremen 

Sblpballdlng— 

l}<iller-makera 

Mac-ltinlsts 

C<>ppe>r8mlth8 

Plaicre 

Drillers 

Rlvofers 

RlgRers 

Paiiern  makers 

Sail- makers 

Sl!k   rppn> - 

Silk  (women) 

Scarf -makers 

8erv(iDi8(montli) 

Stail'jr'nry  engineers 

Sonfi-makers 

Tpli  ■Isterers 

Watchmakers , 

Wire-drawers 


England. 

United  States. 

6  25 

9  CO  10  12  1  0 

10  00 

21  (V) 

600 

12  0() 

7  00 

U  00 

7  00 

14  15 

6  50 

111  611 

800- 

18  W 

6  00 

12  Oil 

soa 

17   10 

6  50 

11  (Ml 

8  00 

24  (K> 

6  00 

»  to  10  50 

5  00 

Kl  0(1 

a  60 

6  (Kl 

1  60  to  2  25. 

ft  0«to-0  0i> 

600 

1.1  Oil 

7  50 

16-  00  V)  16  Oil 

6  00 

10  50 

8  00 

18  Oil 

8  00 

18  (10 

11  00 

22  00 

— DoHSEY,  Becord,  3767. 


Wages— Cement  labor. 

Ao.  1110. — Comparative  labor  figures. 
Cement  Is  nearly  all  labor. 

In  the  United  States—  Per  cent. 

Quarrying  repreeenta .~. „....- —  40 

Burning  represents 6  - 

Grinding  represents C- 

Mcvlng,  etc.,  represents _ ■> 

Packing  represente 3 

Coal  and  coke,  staves  and  beading,  all  the  product  of  labor,  represents - 2» 

Making  of  labor _ 8^ 

This  labor  represents  on  an  average  for—  Per  day. 

Quarrymen $1.50  to  $2.00 

Laborers ~.    1.30  to   1J5  i 

Millers 2.00  to   2  .'ii 

Millwrights 2.50  to   3.0J 

Engineers 2.00  to   2.6i) 

C<,  >ppr8 1.50  to   2.0(J 

And  all  the  labor  Is  that  of  men. 

In  Europe  both  men  and  women  are  employed  In  <»ment  works.  The  wages  paid,  ae 
ga'bered  from  Investigation  made  In  European  cement  works  and  from  coijsular  reports 
of  18*t,  are  as  follows  : 


Laborers. 

France. 

Germany. 

Belgium. 

Englcmd. 

Per  day. 

$0.87 

.48  to  .87 

.29  to  .39 

1.121 

.76 

.38^ 

.97 

.93 

Per  day. 

$0.62 

.65 

Per  day. 

$0.60 
.88^ 

Pewdayi. 

$0.62 

Millers      

1.00 

Millwrights  

.70 
.60 
.24 
.73 
.66 

.83i 
.66 
.57 
1.03 
.86 

1.16- 

.78- 

1.10- 

1.13i 

— Hopkins,  New  York,  Record,  6328. 


456 


^v^r, 


WaKOS-  rami  labor  ls«6  lo  isss. 


Ao.  11 17.— Tiie  li^'ures  lor  il»e  several  years  covered  by  Mr.  Dodge'8 
table  are  niven  below  : 


Year. 

Eastern 
8tau>e. 

MliMIe           Southern    1      Weetem 
States.             biates.             States. 

California. 

18C6 

18C9 

133  30 
ii2  Ci8 
28  96 
20  '.'1 
20  61 
25  30 
20  W 

tao  (fi  ,          ti6  00 

■.'8  (»2  I                17  21 
20  02  '                16  33 
19  CO  ,                13  81 

22  24                   15  30 
l-i  lU                   14  27 

23  11                  14  54 

t28  91 
87  01- 
23  60 
20  98 
33  63 
23  26 
33  33 

t35  75 
46  :18 
44  50 

41  (<l 
:i8  25 
38  75 
88  08 

1875 

1879 

188i 

18tJ5 

1888 

— Commissioner  of  Ajfriculture. 
"WaRes. 

Xo.  11  IS.— Facts  ^'o  much  farther  on  this  point  than  fjlitterinj;  i^en- 
eralities.  Take  the  matter  of  wages  paid  on  the  Clyde  and  tlie  Delaware, 
and  the  figures  show  that  .\merican  mechauiitg,  in'that  Hue  of  work,  j.'t't 
about  twice  the  rateof  wages  that  are  paiil  abroad.  Laboring  men  may 
well  ponder  the  figures,  and  especially  ho  this  fall,  when  the  choice  will 
be  presented  to  them  between  voting  for  a  man  who  represents  tlie  jiro- 
tection  idea  of  the  Republican  party  autl  the  man  who  istjued  the  recent 
manifesto  from  the  White  House.     Here  are  tlie  figures  : 


Occupation  and  allied  branches  of  labor. 


£ 


Foremen  (mea) tio  00 

Platers  (men) i      7  ao 

rittors  (ineni „ „ '      7  50 

Fitters'  slippers - 1      5  00 

Drillers 


Hole  cutters 

Rlvoteis 

ADRle-lron  smith 

8hli.-!-mlth3 

Ship  HinliliH*  boy» 

BliliH^iiiltliH'  siriXers 

Furcpmoii 

HoUlers-up 

Helpers!  boys) 

Caulkers  and  rhlppers. 

Ship  oarpenters 

Joiners 


600 


Joluers'  laborers... 

Klgeers , 

BiKgers'  latx>rers. 

Palmers 

Engineers ^ 

Xalx>rers. , 

Heelers  (boys) 


5  00 

600 

5  00  , 

500 

3  &0  1 

4  fiO  ' 

4  U)  : 

4  9.'. 

a  so  1 

7fiO 

7  75 

7  Vt 

«  3ft 

4  80 

4  V> 

500 

6  7.'i 

4  10 

a  00 

tSO  00- 
18  or> 
15  00 

9  00 
10  .'*» 

9  00 

13  00 

14  00 
18  0» 

4  00 
•  00- 
9  0» 
9  00 
4  00 
13  OU 
18  0(1 

15  00 
6ft't 

U  00 
9  M 
IS  00 
13  00 
6  7& 
4  CO 


— Gallinqkr,  Record,  36K7 


457 


WAG 


Xo.  \t4i9.'^Exhi6it  shovnng  comparative  cost  of  cocoa  mats  and  cocoa 
maiiing  made  here  and  in  India. 


No.  3. 

No.  4. 

No.  6. 

OOOOA  UAT8. 

Grade  M : 

Ooet,  made  In  America,  per  dozen 

$8.38 

$10.38 

$12.51 

Ooet,  made  in  India,  per  dozen - 

^n  cents  specific  duty  per  square  foot,  to  eqaullze  coet 

3.93 

4..''>0 

4.76 
6.50 

:..80 
6  CO 

Total ~ ^ 

8.43 

10.26  1       12.40 

Orade  E : 
OoBt,  inad«  In  America,  p«r  dor-on , , 

10.35 

13.03          le.OT 

5.70 
4.60 

7.06 
6.60 

8.32 

6.G0 

Total 

10.20 

.66 
4.47 

.90 
6.11 

12.66 

.82 
6.56 

1.10 
6.34 

14  92 

Comparative  cost  o*  labor, 
Orade  M : 

Cost,  labor  (India),  making  1  dozen 

Cost,  labor  (America),  making  1  dozen 

1.00 
6.73 

Orade  E : 

C:ist,  labor  (India),  making  1  dozen - 

Cost,  labor  (America),  making  1  dozen 

I.S2 
7  62 

OOOOA  MATTING. 

Orade  A: 

Fifty  yards  4-4,  made  in  America - 

21.76 

Fifty  yards  4-4,  made  In  India 

14.21 

Fifteen  cents  specific  duty  per  square  yard,  to  equalize  cost 

7.50 

Total 

21.71 

Comparative  coit  of  labor. 
Grade  A: 

Cost,  labor  (India),  for  making  50  yards 

.76 

Cost,  labor  (America),  for  making  50  yards 

8.20 

*Tbe  freight  charges  to  New  York  are  Included  In  the  cost  of  the  India  goods. 

— Lodge,  Record,  6945. 

TFages— Wbat  makes  tbem  higher  in  United  State.9. 

Xo.  1150. — Driven  to  the  wall,  the  last  refuge  of  the  free-trader  is 
in  the  assumption  that  our  protective  policy  has  nothing  to  do  with  main- 
taining our  higher  wage^,  but  that  these  are  the  result  of  our  cheap  land 
and  abundant  natural  resources. 

Undoubtedly  cheap  land  and  abundant  natural  resources  did  secure 
better  rewards  for  labor  in  the  United  States  than  in  Europe  before  a 
single  manufacturing  industry  was  established  here.  But  is  th*»re  any 
one  who  believes  that  our  wages  of  labor  would  have  gone  on  increasing 
from  decade  to  decade,  as  they  have,  if  we  had  not  increased  the  oppor- 
tunities of  and  demand  for  labor  by  introducing  manufacturing  indus- 
tries and  diversifying  our  employments?  And  how  could  we  have  suc- 
ORssfully  established  and  maintained  these  industries  with  our  wages  of 
lauor  from  the  start  higher  than  in  Europe,  and  this  superiority  of  wages 
constantly  increasing  as  new  industries  were  opened,  if  we  had  not 
Adopted  the  policy  of  encouraging  home  industries  by  placing  protective 
458 


WAG— WAR 


duties  on  such  imported  articles,  made  by  cheaper  labor  of  Europe,  as 
would  come  into  ruinous  competition  with  similar  articles  which  we  were 
eeeking  to  make  at  home?  — Dinolky,  Record,  3921. 

Wages— Wages,  comparative— Cotton  tbread. 
yio.  1151. — Comparison  of  wages  paid  for  finishing  hanklhreadat  Paisley, 
IScolland,  and  Fawtuckel,  k.  L,  for  year  18S7,  by  Messrs.  J.  <t  P.  Coats. 
(Pound  sterllBK— M.80.] 


For  one  week'fl  work. 


Oop  epoolers 

Twister  tenders 

Beelers 

Inspectors 

Skein  spoolers „.., 

SpcKjIers — 

Gross  ptkTcelers 

Second  and  secUon  Iiands. 
Bleachers : 

Women 

Men _ 

Dyers,  men «... 


Total., 


Paisley  (66  hours.) 


EnfUab 
currency. 


«.  d. 

U  6 

9  9 
14 

12  6 

11  0 
11 

17  3 

30  i 


9    4 

%i  10} 
22    91 


United 

Btalee 
currency. 


$3  51 

2  37 

3  39 

3  03 
2  79 
2  67 

4  20 
7  37 

2  27 
680 
653 


$42  93 


Pawtucket 

(60  hours. ) 


$8  32 

6  87 
8  47 

7  12 

7  67 

8  76 

9  51 
13  60 

600 

12  00 

906 


$97  27 


AVEBAQB8— OALOCLiTED  ON  PAY-BOLLS  OF  5,000  EStPLOYES. 

InAmerlca  (per  week  of  sixty  hours) _ ~. 

In  Scotland  (per  week  of  fltcy-slx  hours)  12*.  9d — 


$6  92 
3  06 


Messrs.  J.  &  P.  Coata  pay  higher  average  wages  (per  week  of  sixty  hours)  by 3  86 

<0r,  say,  126  per  cent,  lilgher;  for  labor  la  America  to  flnlsh  hank  cotton  threa-l. 

Yours,  txuly,  AU0UINCL083  DROTUERa. 

AgenUfor  J.  <£  I'.  CoaU,  of  I'auley,  Scotland. 

— Di-NGLKV,  Record,  OUiS. 
Wages  in  marble  qaarrle.**.    (See  No.  59 1.) 
War  against  taxes  vs.  War  Tor  power  to  tax. 

'So.  1153- — Our  fathers  aseembled  in  the  Hall  of  Independence  in 
Philadelphia  and  made  that  memorable  declaration  that  these  colonies 
are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States.  The  Declar- 
ation thundered  over  the  continent,  was  caught  up  by  the  long  swell  of 
the  Atlantic  and  wafced  to  the  ears  of  the  crowned  monarch  of  the  then 
mother  country,  Men  sprang  to  arms  to  maintain  tlie  Declaration,  and 
they  made  it  good  through  the  trials  an'I  the  hardships  and  the  blood- 
«hed  of  the  seven  years  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution. 

Our  great  historian,  Mr.  Bancroft,  whom  I  am  glad  to  see  still  Bpared 
in  his  green  old  age  and  his  honored  manhood  to  breathe  the  fre->ii  air 
and  to  enjoy  the  bright  sunshine  of  (hat  country  who^e  history  ho  has 
written  with  an  immorUil  pen — Mr.  Bancroft,  in  speaking  of  the  causes 
of  that  revolution,  says : 

"That  American  independence,  like  the  great  rivers  of  the  continent, 
had  many  sources,  but  the  head  spring  which  colored  all  the  stream  was 
the  navigation  act  of  the  mother  country." 

It  was  then  emphatically,  Mr.  Chairman,  a  war  for  the  purpose  of 
ridding  our  ancestors  of  unjust  and  injurious  taxation. 

— iluuKKR,  Rtcord,  4095. 

451) 


WAR— WAT 

IVar  taxes  (1efiuo«I  by  Doiiiucrntic  parly. 

Xo.  llo!t. — Sir,  since  the  foundation  of  Una  Government  there  has 
been  one  set  of  taxes  reco2:nize(i  as  a  direct  war  tax.  The  Democratic 
party  in  its  convention  was  right  when  it  said  the  internal -re  venue 
taxes  are  a  war  tax.  I  want  that  tax  repealed.  It  has  taken  from  the 
people  $3,509,174,018.  From  my  own  State  there  has  been  taken  I3S,- 
000,000  in  the  last  twenty  years.  Poor,  impoveri-^hed  Carolina  has  been 
compelled  to  pay  at  the  rate  of  2  per  cent,  per  annum  on  the  valuation 
of  its  property.  It  has  paid  in  twenty  years  nearly  $40  for  every  livine 
soul  within  its  borders.  It  has  paid  a  tax  of  $.'W  on  every  acre  of  land  in 
the  State  planted  in  tobacco.  It  lias  paid  over  4  per  cent,  of  the  value  of 
all  its  farm  products  each  year  into  the  United  States  Treasury.  The 
reconstructed  States  have  paid  into  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  in 
twenty  years  over  $oOO,000,000  as  internal-revenue  taxes.  The  value  of 
the  farms  in  these  States  only  equals  the  value  of  the  farms  in  the  single 
State  of  Ohio,  and  yet,  poor  as  they  were,  these  farms  have  been  com- 
pelled to  pay  twice  as  much  of  internal-revenue  taxes  as  the  State  of 
Ohio  has  paid. 

— Nichols  (Indept),  Record,  4579. 

H^ashington  and  CleTeland— Tiews  of  tariff. 

3fo.  115 1. — In  the  last  annual  message  of  Washington  he  said  that — 

"Congress  has  repeatedly,  and  not  without  success,  directed  attention 
to  the  encouragement  of  manufactures.  The  object  is  of  too  much  con- 
sequence not  to  insure  a  continuance  of  their  efforts  in  every  way  which 
shall  appear  eligible." 

The  contrast  in  the  tone  and  temper  of  this  message  of  Washington,  as- 
to  the  encouras;ement  of  manufactures,  with  that  of  the  extraordinarily 
unfriendly  and  denunciatory  message  recently  transmitted  to  Cougres* 
by  President  Cleveland,  I  regret  to  say,  is  painfully  revealed.  To  avoid 
ail  injustice  let  me  quote  from  the  latter  these  words: 

"  But  our  present  tariS  laws,  the  vicious,  ineciuitable,  and  illogical  source 
of  unnecessary  taxation,  ought  to  be  at  once  revised  and  amended." 

— Senator  Morrill,  Record,  3017. 

IVasbin^on  (Presi«lenl)— For  protection. 

Xo.  1155. — Washington,  in  his  first  annual  message,  January  8, 1790, 
paid : 

"  A  free  people  ought  not  only  to  be  armed  but  disciplined,  to  which, 
end  a  uniform  and  well-diuested  plan  is  requisite  ;  and  their  safety  and 
interest  require  that  they  should  promote  such  manufactories  as  tend  t> 
render  them  independent  on  others  for  essential,  particularly  military., 
supplies."  — Washington. 

IVaste  of  IT.  S. 

Xo.  1156. — When  we  are  paying  over  $57,000,000  a  year  on  the  arti- 
cles of  food  and  live  animals  which  we  import  into  our  country,  why  is 
it  necespary  to  import  into  this  country  more  than  ^2,5(0,000  worth  of 
vegetables,  including  cabbage  from  Holland,  ol 7,150  bushels  of  potatoes 
from  Scotland,  1,441,400  bushels  of  potatoes  and  008,283  bushels  of  beans 
and  peas  from  Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  etc.?  Whv  is  it  necessary  to  import 
over  $1,000,000  worth  of  hay,  and  nearly  $8,000,000  worth  of  breadstuffe, 
and  over  16,000,000  dozen  eggs,  some  of  which  come  from  Denmark,  Nor- 
way and  Sweden  ? 

— T.  H.  DrnLY,  State  Consul  at  Liverpool. 

H'atehes — IVIanaf'actnre  of— History,  growth  and  cost. 

No.  1157. — The  history  of  the  Waltham  Watch  Company  Is  typical 
of  many  American  manufacturing  enterprises.    It  started  in  1857  when 
4G0 


WAY 

the  duty  on  foreign  watclies  was  8  per  cent,  only,  and  failed.  The  im- 
ports of  watches  from  isi'.')  to  ls:>.s  amounted  to' $45,000,000.  The  duty 
was  raised  in  1801  to  1')  per  cent.,  soon  afterwards  to  i'")  percent.,  and 
the  company  started  again  in  18112,  with  machinery  of  their  own  inven- 
tion and  construction,  and  now  turn  outdaily  l.IJOO  watch  movemenl.s,  300 
gold  cases,  and  000  tilver  cases,  and  employ  .S,100  hands,  with  at  least 
half  as  many  more  who  furnish  supplies.  Including  families  and  de- 
pendents, from  ten  to  twelve  thousanil  persona  derive  their  8Ui)port  from 
the  workof  the  company.  Tiie  average  daily  wages  paid  to  women  is 
$1.40,  and  to  men  $L'.00  to  ?^2.00.  In  the  I'nited  States  there  are  now 
eighteen  companies  making  watch  movements  and  forty  making  watch- 
cases,  one  of  which  is  in  Covington,  Ky.  The  estimated  annual  value  of 
the  product  is  $10,000,000,  and  the  number  of  hands  many  thousands. 
In  18G0  a  good  English  silver-lever  watch  cost  from  Ji4(»  to  $00.  An 
equally  good  running  watch  can  now  be  had  at  from  Jll  to  $15,  and  ex- 
cellent watches  may  be  had  at  from  $S  to  $10  each.  Many  curious  and 
expensive  watches  are  still  imported,  but  last  year  the  watches  exported 
to  England  alone  amounted  to  $181,015.  The  Elgin  (111.)  Watch  Com- 
pany paid  no  dividends  for  many  years,  but  is  now  prosperous.  I  have 
risked  wearying  the  Senate  with  these  details  because  many  other  manu- 
factures have  a  similar  history,  by  which  the  American  people  have  been 
largely  benefited. 

— Senator  Mobrill,  Record,  30J0. 

M'ays  and  Ifleans— Closed  doors.    (See  Xos.  644,  603,  664.) 

IVajs  and  Sloans  Coniniitteo. 

Xo.  115H.— The  rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  require  that 
all  proposed  iegiBlation  with  reference  to  revenue  shall  be  referred  to  the 
<Jommittee  on  Ways  and  Means,  and  all  such  legi!?lation  is  controlled  by 
that  committee,  in  wliich  the  Republicans  are  in  a  minority.  So  far  as 
the  formation  of  the  bill  is  concerned,  the  committee  room  has  been 
locked  against  the  Republican  members  as  well  as  against  the  represen- 
tatives of  American  industries  and  American  workingmen. 

—Post,  Record,  4346. 

tFays  and  IVIoanN  C'outniittcc— ConNtituoney  ot   compared. 

]Vo.  1159.— The  Ninth  district  of  Texas,  the  Secon<l  district  of  .\rkan- 
eas,  the  Fourth  district  of  Tennessee,  and  the  Second  district  of  Georgia 
are  reprsented  on  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  the  committee 
that  originated  this  bill.  According  to  the  census  report  for  188i»,  the 
manufacturing  and  agricultural  products  for  the  vear  1S70  in  the,so  four 
Congressional  districts  were  $3:],209,333.  The  Sixth  district  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  on  this  floor,  according  to  the 
same  census  report,  produced  for  the  same  year  manufacturing  and  agri- 
cultural products  amounting  to  $38,514,217. 

Let  us  apply  the  test  to  wages.  The  four  Cin'/ressional  districts  paid 
out  during  1879  $570,530.  The  wages  paid  during  the  same  year  in  the 
Sixth  Congressional  district  of  Pennsylvania  were  $5,5s:i,18S. 

The  number  of  bands  employed  in  manufacturing  in  those  four  dis- 
tricts was  3,007.     The  number  employed  in  tlie  Sixth  district  wa^  10,10.?. 

Living  in  sections  which  produce  comparatively  nothing,  while  they 
are  very  excellent  gentlemen,  good  lawyers,  and  shrewd  pohticians,  they 
are  hardly  the  best  qualitiod  to  legislate  upon  subjects  in  which  they 
liave  had  no  practical  experience  and  in  which  their  districts  have  very 
iittle  interest. 

— DARLiNCfTON,  Record,  4422. 

4(51 


WAY— WEA 

TTays  nii«I  .Moans  rommittoo— IVIio  <li«»y  rclused  to  hoar? 

'So.  1100.— In  his  speech  the  other  (hiy  the  gentleman,  in  defending- 
the  committee  againut  the  Charlie  that  it  had  refused  a  hearing  to  ropre- 
Bentativea  of  industries  affected  by  the  proposed  tariif  revision,  said  : 

"Among  the  number  that  came  arrogantly  knocking  at  the  doors  of 
the  committee  demanding  to  b'^  heard  were  tlie  pine-lumber  dealers  of 
the  Pacific  Slope.  In  the  New  York  Tribune  of  Marcli  18  last,  on  page  3,. 
is  contained  a  copy  of  a  petition  which,  it  was  said,  was  to  be  presented 
to  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  by  some  of  the  representatives  of 
California,  protesting  against  the  destruction  of  the  lumber  ami  shipping 
industries  of  the  Pacific  coast,  and  denouncing  the  committee  for  having 
refused  a  hearing  to  the  parties.  The  destruction  of  these  interests  which 
is  to  follow  the  passage  of  this  bill  is  graphically  described  in  this  memo- 
rial." 

It  was  not  the  application  of  the  pine-lumber  dealers,  as  stated  by  the- 
gentleman  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Bynum],  but  the  application  of  the  Dele- 
gate from  Washington  Territory,  Mr.  Yoorhees ;  the  Representative  from 
Oregon,  Mr.  Hermann,  and  my  colleagues,  Mr.  McKenna,  and  Mr.  Felton, 
and  Mr.  Vandever,  and  myself,  from  California,  asking  to  present  to  th& 
committee,  not  a  petition  from  the  lumber-dealers,  but  a  petition  from 
the  business  men  of  San  Francisco,  with  such  other  facts  as  might  be 
deemed  appropriate  for  the  consideration  of  the  committee  in  dealing 
with  this  subject. 

— MoRHOw,  Record,  4271. 

Wealth  aocumulatcfl— 'WorkinKnion-s  sliare. 

No.  1101. — Mulhall  estimates  the  annual  accumulation  of  wealth  of 
the  four  great  nations  as  follows : 

United  States $825,000,000 

France 375,000,000' 

Great  Britain 325,000,0001 

Germany 200,000,000 

He  then  says : 

"Every  day  that  the  sun  rises  upon  the  American  people  it  sees  an  ad- 
dition of  two  and  one-half  million  dollars  to  the  accumulated  wealth  of 
the  Republic,  which  is  equal  to  one-third  of  the  daily  accumulations  of 
mankind." 

But  the  revenue  reformer  will  probably  claim  that  this  enormous  an- 
nual increase  of  wealth  in  the  United  States  is  in  great  part  the  profits 
of  capital  invested  in  railroads,  banks,  telegraphs,  and  like  property,  and 
that  the  farmers  and  wage-workers  do  not  share  in  this  wonderful  pros- 
perity. 

In  the  last  annual  report  of  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency  is  a  state- 
ment embracing  returns  from  six  hundred  and  eighty-four  savings-banks, 
in  nineteen  States  of  the  Union,  from  which  it  appears  that  in  1885-'8& 
these  banks  had  3,158,950  depositors  and  had  deposits  amounting  to 
$1,141,530,578.  In  188(3-'87  there  were  3,418.013  depositors  and  the  de- 
posits amounted  to  $1,235,247,371.  Here  ia  an  increase  in  one  year  of 
259,003  depositors  and  an  increase  of  deposits  of  $93,716,793,  What  a 
splendid  showing  this  is  for  the  workingmen  of  this  country  I 

— Morrow,  Record,  4275. 

Wealth— En^i^Iand  and  the  United  States. 

Xo.  1103.— In  spite  of  the  constant  and  frightful  drain  upon  our  re- 
sources, incident  to  and  consequent  upon  a  protracted  war,  we  haver 
nevertheless  rapidly  grown  in  national  strength,  until  we  stand  to-day  a 
mar\'el  of  industrial  development.    In  18G0  we  were  without  credit  a^ 
462 


I 


WEA 

home  or  abroad ;  to-day  our  securities  are  sought  for  investments  and 
command  a  premium  everywhere.  Then,witli  an  empty  national  Treas- 
ury, we  were  borrowin;^  money  at  an  exhorbltant  r.ite  of  interest  to  meet 
the  ordinary  expenses  of  thn  (fovernment ;  to-day,  witii  every  matured 
obligation  distrharged  an<l  a  Treji8ury  overtlnwinir,  we  authorize  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  to  anticipate  our  ohlieations.  Our  manufaeturinf? 
products  have  grown  from  less  tlian  $2,0()0,a)0,()00  annually  to  nearly 
17,000,000,000,  advancing  us  from  the  third  to  the  front  rank  of  the  man- 
ufacturing nations  of  the  world.  Our  farm  valuer  have  increased  from  a 
trifle  over  $3,000,000,000  in  lR(iO  to  more  than  $10,000,000,000  in  18S0, 
producing  an  annual  harvest  value  of  more  than  ?;'.>,00i»,O00,O00.  In  ISOO 
England  boasted  of  a  national  wealth  as  the  result  of  her  free-trade 
poli(;y  of  $:50,00;"),000,000,  while  our  airgretjate  accumtilations  were  onlv 
$U),<>00,000,000 ;  but  during  these  years  of  protection,  under  the  most  ail- 
verse  circumstances,  we  have  passed  her  in  the  industrial  race,  and  while 
she  lags  behind  with  only  $42.<K)O,0O0,0Oi)  of  accumulated  wealth,  we  are- 
the  proud  possessors  of  more  than  $C)0,<MiO,000,000 

I  submit,  therefore,  that  our  protective  system  comes  down  to  us  not 
only  with  the  recommendations  of  the  fathers,  but  its  wisdom  has  been 
confirmed  by  a  century  of  national  experience. 

— BuBROWs,  Record,  3449. 

Wealth  incroascd  by  protection. 

'So.  llG^t. — In  1800  our  manufactured  protlucts  amounted  to  less  than 
$2,000,000,(X)0  annually.  Now  they  amount  to  about  |7,00(\0()O.0O0  an- 
nually. In  1800  this  country  was  the  third  in  rank  of  the  manufacturing 
nations  of  the  world.  Now  we  are  in  the  front  rank.  How  about  our 
farmers?  If  they  could  be  present  at  the  debate  in  this  House  they 
would  conclude  that  they  were  the  worst  oppressed  people  in  the  world  ; 
that  their  farms  were  depreciatintr  annually  ;  that  their  annual  harvest 
waa  of  less  value  each  year.  We  liud  that  our  farm  values  in  18(i0  were 
about  $3,000,000,000.  In  18S0  they  were  more  than  $lo.o00.000,(X)O,  and 
producingan  annual  harvest  value  of  more  than  $.3,00o,0oo,(iCK). 

England  in  18G0  boasted  of  a  national  wealth  of  |:!(),0(iO,0 '0,0(X).  At 
that  time  our  aggregate  accumulations  were  only  $llJ.O(X),0()0,000.  But 
what  have  we  done  under  these  years  of  protection  since  1800,  under  the 
most  adverse  circumstances  of  a  ereat  civil  war?     In  1880  we  were  the 

?roud  possessors  of  more  than  $»>O,0iK),o0O,(i0O  of  accumulated  wealth. 
n  1860  England  boasted  of  her  great  wealth  and  claimed  that  it  waa  th© 
result  of  her  free-trade  policy.  How  is  it  now  ?  We  have  paRoed  her  in 
the  great  industrial  race.  She  is  now  behind,  with  only  $42,C0(J,<K)0,000  of 
accumulated  wealth. 

— Thomas,  Kentucky,  Record,  4558. 

Wealth— lucreaMe  orWeallh. 

No.  IKVl. — In  18(>0our  estimated  aggregate  national  wealth  was  $1(5- 
159,610.063.  In  1880 It  was  $43,W2,0OO,O<K),  a  gain  in  these  twenty  yejirs  of 
$27,482,303,0.32,  therei)y  showing  that  the  American  |>eople  under  twenty 
years  of  protection  made  greater  development  in  material  we.\lth  and 
greater  acquisition  of  money  and  values  th.in  was  made  by  tlu'in  in  their 
whole  career  previous  to  that  time  ;  and  when  the  census  for  1S".»0  hhall 
have  been  taken  it  will  reveal  f«>r  the  present  decjidea  correHpondinK  de- 
velopment of  every  element  of  material  vrreatnens,  and  yet  our  Democratic 
tarid- reduction  friendsare  sighing  for  what  they  vaW  the  "  halcyon  days'* 
of  the  Republic,  under  a  revenue  taritf,  back  of  IHCiO.  How  strange  ii  is 
that  some  people  are  never  satisfied  1 

— Gboot,  Record,  4407. 
4<« 


WEA 

1%'eultli— liK-i'ouso  ul'  South  Anioriouii. 

X«.  Il<i5. — There  is  a  wonWerfiil  increase  in  the  wealth  and  popula- 
tion of  the  .South  American  fitatep,  and  a  <_'ro\vth  in  trade,  industry,  and 
all  the  peaceful  arts  which  nivea  promipe  of  a  rich  commerce.  But  to-day 
we  fall  behind  Great  Biitain,  France,  Germany,  and  even  Belgium  in  our 
trade  with  ruost  of  these  states.  Last  year  the  exports  of  the  Argentine 
Republic  amounted  to  the  sum  of  $09,8.'}.'),00n  and  her  imports  to  $95,- 
408,000,  and  her  trade  with  the  countries  named  stood  as  follows. 


Country. 

Importafrom. 

ExportB  to. 

Oreat  Britain 

>33.4r,2.C60 

17,0-.-J,():;8 
8,044  87.". 
7,7'J  1,817 
7,673,284 

$10,071,a')0 

22.:M2,183 

6,<J."J  1,908 

10,'J24,7;i7 

Uiilied  Statee 

3,580,406 

In  1886-'87  the  exports  of  Brazil  to  Great  Britain  amounted  to  $32,- 
410,720,  and  her  imports  from  Great  Britain  to  $34,.'i78,4;)5,  while  her  ex- 
ports to  the  United  States  were  $.j2,oOo,71<i,  and  her  imports  from  the 
United  States  were  only  $8,071,053,  a  balance  against  us  of  lf44,o22,0G3. 
For  the  same  year  the  exports  of  Chili  to  Cireat  Britain  amounted  to 
$11,387,185,  and  her  imports  from  that  country  to -t^S  041,985,  while  her 
exports  to  us  amounted  to  |i2,8G3,233,  and  her  imports  from  us  to  but 
*1,393,725.  Our  trade  witn  these  three  countries  is  fairly  representative 
of  our  trade  with  all  the  countries  of  that  continent.  There  are  twelve^ 
lines  of  steamers  from  the  Argentine  Republic  to  Europe,  and  an  ocean' 
cable  to  London,  but  nine  to  the  United  States. 

— Thompson,  Ohio,  Record,  4320. 

IVealtli— Not  to  workers. 

Xo.  IIOO- — The  advoc^ates  of  protection  tell  us  that  the  country  has. 
grown  rich  under  this  system.  True  it  has  grown  rich;  but  where  is' 
the  wealth  ?  In  the  hands  of  the  few,  while  poverty  abides  in  the' 
homes  of  the  many.  Why  is  it  that  the  great  masses  of  the  people  have 
no  share  in  the  wealth  that  has  been  wrought  by  their  hands  ? 

(See  Wage-saving  of  New  England,more  than  in  all  the  world,  besides' 
see  Savings-banks.— Ed.) 

— BvNUM,  Record,  3519. 

Wealth  or  United  States.    (See  Nos.  66,  67,  68,  69.) 

Wealth  of*  workiiiK"i<'"* 

Xo.  1107. — If  the  propositions  I  have  submitted  are  correct,  the  la-, 
borer  in  the  mine  ami  the  factory  is  not  robbed  of  his  higher  wages  by 
the  increased  cost  of  consumption.  To  refute  this  charge  we  have  buti 
to  contrast  the  condition  of  the  laborer  here  with  that  of  his  fellow  im 
Italy,  Germany,  Ireland,  France,  or  (ireat  Britain.  I  do  not  speak  of* 
the  difference  in  his  favor  in  kind  of  food,  clothes,  and  shelter  only,  but. 
I  call  attention  to  diflferences  in  his  savings  as  shown  by  the  sum  of  hiS' 
deposits  in  savincs  institutionp.  How  much  greater  the  deposits  of  thei 
wage-workers  of  Lowell  than  those  of  Mancliester  or  Sheffield,  of  thoset 
of  the  United  States  than  those  of  the  most  favored  European  nations.. 
Look  at  the  official  figures  of  what  our  industrious  and  frugal  working; 
l>eople  are  saving  from  their  earnings.  The  Comptroller  of  the  Currency 
reported  that  at  the  close  of  188(5  the  number  of  depositors  in  the  sav-" 
ings  banks  of  the  country  was  2,158,9-30,  the  deposits  averaging  $;3G1.3GL 

4*34 


WES— WHE 

These  deposits  aggregate  a  sum  nearly  equal  to  the  national  debt.  This 
sura  represents  labor  saved,  and  shows  the  immense  possibilities  ojwned 
up  to  our  work  people. 

In  18S7  the  numlHir  of  depositors  had  increased  to  L',<.)44,7;U  in  nine  in- 
dustrial State?;  with  a  total  of  *l,(j:>;{,L'7!),H'J7,  and  in  all  other  States  223,- 
€22  depositors,  with  a  total  of  j!  110,420,7")"). 

— liKowNE,  Indiana,  Record,  3531. 

M'oHt  »ii(l  South  iieod  |>r<>t<><-tioii. 

]%'o.  1I«S.— .Mr.  Chairman,  the  blindest  policy  of  all  is  the  attempt 
•to  array  tlie  West  and  Soutli  imainst  protiKition.  "The  Weet  and  South 
n^ed  a  protective  taritf  more  than  the  Kiist.  The  New  Kneland  States, 
even  with  the  vacillatini;  protection  they  received  before  ISdl,  built  up  a 
manufacturing;  and  diversitied  indu.stryand  accuinulated  wealth  that(;ave 
them  a  commandinir  position  over  the  .Middle,  Western,  and  Southern 
l^tates.  When  the  high  tariff  of  lS()l-'(;2  was  enacted  the  manufacturing 
industries  croased  the  Alle^'hany  Mountains  and  sprea<i  over  the  ^reat 
Middle  and  adjoining  Western  States.  It  divernilied  their  intlustriesand 
built  up  their  manufactures  until  they  exceeded  tho.se  of  New  iOnirland. 
Commerce  and  the  wholesale  trade  followed  the  manufactures  until  the 
great  cities  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Valleys  and  the  l.akes  far  ex- 
ceeded those  of  New  England  in  wealth  and  commerce. 

Next  came  the  efforts  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  Forty-fifth, 
Forty-sixth,  Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth,  and  now  in  the  Fiftieth  Con- 
gresses, to  break  down  the  protective  system.  The  persistent  and  able 
opposition  of  the  R,:!publican  party,  aided  by  a  few  Democrats,  def^»'ated 
the  pa.ssage  of  the  free-trade  bills  in  the  Fortv-tifth,  Forty-sixth,  Forty- 
eighth,  and  Forty-ninth  Congresses.  Thisdefeat  taused  the  niaiiufHctii'r- 
ing  industries  to  advance  across  the  plains  and  mountains  of  the  far 
We.st,  and  to  penetrate  and  invade  the  Southern  States.  The  result  is 
we  see  the  iron  and  steel  and  lead  mining  and  manufacturing  indus- 
tries of  Colorailo,  .\labama,  and  Tennessee.  We  behold  the  trade  and 
commerce  and  manufactures  of  Kansas  City,  Omaha,  Denver,  I'ueolo, 
Atlanta,  Birmingham,  and  other  cities  fast  growing  ahead  of  their  rivals 
in  the  Eastern  and  .Middle  States.  I  speak  of  the  South  in  connection 
with  the  West  b*»cause  their  interests  in  this  in(lu«trial  atlvance  are 
identical.  The  Eastern  and  Middle  States  with  their  enormous  capital 
and  accumulated  wealth  can  do  much  belter  without  protection  than  we 
of  the  West  and  South. 

— Symes,  Record,  4313. 

What  wo  buy.    (Soo  ^o.  Oil.) 

Wheat— ItritiHli  tarill'  repcaUMl  to  f;<'t  brca<l. 

No.  IIUIK — Their  corn  iaw.s  weir  repealed  in  I ^I'i,  because  they  kept 
the  price  of  ('orn  up  to  the  Htarvati(jn  point,  no  mutter  how  re<iundant 
the  supply  might  be  elsewhere.  Their  workinu'ujen.  mainly  regiirde<l  by 
free-traders  as  animals  that  have  to  bt3  fed,  mu.si  have  cheaper  bread  or 
more  wages.  More  watres  could  not  be  offered,  as  that,  bv  raising  the 
cost  of  manufactures,  would  throw  their  foreign  trade  into  the  bands  of 
rivals,  and  foreign  trade  was  then,  as  it  is  now.  their  chief  reliance  for  the 
support  of  a  large  proportion  of  their  population.  The  pinching  ne«-eH- 
sity  for  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  Ilrilish 
imports  of  corn  and  (lour  retained  for  home  consumption  in  1S4''.  were 
17  pounds  weight  per  head  of  population,  while  in  1HS2  the  im|>ortH  were 
241  pounds  |>er  head  of  population,  and  are  likely  to  be  more  for  the  com- 
ing year. 

— Senator  Moiikill,  December  D,  1886. 
XXX  4<)5 


WHE 

"Wheat— I>pstroy   liouio   inurkot**   to   compete   with   India 
abroad. 

'So,  1170. — luir>u'(lifttely  Great  Britain  commenced  the  development 
of  India's  ai^'riciiltural  production.  Largo  extents  of  territory  were  made 
cultivable  tiironirh  the  adoption  of  syeteaiH  of  irrigation.  Railroads  were 
commenced,  and  the  work  of  construction  was  vigorously  pushed.  The 
interior  was  thus  opened  up  to  the  coast,  so  that  the  products  of  the  Koil 
could  be  cl'.eaplv  loaded  in  the  vesedp.  Then  the  most  suitable  seeds 
were  distributed  among  the  people.  Cheap  agricultural  machinery  was 
aflbrded  them.  Under  this  impulse,  wheat  production  wasfcORtimiilat'  d 
that  last  year  there  was  a  production  in  India  of  more  than  300,000,000 
bushels,  of  which  a  large  portion  was  a  surplus  above  domestic  consump- 
tion. Of  this  40,000,000  of  bushels  have  been  exported,  while  live  years 
ago  there  was  scarcely  a  cargo  of  grain  sent  from  the  shores  of  that  coun- 
try. In  the  first  three  months  of  this  year  this  exportation  has  largely- 
increased  over  the  same  period  of  last  year,  indicating  for  this  year  au  ex- 
portation of  nearly  70,000,000  bu.shels. 

What  has  been  the  effect  of  this  increased  production  in  India  upon 
our  markets?  In  the  last  nine  months  there  has  been  a  decline  in  the 
exportation  of  American  cereals  of  J47,000,OUO  iu  value,  and  wheat  has 
gone  down  in  Chicago  to  less  than  80  cents  a  bushel,  the  lowest  price 
that  has  ever  been  known  in  that  market.  It  is  notable,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  just  as  the  exportation  of  wheat  has  increased  from  India,  the  ex 
portation  Ixas  diminished  from  the  United  States. 

—Frank  Hurd,  April  29, 1884. 

Wheat— Exports. 

No.  1171. — What  is  the  special  cause  of  this  falling  off  in  the  araonii: 
of  exports  and  the  depreciation  in  the  export  price  of  wheat?  Is  it 
that  Entrland,  bv  her  policy  towards  her  colonies,  has  imptorted  her 
wheat  from  India  instead  of  from  America.  England  has  expended 
almost  hundreds  of  millions  of  money  in  building  up  the  agricultural 
industries  of  her  possessions  in  India.  She  has  built  thousands  of  miles 
of  railroad  and  aided  in  the  construction  of  hundreds  of  miles  of  irri: 
gating  canals,  which  has  resulted  in  a  very  large  increase  in  the  pro- 
duction of  wheat  in  India.  The  Indian  ryots,  as  the  small  wheat  farmers 
of  India  are  called,  who  work  for  about  10  cents  per  day,  are  ttrought 
into  competition  with  the  labor  of  the  American  farmer  to  such  an  ex- 
tent that  they  can  produce  wh»'at  cheaper  than  the  American  farmer, 
notwithstanding  the  great  advancement  in  agriculture  and  agriculturalr 
machinery  in  this  country. 

— Symes,  Record,  4311. 

Wheat- Flail  and  thrasher. 

Xo.  1172. — Not  very  lone  ago  I  stood  on  the  shore  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean  away  down  south  of  San  Francisco  and  there  I  saw  a  machine 
propelled  by  the  power  of  steam  running  in  a  field  of  many  thonsandn 
of  acres  of  wheat.  On  the  side  of  lliat  machine  was  branded  the  legend 
"  Ohio,"  and  on  examination  I  discovered  that  it  had  come  from  the 
town  from  which  comes  William  iMcKinley,  jr.,  the  ablest  advocate  of 
protection  from  Ohio.  That  machine  ran  ri^ht  along  by  the  side  of  the 
standing  wheat  and  gathered  it,  and  thra.shed  it,  and  separated  it,  and 
dropped  it  off  in  rear  of  the  machine  in  bags.  As  I  stood  there  and 
looked  at  the  operation  I  thought  of  the  old  flail  process  in  Oliio,  an<l  I 
said  to  myself,  those  two  machines  mark  the  difference  between  the 
liepublican  and  Democratic  parties  of  my  country.  There  goes  the  type 
of  the  development  that  is  the  result  of  Republican  legislation  in  thia 

466 


I 


country,  the  development  which  that  lepifilation  haa  ma<le  poeflihle,  and 
away  back  there  in  Uliio  in  the  old  days  I  can  see,  iu  my  mind'M  eye, 
the  swinging  of  the  old  Democratic  tlail. 

Gbosvbnor,  Record,  4G51. 

Wheat— Ilome  doiuantl  flxen  price. 

Xo.  1173. — It  has  been  as.'-erte'l  over  and  over  a^in  in  this  debate 
that  the  value  of  wheat  is  tixed  by  the  quantity  ollered  at  Mark  Ijine. 
That  proposition  ignores  the  important  factor  of  home  consumption  as 
if  Mark  I>ane  came  over  here  and  tixed  oiir  price,  wlnle  in  truth  the 
price  fixed  here  is  owing  t<j  the  home  supply  and  the  home  demand, 
and  that  those  two  regulate  the  quantity  which  we  olfer  in  Euroj>e. 

—  Baynk,  Uecord,  4772. 

Wlieat^IIow  we  did  and  wlint  we  ^ot. 

'So.  117-i. — I  want  to  call  attention,  first,  to  how  we  uned  to  do 
things  on  the  farm  in  those  good  old  Democratic  times  when  nobody 
was  protected.  We  raised  wheat,  among  other  things,  for  a  living,  and 
we  sold  it  at  Democratic  prices.  We  thnished  it  out  witli  a  tlail,  a  ma- 
chine made  of  two  pieces  of  wood  fastened  together  by  a  piece  of  leather  ; 
the  operator  swung  the  tlail  over  his  head  and  it  was  asdang'^roas  to  hia 
own  head  as  it  was  to  the  heads  of  wheat  that  lie  was  aiinin;^  it  at.  We 
separated  the  wheat  from  the  chat!"  by  an  arfiticial  agitation  of  the  at- 
mosphere, produced  by  a  bag,  or  something  of  that  kind,  held  l)y  two 
men,  one  at  one  end  and  the  other  at  the  other,  with  a  third  pouring  out 
the  wheat  at  the  top.  We  exchanged  our  wheat  at  from  ;i(J  to  40  centa 
a  bushel  and  took  our  pay,  one-third  of  it,  in  salt  at  $2  a  barrel.  The 
same  salt  can  now  be  bought  in  the  same  market  tor  7.')  cents  a  barrel. 

We  trailed  our  wheat  for  calico  at  1")  and  20  cents  a  yard,  and  for 
muslin  at  30  to  40  cent.s  a  yard.  That  is  the  way  the  farmf  rn  diil  in  thope 
time.s.  And  for  everything  a  f.irmer  bought — everything  he  could  not 
ra\£e — we  paid  more  than  double,  and  in  very  many  instances  more 
tiian  three  times,  the  present,  prices  for  like  commotlities.  Our  prodacta 
brought  less  by  about  an  equal  r;\tio.  and  yet  we  find  people  i-rying  out 
that  the  farmers  are  sutlering.  I  do  not  believe  they  would  sutler  if 
we  had  no  Mills  bill  hanging  over  us. 

— Grosvknor,  Record,  4650. 

Wiieat— Price  of  fixed  in  London. 

]¥o.  1175- — I  now  yield  to  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  for  a  qae»* 
tion. 

Mr.  HENDERSON,  of  Illinoin.  It  is  this.  When  was  that  arningement 
made  by  which  wheat  was  admitted  from  Manitoba  free  of  duty  to  be 
ground  at  Minneapolis? 

Mr.  MACDONALD.  It  has  been  in  existence  since  we  adopted  the 
practice  of  milling  in  transit.  We  do  not  complain  of  that  practice.  It 
makes  no  difference  with  the  ftrire  of  wheat,  uhich  ia  fixed  in  Liverpool, 
and  it  gives  our  railroads  business  and  our  millers  work. 

— Macdo.vald  (Dem.),  Record,  3943. 

Wiieat— Prodnction  oftHHO  to  1HH7  in  all  roantrie«. 

>'o.  1170. — I  heri' append  a  table  showing  th"  wli»Mt  nupiily  of  the 
world  for  the  years  1880  to  1HS7,  inclu.'iive,  that  tho.-wi  inter^t^Hl  may  ex- 
amine carefully  the  condition  and  price  of  the  labor  with  whicn  th© 
Am-.'rican  wheat-grower  mast  compete  in  raining  this  most  valuable  and 
important  cereal. 

4^7 


WHE— WHI 
]\'hccU  of  the  world. 


CouDtrlea. 


Europn 

United  Stales 

Canada 

Mexico 

South  America 

India 

Australasia 

Africa  aud  Weateru  Asia.. 


1880. 


Bushels. 

1,128,(X)0.000 

4ua,uoo,ix)n 

30,000.(X)0 
13,00(),(J()0 
•iS.OOO.OOO 

26U,{KK),WI0 
36,000,000 

130,000,000 


1881. 


BusMs. 

1,100,000,000 
383,000,000 
32,0(I0,(KK) 
13,000,tHX) 
23,(KIO,000 
250,000,000 
32,000,000 
130,000,(XK) 


Total 1  2,111,000,000  I  2,026,000,000 


Bushels. 

1,283,(HX)  000 
504,1  HlOioOO 
47.(HK>,(iOO 
13,0(10,000 
25,000,000 
250,000,000 
30,(K10,000 
130,000,000 


2,282,000,000 


1883. 


Buthels. 

1,553,0110,000 

•121,(KI0,WI0 

3(1,0(10,000 

13,0011,000 

25,0(Hi,0()0 

250,000,000 

3'J,(KH>,(H)0 

130,00t),(XX) 


2,054,000,000 


Oountrles. 


1884. 


Bushels. 
Europe l,27o,0OO,i  00 


Uultod  Slates. 

Canada 

Mexico 

South  America 

India 

Australasia 

.Africa  and  Western  Asia.. 


Total 


613,(HJO,000 
45,(iiMi,O00 
13,01MI,(HHI 
2.'),(I(KI,000 

2'>1,000,WX) 
46,01K),(XX) 

130,000,000 


2,293,000,000 


1885. 


Busfiels. 
l,183,0lKt,(KX) 

3J7,0(H»,000 
47,O0O,(KX) 
13,000,000 
2.'),(M)0,000 

299,0lX),O00 
37,0(H),000 

134,000,000 


2,095,000,000 


1886. 


Bushels. 

1,108,000,000 

4.57,000,000 

38,000,000 

13,000,000 

29  000,000 

258,0(Hi,(X>0 

22,000,000 

130,000,000 


2,055,000,000 


1887. 


Bufhels. 

2,24.'i,(HK  1,000 

4'>G, 001 1,000 

3C>,(1(KI,(M)0 

13,<t(«i,000 

34,(11  I0,(H10 

23'.i,00  i.lXtO 

3,'',,0(»0,(I08 

130,000,000 


2,188.000,000 


— Hatch  (Dem.),  Record,  4575. 
Wheat— What  makes  it  cheap? 

Xo.  1177.— What,  makes  wheat  so  cheap  to-day?  So  many  unex- 
pected thousand  bushels  from  India.  Would  not  the  same  number  of 
extra  bushels  in  America  have  done  the  same  ?  Would  not  bo  many 
extra  bu-shels  from  America  added  to  so  many  extra  bushels  from 
India  drive  it  down  at  more  than  double  the  per  cent.?  British  prices 
are  low  because  the  outside  world  manufacturing  for  itself  won't  buy, 
and  these  prices  have  been  forced  down,  say  the  board  to  investijjate,  etc., 
57  per  cent,  from  1873  to  1885.  More  wheat  from  America  would  lower 
prices  of  wheat  just  as  more  manufactures  under  tariff  have  lowered 
prices  of  goods.  What  a  jolly  rise  those  same  prices  would  have  if  we 
supplied  our  lost  manufactures  by  import. 

—Reed,  Record,  4671. 
WhiNky. 

X«».  1178. — Nay,  more  to  complete  this  monopoly  you  take  charge  of 
the  wliibky  lords'  warehouses,  vou  nuard  their  product  by  the  strong  arm 
of  the  (lovfrnment,  and  jou  loan  tliem  from  $80,000,000  to  $100,0000,(00 
annually  without  a  penny  of  intt'rest  that  they  may  the  more  etrectually 
take  advantage  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  market  and  enslave  tiie  farmer. 
But  no  barn  or  granary  is  provided  for  the  farmer,  no  guard  is  pla<ed 
over  his  cereals  and  fruit,  no  money  loaned  or  tax  allowed  to  be  retained 
by  liim  to  enable  him  to  prolit  by  the  Hucituations  of  the  market.  Yet 
pretended  friends  of  the  farmers  stand  up  here  and  defend  this  outra^^i - 
oU'i  infnmy. 

Sir,  why  is  It  that  the  very  men  who  must  pay  this  tax  in  the  first  in- 
stance are  so  desperately  anxious  to  preserve  it  as  a  national  tax  ?    Are 
they   influenced  by  plillanthropic  motives  toward  the  Government  at 
large  or  the  people  ?     Who  else  is  bo  anxious  to  pay  a  tax,  duty  or  tariff 
408 


i 


win 

as  these  very  honorable  ^ntlemen  ?  Sir,  what  motive  have  these  men 
in  eo  willijgly  payinp  tribute  to  C'a-iar,  if  it  is  not  by  bribery  an.l  cor- 
ruption to  proBtitnte  the  (JovernnK'nt  lo  the  inaintainance  of' their  vile 
monopoly  ?  And  what  answer  do  we  iret?  Simply  that  their  nrodiK-t  iH 
a  luxury.  Even  this  ia  false.  That  portion  which  is  ufie«l  in  the  luanu- 
facturep,  In  the  art?,  and  in  the  medicine."  is  a  ne*-«'«-ity.  Oulv  that  por- 
tion of  this  product  which  is  used  in  wholesome  mo<leration  as  a  bever- 
age is  really  ft  luxury,  while  all  the  rest  is  anything'  but  a  luxury,  as  every 
consistent  member  of  the  DemcM-ratic  party  well  knows  by  exp<'rience. 
Yet  the  very  evil  which  Hows  from  this  product  you  are  maintaining  and 
aggravating  by  raising  tiie  price  to  the  tempting  point  of  adulteration 

Thus  you  bring  about  vinnia  a  potn  ,vou  engender  disease  and  distreBC, 
by  oflering  an  inducement  to  doctor  tlie  very  liijuor  whii-h  you  tax  up  to 
that  poisoning  {)Oint.  Why.  sir,  a  drummer  who  came  into  my  county 
Bome  time  ai:o  said,  in  discu'^siug  this  wliisky  tax,  "  If  you  take  the  tax 
ofi' whisky,  I  will  go  out  of  l)usine8y."  I  wish  I  liad  time  to  iilubtrate 
how  this  matter  operates.  Why  not  let  the  States  alone  tax  tliis  product, 
if  it  is  a  luxury,  or  treat  it  by  police  regulaions  a.s  a  mi»xed  or  total  evil 
as  well  as  a  bubjectof  revenue?  Sir,  aithou-jrh  I  In-iieve  that  the  sale  and 
Qse  of  intoxicants  should  be  under  wholesome  legjd  regulations,  I  am 
not  a  prohibitionist.  I  do  not  believe  in  sumptuary  laws.  Yet  I  say  to 
you  anti-prohibitionists  that  you  are  driving  your  best  frien<ls  away  from 
you  when  you  force  moderate  and  liberal-minded  men  into  antagonism 
with  you  by  your  support  of  this  red-robed  harlot. 

— Brumm,  Record,  5221. 

WhiNky. 

Xo.  1170. — What  we  said  to  the  country  was  thit  having  removed 
all  unsuitable  taxation,  after  having  tried  every  other  meth"d  connistent 
with  the  maintenance  of  the  system  of  protection,  that  if  then  it  came  to 
U8  to  choose  between  the  internal-revenue  taxes  ami  the  protective  sys- 
tem, we  should  stand  by  the  system  of  protei^tion  to  American  industry. 
[Applause.] 

Now,  if  the  gentleman  from  Texas  [Mr.  Mills]  means  to  say  he  will 
hang  on  to  the  whisky  monopoly  and  nive  up  protection,  let  him  say  so, 
and  let  him  say  so  openly  and  manfully,  and  not  eet  behin«I  mi-^-ellane- 
oufl  sentences  which  mean  both  sides — which  mean  nothing.  [Laughter 
and  applause.] 

Why  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  a  declaration  by  the  Legislature  of  the 
State  of  Virginia,  two-thirds  Demoi-ratic,  declaring  it  is  the  duty  of  their 
representatives  to  "  use  their  best  elTorts  to  secure  the  in)me<liate  repeal 
of  the  internal-revenue  pysteni,  a  relic  of  the  war,  and  no  longer  neces- 
sary to  meet  the  demandsof  the<  Jovernment.and  because  it  isoppres.«ive 
an<i  fosters  monopolies  [laughter  antl  ajtplauhe  on  the  Kepublicun  sule], 
and  is  obnoxious  to  the  interests  of  our  people."     [.Vnplau.-^e.] 

Is  the  Demotrratic  I/egislatureof  Virginia,  two-thinls  ^;tron^;,  in  favor  of- 
free  whisky?  [Laughter  and  applause.]  The  gentleman  from  Tennessee 
[Mr.  Ilouk]  will  tell  you  that  no  Democrat  has  been  eUtteil  in  his  State 
except  upon  the  pledge  to  ute  his  best  eflbrts  for  the  repeiil  of  the  inter- 
nal-revenue taxes.  Is  the  Democratic  party  in  Tennessee  in  favor  of  free 
whisky? 

— Rbei),  Itecord,  0107. 

H'liiMky  must  bo  proli'otvtl. 

!\'o.  ll.Sth — The  messaire  of  the  I'resident,  ho  much  commended  by 
the  British  press  as  being  in  their  interwt,  \»  a  v«>ry  curious  dcM-ument. 
its  ostensible  excuse  wa.-<  the  surplus  whiili  thf  President  coolly  changes 

405> 


WHO— woo 

"to  the  tariff  side  of  the  revenue.  His  argument,  reduced  to  terms,  is  this  : 
Here  is  a  surplus  of,  say,  eighty  millions  annually  beyond  the  needs  of 
:he  Government.  To  that  extent  taxation  is  excessive,  therefore  tarilT 
duties  are  excessive.  The  conclusion  is  forced,  and  its  motive  is  hostility 
to  protection  and  its  purpose  its  destruction  ;  and  so  he  proceeds  to  assail 
the  tariff,  and  while  professing  friendly  regard  for  imperiled  industries, 
he  recommends  legislation  which  even  his  free-trade  followers  dare  not 
approve.  He  would  take  nothing  from  the  one  hundred  and  nineteen 
millions  of  internal  revenue ;  he  would  not  disturb  the  whisky  ring — 
that  bulwark  of  Democracy  and  the  mightiest  organized  foe  of  temper- 
ance in  existence  to-day  in  this  country. 

Oh,  no  I  There  is  a  sentiment  abroad  cherished  by  many  good  people, 
greatly  respected  and  encouraged,  especially  by  the  whisky  ring,  that 
whisky  is  a  luxury,  and  therefore  should  be  taxed  ;  and  so  it  has  come 
to  pass  that  Uncle  Sam  is  set  to  house  and  protect  about  $300,000,000 
worth  of  whisky  for  the  benefit  of  the  ring.  This  monstrous  monopoly 
is  intrenched  in  the  very  citadel  of  the  Government,  protected  by  law 
and  the  sleepless  vigilance  of  a  powerful  lobby. 

— Stewart,  Vermont,  Record,  4538. 

Who  believe  in  free  trade? 

No,  1181. — On  the  face  of  the  earth  to-day  there  are  but  two  sets  of 
people  who  believe  in  free  trade,  whether  pure  and  simple  or  disguised 
as  revenue  reform,  and  those  two  are  the  masked  majority  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Ways  and  Means  and  their  followers  and  the  United  IGngdom 
of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  with  Ireland  suppressed. 

Russia,  the  granary  of  Europe,  has  abandoned  free  trade,  with  the 
striking  result  that  wheieas,  in  1876,  before  the  duties  were  raised,  fihe 
bought  eight  million  hundred-weight  of  British  metals  and  paid  therefor 
thirty  million  of  dollars  (eight  for  thirty),  she  got  the  same  quantity  in 
1884  and  paid  only  seventeen  million  for  it  (eight  for  seventet  n).  Three 
doilarsand  seventy-five  cents  per  hundred-weight  before  tariff  and  $2.12.V 
after.  Austria,  Germany,  Italy,  Mexico,  and  the  Dominion  of  Canada, 
that  child  of  Britain  herself,  have  all  joined  the  army  of  protection.  It 
is  I  he  instinct  of  humanity  against  the  assumptions  of  the  book  men.  It 
is  the  wLidom  of  the  race  against  the  wisdom  of  the  few. 

—Reed,  Record,  4669. 

Women  in  America  elevated  by  protection. 

No.  118S. — In  this  diversity  of  employments,  resulting  from  tariff 
protection,  American  women  have  been  elevated  and  made  much  more 
independent.  Largely  participating  in  the  world's  useful  work,  they 
were  never  more  charminc  than  to-day.  Th^re  is  much  fine  and  liglit 
work,  often  that  connected  with  the  manipulation  of  machinery,  where 
their  tact  and  aptitude  has  been  found  superior  to  that  of  men,  and  the 
wages  of  women  for  a  week  now  often  exceeds  what  was  formerly  paid 
for  a  month.  Far  more  than  men  would  the  fortunes  of  women  be  ad- 
versely affected  by  any  steps  toward  the  British  goal  of  free  trade. 

— Senator  Morrill,  Record,  3020. 

Wood-i>ulp. 

No.  1183. — The  Mills  bill,  so  called,  reported  by  the  majority  of  the 
Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Con- 
gress, transfers  pulp  fiber  from  the  dutiable  to  the  free-list.  The  manu- 
facturers of  wood  fiber  in  this  country,  believing  it  to  be  due  to  them, 
and  for  the  advantage  of  users  and  makers  of  paper  of  all  kinds,  for  the 
welfare  of  the  labor  employed  by  them,  and  essential  to  the  profitable 
'Continuance  and  development  of  their  business,  ask  that  the  duty,  which 
470 


woo 

•  ae  among  the  lowest  on  dutiable  articles,  be  not  removed  ;  and  in  support 
of  this  request  they  respectfully  fiubmit  a  statement  of  the  bej^inning, 
growth,  and  present  condition  of  the  industry  in  the  United  States,  &]bo 
a  comparison  with  that  in  foreign  countries  with  which  they  are  brought 
in  competition. 

The  term  "  wood-pulp  dried  for  paper-makers*  use,"  as  used  in  the  ex- 
isting tariff  law,  embraces  two  qualities  of  wooil-pulp  fiber,  one  known 
as  mechanical  and  the  other  as  chemical  wood-pulp  tiber. 

Mechanical  wood-pulji  fiber  is  produced  by  grimiing,  where  heavy  and 
and  expensive  machinery  and  large  water-power  la  employed. 

Chemical  tiber  is  produced  by  the  use  of  chemicals  and  steam,  and  also 
involves  an  expensive  and  still  more  costly  plant,  in  either  product  an 
outlay  for  mill  and  machinery  of  from  $15,(X)0,  to  J;2r),00<)  for  each  ton  of 
the  daily  product  of  a  mill,  according  to  the   permanency  of  the  ma- 

•  chinery  and  structures. 

The  production  and  use  of  mechanical  wood-pulp  began  about  1868. 
The  manufacture  and  use  of  chemical  wood-pulp  fiber  began  at  an 
earlier  date,  but  was  confined  to  one  or  two  mills  in  Pennsylvania  until 
its  manufacture  and  use  became  more  general,  between  the  years  lb70 
and  1883. 

Both  of  these  processes  were  subject  to  patents,  all  of  which  have  now 
expired,  except  patents  of  recent  date  on  a  new  process  known  as  sul- 
phite wood-pulp  tiber. 

The  introduction  and  use  of  these  fibers  was  slow  and  difl3cult,  there 
being  a  great  predjud ice  among  paper  manufacturers  against  adopting 
them  and  among  paper  consumers  against  using  paper  made  from  these 
fibers. 

After  a  trial  had  been  made  and  predjudice  removed,  the  manufacture 
and  consumption  increased  rapidly,  until  it  reached  the  enormous  daily 
production  and  consumption  of  about  1,1000  tons. 

'Ihe  mills  are  located  in  twenty-one  different  States  and  employ  cap- 
ital to  the  amount  of  at  least  $20,000,000. 

— DiNoiJJv,  Record,  5103. 

Wood-pnip— Interest  of. 

No.  1184.— Home  competition  has  reduced  the  price  of  chemical  wood 
fiber  from  7  cents  per  pound  in  1870  to  3J  cents,  and  ground  wood-fiber 
from  4}  cents  in  1870  to  1}  cents,  now  the  selling  prices  at  the  mills. 

The  introduction  of  this  fiber  has  wrought  a  wonderful  change  in  the 
price  of  the  paper.  The  lowest  current  price  at  which  newspajH'r  was 
ever  sold,  before  the  war,  was  9  cents  a  pound.  During  the  war,  without 
wood-pulp  fiber,  and  with  a  scarcity  of  ttock,  newspaper  ran  n|)  to  the 
enormous  cost  of  25  to  28  cents  per  pound.  It  luus  gradually  fallen,  until 
now  the  ordinary  newspaper,  such  as  is  used  by  the  metrt)iHilitan  press, 
is  furniijhed  at  about  4^  to4;\  cents.  Book  paptrs  in  the  same  proportion. 
This  has  almost  wholly  been  brought  about  by  the  introduction  of  wood- 
pulp  fiber. 

Norway  and  Sweden  have  also  8p)ecial  advantages.  Labor  is  very  cheap, 
about  one-third  our  own ;  inexhaustible  water-jiowera  and  forests;  easy 
and  cheap  communication  with  the  shipping  ptjrts,  such  as  ('hristiaua 
and  Gothenberp,  whence  low  freights  ace  obtained  to  Anu-rican  ports. 

Finland  has  hitherto  found  its  best  market  in  Russia,  but  by  rciu^on  of 
the  high  import  duty  recently  impoHnl  by  Ru-wia  will,  under  the  stimu- 
lus of  this  protection,  produce  their  own  W(>o<l-pulp  fiber. 

Then,  Finland  with  its  nnniernuH  lakes,  its  extt^nsive  forestn.ita  labor — 
cheaper  far  than  in  Sweden  and  Norwuy — and  its  low  water  freights  to  this 
country,  either  dire«'t  or  by  way  of  Ix)ndon  or  Hull,  will  become  another 
formidaole  competitor. 

471 


woo 

Wood  delivered  at  the  mill  in  Finland  costs  from  $1.90  to  $2  per  cord  ; 
in  Sweden  and  Norway  from  $L'.!»U  to  iji3  ;  in  the  United  States  from  $5  to  $9. 

The  cliemicals  used  in  the  manufacture  of  chemical  fiber  are  cheaper 
in  ihese  couutricc),  having  free  admission  into  Norway  and  Sweden. 

In  Finland  the  labor  employed  in  pulp  mills  cost  from  ^S^  to  oO  cents 
per  day.  In  the  pulp  mills  of  Norway  and  Sweden  the  men  are  paid  from 
30  to  50  cents  per  day.  A  large  number  of  women  are  also  employed  at 
from  about  lli  to  20  cents  per  day.  In  the  United  States  no  women  are 
employed,  and  the  average  wages  paid  are  ^l.oO  to  $1.05  per  day. 

The  extent  of  foreign  competition  even  under  the  present  tarifi'is  shown 
by  the  constantly  increasing  importations. 

There  were  reported  in  ISSO,  over  18,000  tons ;  in  1887,  over  32,000 
tons ;  in  1888,  January  and  February,  D.OJO  tons,  which,  at  the  same  vol- 
ume through  the  year,  will  amount  to  53,000  tons,  or  more  than  the  two 
years  1880  and  1887. 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  5105. 

'Wood-pulp— New  England. 

Xo.  11H5. — In  thu  manufacture  of  wood-pulp  there  is  invested  nearly 
two  million  dollars,  material  used  amounts  to  a  little  less  than  one  mil- 
lion, and  the  manufactured  product  sells  for  two  millions  and  a  quarter. 
In  this  industry  New  England's  share  is  nearly  one  million  of  capital ; 
she  expends  over  half  a  million  for  materials,  and  her  product  yieldsone 
million  three  hundred  thousand  dollars,  or  about  GO  percent,  of  the  whole. 

— Gallinger,  Record,  3G89. 

Wool— Admits  Mills'  bill  will  not  cheapen  wool. 

Xo.  11S6. — This  is  not  a  question  of  price,  it  is  a  question  of  the- 
equality  upon  which  the  manufacturer  in  this  country  starts,  as  com- 
pared with  the  manufacturer  abroad. 

We  cannot  manufacture  such  goods  as  the  Scotch  cheviots  and  Eng- 
lish broadcloths,  without  the  importation  of  Scotch  and  English  wool. 
The  very  moment  that  wool  is  put  on  the  free-list  its  price  in  Europe 
will  increase,  so  that  in  our  manufacture  of  woolen  goods  we  shall  be 
upon  the  same  basis  with  the  foreign  manufacturer. 

— McKiNNEY  (Dem.),  Record,  6748. 

l¥ool— Australian  and  Indian  corn. 

Xo.  1187. — The  Australian  and  other  foreign  wool-growers  are  now 
brought  into  direct  competition  with  the  American  wool-growers.  The 
American  wheat  farmer  is  brought  into  competition  with  the  Indian 
ryot,  who  hires  his  lab^r  for  10  cents  per  day.  Many  larize  wheat-farmers 
will  be  compelled  in  a  few  years  to  diversify  their  industry  by  keeping 
flocks  of  sheep  to  fertilize  an  imi)Overished  soil.  There  are  large  tracts 
of  land  in  the  West  and  Rocky  Mountain  country  fit  only  for  raising^ 
sheep.  Shall  this  great  industry  be  destroyed  or  shall  it  be  protected,  so- 
that  America  will  grow  all  tie  wool  required  for  American  manufacture.. 

— Symk-s,  Record,  4312. 

Wool— Can  produce  our  own  carpet  stock. 

Xo.  IIHS.— It  may  be  argued  by  some  that  we  at  least  ought  to  let 
carpet  wools  in  free  because  we  cannot  produce  them.  The  answer  to 
thip  is  that  it  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  we  cannot  produce  our  carpet-wools. 
The  dry  plains  of  Western  Texas,  Colorado,  and  of  the  Torritories  of 
Arizona,  Utah,  and  New  Mexico  are  especially  adapted  to  the  support 
of  flocks  of  Mexican  sheep,  which  multiply  rapidly  and  furnish  a  supe- 
rior carpet-wool.  We  can  also  use  the  poorer  kinds  of  all  other  wools 
produced    by    us    for    that  purpose.    And  we    actually    did    produce 


woo 

over  20.000,000  poinuls  of  carjiet  wools  in  18S7.  If  pentlemen  woiil«? 
be  convinced  of  our  ability  in  that  direction  let  tlifni  restore  the- 
tariff  of  18G7,  and  in  less  tlian  five  vears  it  will  not  require  argument  lt> 
show  them  it  can  be  done,  and  be  done  cheaply.  The  facts  alone,  then, 
will  convince  the  most  skeptical.  I  am  in  favor  of  lettinp  Am*»ricanH 
produce  the  80,000,000  pound.s  or  more  of  carj)et  wools  we  iniporled  in 
1887,  when  they  have  both  the  capacity  and  the  soil  to  enable  them  to 
do  it. 

— BooTHMAN,  Record,  C752. 

'^I'ool— Clotliins:  now  cheaper  than  ever. 

Xo.  11S1>. — After  twenty-peven  years'  protection  of  wool-)irowing, 
woolen  doth  is  30  per  cent,  cheaper  than  it  wa.s  before  the  warunder  noq- 
prottHJtion.  There  never  wasa  time  when  clothing  wan  so  cheap,  and  the 
workiupman  can  buy  a  coat  in  tlio  United  States  for  two  tliirds  ttie  labor 
that  he  can  buy  a  similar  coat  in  (ireat  Britain.  In  a<ldition  to  this  loss, 
the  destruction  of  the  wool-raising  in  this  country  would  liave  a  .nerious 
effect  on  the  supply  of  meat  and  incre.ase  the  price  of  niti'.ton,  which  now 
forms  so  large  a  part  of  the  meat  supply  of  the  people.  An<l  beyond  this 
whatever  tends  to  discourage  sheep-raising  injuriously  affects  the  fertility 
of  our  farms,  for  it  is  well  known  that  sheepliuvea  most  beneficial  influ- 
ence in  renovating  worn-out  lands  on  which  they  are  pastured. 

— Di.NGLEv,  Record,  C75G. 

Wool— Coiifliet  of  FreMideiit  and  Chairman  llillN  an  to  vV- 
f'eit  of  turilf. 

IVo.  IIOO. — The  tariff  then  raises  the  price  of  wool,  according  to  the 
President,  and  this  every  wool-grower  ha.s  found  to  be  true.  Hut  Mr. 
Mills  thinks  differently.  In  a  speech  delivered  in  February  last  at  Trovi- 
dence,  R.  I.,  where  if  was  doubtless  thought  the .  manufacturers  desired 
cheaper  wool,  he  said  : 

"  In  ISOO  they  wanted  more  tariff,  and  they  were  successful  in  retaining 
it,  and  wool  commenced  going  down.  In  1807  was  made  the  celebrated 
tarill, which  excluded  all  wool  from  the  country  except  low  carpet  wool, 
and  it  has  been  going  down  lower  and  lower,  and  that  is  what  tne  high 
tariff  has  done,  n^iking  a  lower  price  for  wool." 

If  he  is  right,  then  explain  to  us  what  the  President  means  when  he 
says  of  this  duty  on  wool : 

"And  that  it  constitutes  a  tax  which  with  relentless  grasp  is  fastened 
upon  the  clothing  of  every  man,  woman,  and  child  ?  " 

And  that — 

"  It  is  in  order  that  the  price  of  their  wool  may  be  increased  ?  " 

— llKHiiA.NN,  Record,  4763. 

Wool— Cost  oi'casHiniertN. 

Xo.  llttl.— Mr.  Mills  says: 

"  One  yard  of  ca-ssimere  weighing  Ifi  ounces  coetfl  J1.38  ;  the  labor  cost 
20  cents  ;  the  tariff  duty  is  SO  cents." 

He  implies  that  M*  cents  >s  clear  profit  to  the  manufacturer,  while  only 

29  cents  goes  to  laborers. 

I  have  a  statement  of  the  cost  of  1  yard  of  ca.H>iimer<'  prop.ared  for  me 
by  a  manufacturer,  every  item  of  which  shows  Mr.  .Mills'  ignorance  of 
the  matter  he  was  attempting  to  discuss.     It  is  as  follows  : 

"One  yard  of  cjissimerc,  Iti  ounces  to  the  yard  ;  2j  pounds  Ohio  wool, 

30  cent«.  Wool  will  shrink  in  scouring,  etc.,  50  per  cent.;  in  working,  1& 
per  cent. 

473 


WuO 

Genu. 
Two  anil  eijchty-three  one-humlredths  poundB  of  wool  to  make  1 

yanl,  costs 75.3? 

Mr.  Mills'  roet  of  labor 29.U() 

C!olor,  supplies,  coal,  etc 8.00 

112.32 
3  per  cent,  commission,  3  per  cent,  piiaranty,  1  per  cent,  insurance, 
3  percent,  for  four  and  six  months'  time,  5  per  cent,  off  for  cash, 
in  all  15  per  cent 20.70 

Total  cost 133.02 

Mills'  cost 138.00 

Cost  of  manufacture  and  sale 133.02 

Leaving  a  profit  to  manufacturer  of. 4.98 

— Kennedy,  Record,  4359. 

"Wool— Cost  of  casfiimere. 

No.  1193.—  Boston,  July  7, 1888. 

Hon.  Leopold  Morsk  : 

Perhaps  I  can  tiive  you  pome  information  of  the  cost  of  manufacturing 
woolen  poods  that  may  interest  you.  *  •  *  The  statement  is  correct, 
but  varies  from  month  to  moth  a  trifle.  The  item  of  labor  varies  from 
22i  to  25  cents  per  yard.  Other  items  may  vary  in  about  the  same  pro- 
portion, but  the  entire  cost  of  the  goodp,  except  wool,  varies  from  40  to 
50  cents,  unle-ss  there  is  silk  in  them.  This  is  for  a  fancy  caasimere  that 
sells  for  $170  to  $1.75  by  the  case.  I  have  been  a  director  in  this  mill 
for  the  last  fiften  years,  and  am  fully  posted.  I  inclose  a  stfitempnt  re- 
ceived from  the  mill  of  the  cost  for  manufacturiug  for  May.  You  will 
see  that  the  item  of  labor  is  only  25.3  cents,  which  is  as  large  as  any 
month  in  the  yearj  generally  is  about  25  cents.  Some  of  the  other 
items  are  generally  a  trifle  larger.    I  will  give  you  the  cost  at  the  mill. 

Scoured  wool,  28  ounces,  at  Z}i  cents  per  ounce....^ „....«. »....^_ 91.0 

Labor,  ae  per  statement _..    25. S 

Other  Items,  as  pur  statement  (no  silk  In  these  goods) _. ...^..~ 1'>.2 

131.5 

It  costs  US,  with  the  discounts,  to-sell  these  goods  above  16  per  cent., 
so  you  see  the  profit  is  small. 

Now  Kupposing  we  had  free  wool,  the  cost  would  be  about  as  follows, 
if  we  paid  the  same  for  labor  : 

Scoured  wool,  26  ounces,  at23<  cents  per  ounce ^._ 6.5  0 

Labor,  as  per  statement 2.'>.3 

Other  Items. ». ~. ~. — ~ ^~. 15.'2. 

Ift'i.s 
Now  let  us  see  what  the  English  or  Scotch  goods  would  cost,  laid  down 
here  with  40  per  cent,  duty,  in  accordance  with  the  Mills  bill: 

Wool,  the  same  as  here,  26  ounces  at  2X  cents  per  ounce .56.00 

Labor,  say  ■')()  percent,  less  fbu"  It  tanot  per  yard  any  leas)  about 12. .50 

Other  Items  about  the  sameas  they  cost  here .^ 15.20 


92.7» 
Add  40  per  cent,  duty  OQ  ooat  ot  goods  there ^. 37.0Or 

12«.7(B 
474 


woo 

Therefore  you  see  we  can  make  the  jjoo<ls  here  21.20  cent3  leas  than  a 
foreign  article  of  the  same  quality  can  be  laid  down  here,  if  we  have  free 
wool,  and  etill  pay  the  same  as  we  are  paying  for  labor. 

— MoR.SK,  Record,  674^. 

Note.— Wliti  the  wool  duty  fulilM  thla  AtAt«moDi  shows  that  It  onet  thn  Aracrlcan 
iDaDUfacturer  but  1.8  cents  mure  tlmn  the  H<>>ich.  an  amount  oivorenl  by  imoitp'iruitlon. 
'With  the  wi.ol  duty  off  Uconis  'Jt  'i  conta  l(<as.  Th>»pptori»,  lo  put  wool  on  lUo  friMviim  is 
'.o  trauafer  24.a  oeniB  i>u  each  yard  or  i(o<>Ut»  from  ihe  p<jcketof  the  wool-grower  t<>  that 
>f  Uje  woolen  manufacturer.— Ed. 

Wool— Dcinoeratic  parly  chaiiKON  fVoiil  on. 

Xo.  11U3. — To  phow  tlic  chan^'e  of  fnnit  I  will  not  insult  common 
sense  by  calling  it  change  of  opinion.  I  beg  leave  to  read  the  resolutions 
of  the  IjCgislature  of  Ohio,  the  Democrats  being  in  the  majority,  January 
23, 18S4 : 

"  Whereas  the  Forty-seventh  Congrees  reduced  the  tariflf  on  imported 
wool,  against  the  protest  of  every  wool-grower  of  the  State  of  Ohio  and 
the  United  States." 

"  Be  U  reiolved  by  the  Qeneral  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  That  our 
Senators  in  Congress  be,  and  are  hereby,  inatructe<l  and  our  Repreeenta- 
lives  re(|uefeted  to  ujeall  honoral)lemean.s  and  vote  for  the  bill  to  restore 
the  taritfon  wool  as  it  stood  prior  to  the  recent  reti notion,  and  that  the 
governor  be  reipie-'^ted  to  send  a  copy  of  this  resolution  to  each  of  our 
Senators  and  Representatives  at  Washington." 

These  resolutions  r^cived  the  vote  of  every  Democratic  member  of 
the  Legislature  then  present. 

Moreover,  on  the  2oth  day  of  June,  1.SS4,  the  Ohio  Democratic  State 
convention,  which  selected  delegates  to  the  national  convention  which 
nominated  drover  Cleveland  for  President,  adopted  unanimously  as  the 
third  resolution  in  its  platform  the  following: 

"  That  the  just  demands  of  the  wool-growers  of  Ohio  and  the  country 
for  an  equitable  readjustment  of  the  duties  on  wool  (unjustly  reduced  by 
a  Republican  Congress),  so  that  this  in<hi8try  shall  be  fully  and  eciually 
favored  with  other  industries,  ought  to  be  complie<l  with, and  weendorso 
the  action  of  the  Democratic  members  from  Oliio  in  their  efforts  to  ac- 
complish tliis  result." 

A  like  resolution  was  passed  by  the  Democratic  State  convention  of 
Ohio  August  20,  188.5. 

The  reduction  of  the  tariff  on  wool  in  1SS3  by  the  Forty-seventh  Con- 
gress was  denounced  on  tlio  stump  and  in  the  i)res8  by  the  Democrats  of 
Ohio,  and  by  Democrats  generally,  as  a  wrong  and  an  outrage. 

On  the  IGth  day  of  May,  ISSS,  a  Democratic  .^tnte  conveiiti(»n  for  Ohio, 
meeting  for  the  purpoeeof  selecting  (lelegates  to  renominate  (.irover  Cleve- 
land, passed  without  a  dis.senting  voice,  I  believe,  the  fojlowinkt  reeolution : 

"  We  approve  the  Mills  tarill"  bill  as  the  practic^il  exnretviion  of  the 
Democratic  party,  an<l  request  our  Representatives  in  Congress  to  give  it 
cordial  support." 

This  Mills  bill  is  the  one  now  under  discussion,  au'l  puts  wool  on  the 
free-list.  The  reduction  of  ISS,"}  \v;ls  1  cent  and  a  fraction  pf^r  iK>unil. 
The  Mills  bill  Uikeri  oil  all  the  remainini;  dutv.hub.stantially  10  cents  per 
pound,  and,  so  far  a.s  wool  in  concerne<l,  establiphes  free  trade,  pure  and 
simple.     If  the  law  of  1SS.'1  was  an  outrage,  what  is  the  bill  of  isss? 

—  K.  H.  TAVi.on,  Record,  t;<)28. 

Wool— nivlde  and  ooiiqnor. 

Xo.  llf>l. —  i'>ut  it  is  not  found  within  this  principle  of  protection 
that  one  great  industry  among  us  shall  Ik*  strii  ken  down  and  destroyed 
.In  order  to  furnish  to  auoiher  "  raw  matoriiUs,"  so  called. 

475 


woo 

This  is  antagonistic  to  and  defitruotive  of  the  principle  of  protection  . 
and  is  the  one  subtle  and  inpinuating  way  in  which  its  enemies  approafb. 
it  and  seek  to  overthrow  the  system.  For,  if  a  large  hody  of  the  adher- 
ents of  the  protective  theory  can  be  thus  split  oil' from  the  main  colnnu: 
of  its  supporters,  by  taking  one  industry  at  a  time  and  removing  the 
duties  from  it,  kh  that  thope  engaged  therein  have  none  of  the  benelit"*  of 
the  system,  our  opi>onent8  hope  to  be  re-enforced  by  them,  and  tlu:H 
finally  be  able  to  destroy  the  system  itself,  by  the  aid  of  those  thus 
alienated  from  its  support. 

It  is  the  indirect  mode  of  attack  that  peeks  to  divide  the  army  and 
then  de-troy  its  separate  parts.  But  fortunately  for  the  protective  sy«»- 
tem,  and,  therefore,  for  the  country,  in  this  instance,  the  attack  is  obliued 
to  assume  that  the  American  people  are  fools,  and  cannot  see  what  is 
really  meant  by  buch  an  approach.  And  it  will  fail,  as  all  projects  thus 
]trebuming  on  the  intelligence  of  the  people,  should  and  do  fail. 

— BooTHMAN,  Record,  6752. 

>VooI— ElToct  of  proposing  Tree  trade. 

\«».  1195. — The  i)rice  paid  for  wool  in  1887  in  my  district,  and  gen- 
erally through  the  State,  would  average  .32  cents  per  pound  for  the  bet- 
ter grades.  It  will  not  average  more  than  2L'  cents  the  present  year  for 
the  same  grades.  The  reduction  in  price  has  been  occasioned  by  the 
pendency  an<l  discu.s-ion  of  the  Mill.«  bill  alone. 

When  the  buyers  went  into  the  market  this  year  they  were  compelled 
10  buy  upon  the  basis  of  wool  being  placed  upon  the  free-list,  or  else  as- 
sume the  risk  of  losing  upon  the  investment  in  case  this  bill  should 
pass. 

Capital  does  not  invest  in  that  way.  The  result  has  been  that  free- 
tratle  prices  have  been  and  are  being  paid  for  the  Ohio  wool  clip  of  1888, 
and  the  farmers  must  and  do  bear  the  loss.  And  no  matter  what  the 
fate  of  the  bill  may  ultimately  be,  that  loss  at  least  has  fallen  upon  the 
Ohio  farmers,  and  the  farmers  of  my  district,  by  reason  of  the  mere  dis- 
cussion of  the  proposition  to  put  wool  on  the  free  list. 

The  wool  clip  with  us  is  essentially  the  main  dependence  of  our 
farmers,  as  a  means  of  raising  money  to  pay  taxes  and  to  meet  debts 
coiiiing  due  in  the  early  part  of  the  year.  Coming,  as  it  does,  earlv  in 
the  summer  season,  it  is  about  the  only  resource  they  hav«  for  these 
purposes. 

— BooTHMAN,  Record,  6749. 

Wool    rnoot  ol  lariirof  l^S.*!. 

\<».  llfMi. — In  ]ss;i  Congress  unwisely  reduc«»d  the  wool  tariff,  and 
the  disa«iter  to  that  industry  began.  In  the  short  period  of  three  years 
the  flocks  decreased  .■),8G7,."12,  and  there  was  a  reduction  of  the  wool  clip 
of  4:j,UOU,0OU  ponndsr.  Think  of  the  great  loss — millions  of  dollars  taken 
away  from  the  farmer  and  wool-grower  and  given  to  the  inhabitants  of 
other  countries,  when  the  money  should  have  been  kept  at  home.  Last 
year  the  number  of  wheep  in  America  was  reduced  1,214,559  in  number, 
the  value  of  which  was  over  $2,0(>0,000— this  hum  lost  in  a  8ii;gle  vear. 

The  reduction  of  the  duty  ou  wool  has,  since  1883,  added  greatly  to  the 
imporfa'ions,  the  receipts  from  <lutie8on  wool  in  four  years  were  nearly 
$22.00(),(t(3O,  tiie  agirrenate  increase  following  the  reduction  being  $O.OfXl'- 
•  KXJ.  The  lowering  of  duties  added  to  the  surplus,  and  injured  the  wool- 
grower,  while  faiiine  to  lessen  the  cost  of  woolen  goods.  The  manufact- 
ures of  wool  imported  fell  off  a  little  after  the  reduction,  but  last  year  the 
importations  were  larger  than  in  1883. 

— O'DoNNELL,  Record,  6830. 
476 


woo 

M'ool— Kir«'<»t*t  ol"  free  trade  and  protertioii. 

\o.  11U7. — -Mr.  Cliairman,  umliT  n  l>iiii(.tratii-  adtniniBtration,  with 
wool  on  the  frt-e-liHt,  substauMnlly.  I  havt*  seen  in  my  own  diftrict  tliou- 
sandsand  tensof  ihoiieandHof  Bh\f  pHlan^rhtertni  in  the  fall  of  the  year  for 
theirhauM  and  pelts.  They  were  worth  l)Ut  a  little  over  .SO  eentHa  hea<l, 
and  tliere  was  but  little  jjrolit  on  them  at  that  price.  1  have  neen  this 
iiidostry  spring  up  as  though  touched  hy  the  Ump  of  Ala<ldin  ;  I  have 
seen  intelligent  farmers  of  my  district  search  the  world  for  improve<i 
breeds  of  sheep,  and  I  Jiave  seen  the  llocks  dotting  the  hillaidee,  j,'razin)» 
in  the  valleys,  thriving  and  prospering  everywhere.  There  was  muuic  in 
the  friendly  appeal  of  the  sheep  as  it  ciime  "dumb  before  her  phcurers  " 
and  deposited  in  the  treasury  of  the  farm  her  fleecv  contribution  to  the 
general  prosperity  of  the  country.     I   have  seen  this  tide  of  industrial 

Erogperify  checked  ;  it  rose  no  hii:ho»;  it  stooil  still;  it  began  to  ebb, 
ut  It  reached  a  point  where  if  it  could  be  let  alone  the  farmer  coulii 
live;  the  farmer  could  do  something  with  it.  But  I  have  si-en  the  nith- 
lees  Democratic  party,  instigated  thereto,  as  I  am  compelled  to  l>elieve, 
by  a  spirit  of  envy  and  hostility  to  the  section  where  the  sheep  industry 
has  grown  and  prospered,  lift  its  vandal  hand  and  hold  over  the  indus- 
try a  Bword  more  threatening  than  the  fabled  sword  of  Damocles. 

— CiKiiSVK.NOR,  Record,  4659. 

IVool— Kneland   wants  tarill'  removed. 

Xo.  II!>S. —  It  will  he  no  task,  I  apprehend,  in  the  light  of  these 
facts  to  see  what  foreign  nation  is  demanding  "  free  wool  "  in  the  Unileil 
States.  Nor  will  the  ta.sk  be  any  harder  wiien  the  question  is  asked, 
"  For  whose  benetit  does  England  make  this  demand?"  It  is  because 
in  this,  as  in  all  other  lines  of  commerce,  she  wants  the  .\mcrican  mar- 
kets tor  England,  and  for  England  only.  She  owes  no  allegiance  to  the 
Ignited  States.  She  furnishes  no  men  to  light  the  battles  of  this  Union. 
Her  sons  cannot  be  drafted  into  our  armies  to  be  slain,  if  need  be,  in  de- 
fense of  our  flag.  Bhe  bears  none  of  the  burdens  of  tarrying  on  our  (Jov- 
erument.  On  the  contrary,  if  we  are  to  judge  by  her  conduit  in  the  past, 
she  would  as  lief  sell  to  our  enemies  as  t4)  us,  and  ha**,  in  all  ways  pjssi- 
ble,  given  us  to  understand  that  she  has  no  usd  for  u-*,  except  for  ner  en- 
richment, regardless  of  the  injury  that  may  result  to  our  jn'Oide  and  in- 
stitutions, growing  out  of  her  avarice  ami  because  of  c»)injK*titiou  with 
her  degraded  and  poorly  paid  labor.  It  is  with  her  a  question  of  money 
to  he  mft<ie,  and  that  alone,  which  induces  her  « 'obden  Club  ami  free- 
trade  theorists  to  cry  ''free  wool"  to  this  nation.  The  wontler  is  that 
any  .\merican  who  loves  his  country  and  desires  to  see  it  pnis|)er  can  be 
80  hlind  and  deluded  as  to  fail  to  see  the  real  motive  behind  this  specious 
and  deluding  cry. 

-7-BooTHMAN,  llecord,  0757. 

Wool— EnKliHli  protection. 

3io.  111>«.— For  centurie-s  the  governments  of  the  Old  World  have 
encnunwed  the  wo')l-gn)wers.  The  statutes  of  England,  from  rJ75  to 
IMl),  crontain  various  enactments  encourai^inu' the  growth  of  wool.  In 
Hlh)  the  importation  of  woolen  cloth  was  prohioiicil,  and  in  lt>7S,  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  II,  all  persons  deceased  were  obliged  to  Im-  biiriid  iu 
woolens;  if  this  were  not  done  the  jM-rson  dire«'ting  the  hurial  whs  com- 
pelleil  to  forfeit  £5  to  the  ('rown,  or  $_''>  in  our  money  to-day.  Ah  late  as 
171")  the  Oovernment  of  England  ai<led  in  inducing  the  pro«hu-lion  of 
wool  and  mHnijfa<'tnre  thereof ;  in  ITVtthe  I'.nglish  Parliament  prohib- 
ited the  PX|K)rlof  any  tool.H  or  utensils  for  woolen  manufactures,  in  onler 
to  che<'k  the  wool  product  of  the  .\mirican  colonies.  That  nation  has 
built  up  ita  sheep  and  woolen  Lndustricti  by  tarills.    Hhe  h«a  given  &b  a 

477 


woo 

good  example  to  follow.  The  protective  policy  of  the  United  Statei? 
made  this  a  great  wool->;rowin>;  land.  In  twenty  years,  under  protection 
vho  sheep  in  this  country  increased  from  l.'l.',UCKJ,OUO  to  over  oO,OUU,()00. 
and  tiie  raw  wool  from  100,OUO,(X)0  pounds  to  over  300,000,000  pounds 
annually.  Had  the  industry  been  let  alone,  in  a  few  years  we  should 
have  been  independent  on  the  wool  supply. 

— O'DoNNKLL,  Record,  G630. 

H'ool— Kxtcnt  and  value  or  the  busiuesH. 

Xo.  1:200. — As  the  average  weight  of  woo'  per  head  is  now  about  u 
pounds,  ttie  production  of  wool  in  the  United  States  last  year  was  about 
205,000,000  pounds,  valued  at  $00,000,000. 

In  1884  the  number  of  sheep  in  the  United  States  was  50,026,626.  and 
the  production  of  wool  reached  1^08,000,000  pounds,  the  largest  annual 
wool  crop  ever  marketed  in  this  countrv.  In  1880  the  number  of  sheep 
was  40,765,900,  and  the  production  of  wool  240,000,000  pounds.  In  1875  the 
number  of  sheep  was  o3,783,600,  and  the  production  of  wool  192,000,000 
pounds.  In  1870  number  of  sheep  28,477,951,  and  production  of  wool 
100,102,387  pounds.  In  1860  number  of  sheep  22,471,271.  and  the  pro- 
duction of  wool  6i),51 1,343  pounds.  In  1850  number  of  sheep  21,723,220, 
and  wool  clip  52,516,959  pounds.  In  1840  number  of  sheep  19,311,374, 
and  wool  clip  35,000,000  pounds. 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  twenty  years  between  1840  and  1860,  all 
but  four  years  under  a  revenue  tariff  policy,  the  number  of  sheep  in  the 
United  States  increased  only  twenty  per  cent.,  and  the  clip  of  wool  70 
per  cent.,  while  in  the  twenty  years  between  1860  and  1880  the  number 
of  sheep  increased  80  per  cent,  and  the  clip  of  wool  300  per  cent. 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  6756. 

l%'ool— Fallacy  or  roreign  market  for  manuractnred  wool. 

Xo.  1201. — Mr.  James  Phillii>3,  jr.,  of  Massachusetts,  a  large  woolen 
manufacturer,  who  is  strongly  opposed  to  free  wool,  speaking  of  the 
foreign  market,  says,  and  we  commend  his  words : 

"The  world's  market  is  a  great  free-trade  shadow-dance.  The  more 
people  think  and  know  of  this  question  the  less  attractive  the  world's 
markets  become,  and  the  more  substantial  our  home  market  grows.  My 
advice  would  be  that  the  United  States  look  carefully  after  the  home 
pasture  by  tightening  the  fence,  if  necessary,  before  we  go  wandering 
around  to  fina  a  spot  where  we  can  sell  oar  goods  in  competition  with 
the  labor  of  Europe." 

Wool  on  the  "free  list"  is  a  deadly  assault  upon  a  great  agricultura] 
interest,  and  will  fall  with  terrible  severity  upon  a  million  people,  their 
households,  and  dependencies.  It  will  destroy  invested  capital,  unset- 
tle established  values,  wrest  from  the  flockmasters  their  lifetime  earn- 
ing=?,  bankrupt  thousands  of  our  best  and  most  industrious  farmers,  and 
drive  them  into  other  branches  of  agriculture  already  overcrowded.  It 
is  a  vicious  and  indefensible  blow  at  the  entire  agricultural  interests  of 
the  country. 

—House  Report  (Tariff),  No.  1496, 1-50. 

Wool— Farmers  not  Tooled  with  free-trade. 

Xo.  1202.— They  are  fully  informed  as  to  their  own  interests. 
They  know  the  better  market  protection  will  give  them,  and  how  it  will 
enhance  the  value  of  their  lands  more  to  have  a  great  manufacturing 
establishment  with  thoupands  of  employes  in  th^ir  immediate  neighbor- 
hood, or  as  near  as  possible  to  them  in  their  own  countrj',  rather  than 
in  Europe.  They  know  it  is  better  that  one-third  of  the  people  should 
be  producers,  and  two-thirds  consumers  of  what  they  raise  than  that  all 
478 


woo 

Bhoald  be  producers.  They  know  that  they  can  buy  cheaper  and  Bell 
dearer  un(ler  protection  than  under  free-trade.  Tiiey  know  that,  if  the 
mere  6  per  cent,  of  their  produce  that  in  Bold  abroad  and  cornea  in  coui- 
petiiion  with  the  produce  of  cheapi'r  labor  and  cheaper  lantls,  decr»'ii.«e8 
the  price  of  the  94  per  cent,  sold  at  home,  it  would  be  well  for  them  if 
tlio  fostering  hand  of  the  CJoverument  waa  wtill  furtlier  extended  to  de- 
velop other  manufactures  that  can  bo  cjirried  on  successfully  in  this 
country,  so  that  the  increaeed  numln^r  of  employes  and  consumers 
Hould  recjuire  the  6  per  cent,  now  exjx)rted,  and  relieve  the  farmers 
from  that  unworthy  competition.  They  know  tlieir  welfare  is  depcnd- 
eut  on  that  of  all  other  citizens,  and  tliey  will  adhere  to  the  policy  of 
protection  for  themselves  and  for  all. 

— PuG8LEY,  Record,  G742. 

Wool— FarmerH*  profit  in  payiiiK  (ariir. 

No.  130:t. — If,  as  the  "  free  trader  "  ar^;u«8,  the  farmer  pays  the  tariff 
on  his  woolens,  then  it  follows  he  ^efs  the  tarift"  on  the  wool  he  selln.  or 
on  his  2")0  pounds  of  wool  he  realizes  the  additional  kuiu  of  |J7.')0  h«H-au«e 
of  the  tarill.  Thia  wool,  preparatory  to  beinj;  worked  into  cloth,  will 
make  83J  p>ound8  of  scoured  wool,  and  it  takes  not  quite  seven-eighths  of 
a  pound  of  this  Fcoured  wool  to  make  1  yard  of  ca.«himere,  known  in 
the  trade  as  "  men's  all-wool  clothinp,"  and  can  be  bought  at  the  factory, 
at  wholesale,  for  8S  cents  per  yard  ;  and  suits  made  of  it  retail  at  from  JS 
to  $12  throughout  the  Union.  Under  the  rulings  of  the  Treasury  Dejiart- 
mi^ni  reeardine  worsteds  this  quality  of  clofhcome'^  in  at  an  average  tarifl 
cOFt  of  .30  centH  per  yard.  So  that,  if  the  farmer  purchased  90  yards  per 
year  of  this  cloth,  and  thus  as  "tree-traders  "  claim,  pays  the  whole 
tariti,  he  would  pay  but  $27  additional,  and  would  still  be  "io  rents  ahead 
oa  the  whole  transaction.  IJut  now  we  have  f>upposed  that  he  buvs  back 
f»0  yards  of  this  cloth  in  one  year.    This  would  make  thirteen  men's  suits. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  no  ordinary  farmer  or  farmer's  family  will  in  a  year 
use  one-half  of  that  amount  of  do'h  or  its  equivalent.  So,  reckoning  it 
at  one-half,  his  gain  in  the  whole  transaction  by  th.e  tariff  would  be  $^14. 
But  the  fact  is  that  such  clothing  as  our  oniinary  Ohio,  Michigan,  I'enn- 
sylv.inia,  and  Indiana  wools  produce,  and  which  is  the  kind  mo.-»t  com 
monly  in  use  among  ourfarming  jxtpulation.  is  sold  ()uite  aaiheuply  with 
lu  as  It  is  in  Ixjndon.  The  liner  gra<les  of  cluth  here  are  higher  than  there  ; 
but  this  grade  of  clothing  retails  very  nearly  as  low  here  as  there. 

— Booth  M.\N,  liecord,  6751. 
Wool— FarmorM  to  bear  tlie  Iohn. 

.\o.  1201.— Butthe  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  in  its  majority 
report,  in  order  to  convince  the  farmers  and  manafacturers  that  they  are 
mistaken,  tells  them  : 

"  We  say  to  the  manufacturer  we  have  put  wool  on  the  free-list  to  en- 
able him  to  obtain  foreign  wool  cheaper,  make  his  go<Hlfl  cheaper,  and 
send  them  into  foreign  markets  and  successfully  compete  witli  the  foreign 
manufacturer." 

Sir,  if  he  gets  his  wool  cheap«*r  from  the  farmer,  does  the  farmer  make 
or  lose  money?  If  the  manufacturer  make.s  his  goo<lH  cheaper,  it  must 
be,  first,  at  theexf>ense  of  the  farmer  who  pro»luces  the  wo")l  ;  and.  sec- 
ondly, at  the  expense  of  the  men  who  work  in  the  mills,  and  eisp«»eially, 
if  he  IS  going  into  tiie  "  markets  of  the  world  "'  to  sell  his  goo<1s,  he  can 
only  do  it  when  he  can  make  his  goods  cheajx'r  bv  getting  cheaper  niw 
material  and  cheaper  labor  than  they  have  abroad.  UnU-KS  ho  <lo«*<*that, 
the  "markets  of  the  world  "  will  laugh  him  to  scorn.  Mr.  I'hairnian,  how 
can  you  control  the  *"  markets  of  the  worlil  "  unless  you  offer  as  good  an 
article  at  a  cheaper  price  ? 

—Senator  Browm  (Dem.),  Record,  4981. 

47y 


woo 

fl'ool  tree  to  iucrcuNO  the  dciuaud  Tor  work. 

\o.  ItiO.l.  — Mr.  Speaker,  we  have  put  wool  oq  the  free-list,  not  only 
to  cheapen  the  (ilothintrof  the  people,  out  also  in  onlerthat  we  may  give 
to  our  own  workmen  in  this  country  the  making  of  the  $44,000,000  worth 
of  woolen  goods  that  are  annually  imported.  [Applause.]  InBtead  of 
importing  from  $4r),UOi>,000  to  $50,000,000  worth  of  woolen  good«,  which 
we  are  now  compelled  to  do  because  you  will  not  let  U8  import  the  wool, 
we  propose  to  admit  free  all  the  wool  that  our  people  require,  and  let  our 
own  people  make  these  woolen  goods,  and  thus  increase  the  demand  for 
their  work,  and  in  increasing  the  demand  for  their  work  increase  their 
wages. 

—Mills,  Record,  7344. 

IVool-Krowcrs  first,  luauulacturorM  ucxt. 

Xo.  1200. — The  gentleman  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Breckinridge],  in 
defending  free  wool,  laid  great  stresdon  the  advantage  which  he  declared 
it  would  give  American  woolen  manufacturers  to  have  free  wool  and  pro- 
tected woolen  goods. 

I  am  aware,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  great  efforts  have  been  made  by  the 
promoters  of  the  Mills  bill  to  induce  woolen  manufacturers  to  support  the 
measure  on  this  ground.  But  it  is  a  credit  to  the  sense  of  honor  and  fair- 
dealing  which  prevails  among  the  great  body  of  woolen  manufacturers 
in  the  United  States  that  scarcely  a  dozen  of  them,  and  these  free-traders, 
have  joined  in  the  support  of  the  Mills  bill.  Even  if  it  were  true  that 
free  wool  would  tempararily  promote  the  interests  of  woolen  manufact- 
urers, yet  those  gentlemen  realize  that  it  would  be  onlv  by  doing  in- 
justice to  the  wool-grower,  and  that  this  injustice  would  speedily  react 
and  reach  the  manufacturer.  Indeed,  it  is  well  understood  that  the  ob- 
ject of  the  free-traders  in  placing  wool  on  the  free-list  is  to  endeavor  to 
detach  the  farmers  from  the  ranks  of  protectionists,  in  order  that  they 
may  have  their  aid  to  next  greatly  reduce  or  abolish  the  duties  on  man- 
ufactured goods. 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  6757. 

Wool-{;rowinjc. 

Xo.  ltJ07. — Of  the  millions  of  American  citizens  who  are  now  profit- 
ably engaged  in  sheep  husbandry,  and  who  must  suffer  a  sacrifice  largely 
of  capital  and  entirely  of  occupation  and  employment,  it  is  needless  to 
comment.  The  loss  to  the  country  as  well  as  the  individuals  in  the 
•wages  received  will  be  severely  felt.  The  immense  revenue  now  left 
with  us  and  the  property  and  earnings  which  go  to  make  American 
homes  prosperous,  contented,  and  indu3triou3  will  be  transferred  to  for- 
eign lands — to  Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  South  America,  there  to  en- 
rich English  nabobs  and  Spanish  grandees  and  to  feed,  clothe,  and  shel- 
ter the  cheap  and  degraded  herders  of  those  climes. 

Their  flocks  will  produce  the  wool  for  our  consumption  and  manufact- 
ure. They  will  derive  the  profits  and  receive  the  wages  now  so  richly 
the  portion  of  our  own  people.  Seventy-five  millions  of  dollars,  now  our 
own  earnings,  must  annually  be  sent  out  of  the  country  to  replace  the 
destroyed  product  with  a  ioreign  mipply  necessary  for  our  home  demand, 
and  this  in  the  face  of  the  fact  that  we  are  to-day  the  second  greatest 
wool-producing  nation  on  the  globe,  and  with  the  further  fact  that  we 
consume  all  the  wool  we  produce.  It  is  as  Mr.  Blaine  so  tersely  and  so 
well  said : 

"  To  break  down  wool-growing  and  be  dependent  on  foreign  countries 
for  the  blankets  under  whicli  we  sleep  and  coats  that  cover  our  backs 
ifl  not  wise  policy  for  the  National  Government  to  enforce." 

— Hkbmann,  Record,  6943. 
48U 


woo 

T¥ool  — llit;!i    tariir   iii<-r<>us«-<>,    I«>h     <liiiiliiiMli4>s,  tli«>  •tSi«'o{» 
uud  «vuol  t-rop. 

"No.  ViOH. — Now,  the  Au-ts  are  exactly  tlie  reveire,  if  the  eiinning 
aritiinietiiian  of  the  i);i|)er  had  put  them  in  their  pr<n>er  j)laee.  a** 
followH  :  Sheep  in  Penunylvania,  low  taritlof  1S(U),  l,(i:{l,.>10  ;  hi^'h  taritl" 
of  ISSn,  l.SO:j,:i;;(;;  low  tariir  of  1SS,S,  !)S4..SIH.  Sheep  in  Ohio,  low  tariil" 
of  lS(;i).  3,4:)i>,7()7  ;  hiKli  tariff  of  lss:5,  ."),0.">0..>1 1  ;  low  tarifT  of  1888,  4.U  »>,- 
622.  Sheep  in  New  York,  lo«  taritf  of  ISiJd,  2,()17,8.jo;  hi>:h  tanll  of 
1883.  1,7.'>2.;;:)2;  loiv  tariff  of  18SS.  l..')(iJ,(»«7.  Totals— Low  tariff  of  iSf.O, 
6,70(>,l<i2;  hi^h  tariff  of  ISS.J,  8,.'xS(;,2t>'.>;  low  tariff  of  lss8,  G  O").")  asi). 

In  I88.i  the  tariff  w;i8  reduced  8o  as  to  allow  the  yarn  and  jjoodH  (vi/. , 
worsted),  which  recpiire  the  wool  of  these  particular  Staler  fur  their  prcj- 
duotion,  to  cime  in  at  a  lower  fij^ure  than  we  can  make  theiu  at  h«»iiie. 
Increase  of  sheep  in  three  States  after  twenty  years  of  high  protection, 
880047.  Decrease  of  sheep  in  three  States  after  four  years  reduced  larill, 
1,050,582. 

— GuoevKNOR,  Record,  4G59. 

Wool  luiportN  aii«i  oflort  of  bill. 

No.  l:201K — In  1887  the  importation  of  wool  was  114.000,000  pounds, 
or  about  2.»  per  cent,  of  the  amcunt  of  wool  which  wa.s  cousume<l  by  the 
people.  Shall  we  now  increa.'^e  that  importation  to  three  hundred  or 
four  hundred  million  pounds?  If  so,  we  inu'<t  furnish  the  j;old  fr)  pay 
for  it.     We  must  relinquish  the  occupation,  no  ancient  and  ho  profitah  e. 

Why  should  this  great  blow  be  given  to  the  farmers  of  the  country? 
Last  year  there  were  imported  into  this  country  $"4,0(H),(K>0of  farm  prod- 
ucts. If  this  bill  should  become  a  law  it  will  jilace  a  large  additional 
list  of  farm  proiiucts  upon  the  free-list.  We  may  look  for  and  confi- 
dently expect,  if  this  bill  shall  pass,  that  next  year  more  than  $2o0,i'(X),- 
<X)0  worth  of  farm  proilucts,  and  products  in  which  the  farmer  is  iiiler- 
ested,  will  find  their  way  into  this  < ountry.  Are  gentlemen  prepared  f<«r 
that  state  of  things?  Is  the  fariin  r  going  to  sit  by  and  not  coni|»lain? 
Why,  pir,  the  peo[)le  are  already  suff'-rinir  from  the  blow  leveled  at  their 
indu'-fries  by  this  bill.  I  for  one  am  <'onstantly  receiving  letters,  making 
inquiry  as  to  the  prospect  of  the  Mills  bill. 

— Caswell,  Record,  0740. 

Wool— Imports  before  and  after  IHS.1. 

Xo.  128(>.— U  will  be  Ken  trmn  the  foregoing  table  that  the  increase 

in  the  amount  of  clothing  wool  imi)orte.l  during  tiie  three  years  Huci"e<*  i- 
ing  the  reduction  of  duty  in  188;J  exceeded  the  amount  imoorted  for  the 
three  previous  years  11,8.'>2.87.'5  jmunds,  and  of  combing  wools  .■l,lL'.">.774 
pounds,  and  of  carpet  wools  ()o,2*.i'.».78;5  pounds,  and  (>f  rags,  shoddy,  wa>ie, 
flocks,  etc.,  2,278,77'J  pounds,  while  under  the  lower  rate  of  duty  there 
was  collected  ij^l,'  G2,;5(17.0(»  more  iluty  during  the  three  years  succee  iing 
tho  revision  of  1883  than  tlu-ro  was  during  the  threeyears  preceding  tlio 
pame,  showing  that  by  a  reduction  of  the  rate  ofduty  iho  imports  are  so 
increased  that  the  aggregate  of  duty  is  continually  increafid  also.  The 
Fame  thing  occurs  in  the  case  of  worsted  cloths,  wooh'n  yarns,  knit  gotu's, 
ladies' woolen  wearing  apparel,  etc.  With  the  entire  abolition  of  the 
<luty  on  raw  \vo(;l  can  any  one  doubt  that  the  mr>st  of  our  \V(V)1  will  bu 
importel,  and  sheep  husbaiMlry  in  'he  I'nited  Stales  be<-o;ne  n  thing  of 
the  past?  Willi  the  propcf^ed  dccrejise  in  the  rateof  duty  upon  wool- n 
g00(l8  the  imi)ortalioiiS  will  be  so  increaned  that  the  duty  colh^-ted  in  the 
aggregate  upon  such  goods  will  largely  exceed  that  collected  now  under 
the  present  law. 

—  BkiiWkr,  Record,  07">5. 

xxxi  481 


woo 

Wool— JollVrHOiiian  iiiid  Ju4*k*<iouian  Doinooracy  pure. 

\o.  lIlSll. —  Hon.  Gcorpe  L.  Converse,  a  IVinocrat,  formerly  a  Rej>- 
re'ientutive  ofCHiio,  in  a  recent  address  in  ibis  city,  speaking  of  this  in- 
dusiry,  said  : 

"  Tiu'  protiiiction  at  home  of  wool  and  woolens,  inqiian'ities  sufficient 
to  supply  the  wants  of  the  American  people,  is  necessary  for  our  defenae 
in  war,  and  our  independence  and  comfort  in  time  of  peace.  Successful' 
military  campaigns  cannot  be  carried  on  without  woolen  clothes  for  the 
soldiers.  More  soldiers  die  from  exposure  than  are  killecl  in  battle. 
Neither  of  theee  great  industries,  once  destroyed,  can  be  a^ain  restored 
within  a  short  time.  Their  restoration  would  require  many  yeare,  and 
the  men  who  by  legislation  would  knowingly  destroy  them  here  and  re- 
mit them  to  the  keeping  of  foreign  nations  cannot  be  classed  among  the 
frien<ls  of  the  Union." 

Tiiis  distinguished  Democrat  proceeds  to  give  a  very  emphatic  opinion 
of  the  "  noisy  sentiment  of  free  trade."  It  affords  me  pleasure  to  quote 
it,  as  it  will  doubtless  give  the  free-trade  Democrat  pleasure  to  hear  it. 

"The  noisy  sentiment  of  'free  trade,'  which  is  contrary  to  the  settled 
policy  of  the  Republic  from  its  formation,  or  a  'tariff  for  revenue  only,' 
excluding  therefrom  the  principle  of  protection,  which  means,  in  effect, 
free  trade,  is  nothing  more  nor  less  than  a  tradition  of  a  cheap-labor  sys- 
tem, which  has  been  extinct  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  The  intelligent, 
free-citizen  laborers  of  America  will  never  consent  to  be  brought  into 
such  competition  with  the  cheap,  ill-fed,  pauper  labor  of  Europe,  which 
is  kept  in  subjection  by  the  bayonet.  That  free  trade,  cheap-labor  senti- 
ment, like  the  distant  mutterings  of  a  retreating  storm,  will  soon  be 
hushed  forever." 

This  is  the  pure  Jeffersonian  and  Jacksonian  Democracy,  somewhat 
ofl-color  now,  but  I  indorse  it. 

— Brownk,  Indiana,  Record,  3527. 

Wool— Morse's  snit  of  clothes. 

No.  131S. — We  recall,  V.r.  Chairman,  that  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Ways  and  Means  talked  about  the  laboring  man  who  worked 
for  ten  days  at  a  dollar  a  day,  and  then  went  with  his  ten  dollars  wages 
to  buy  a  suit  of  clothes.  It  is  the  old  story.  It  is  fnind  in  the  works  of 
Adam  Smith.  I  have  heard  it  in  this  House  for  ten  years  past.  It  has 
served  many  a  free-trader. 

Now,  a  gentleman  who  read  that  speech  or  heard  it  was  so  touched  by 
the  pathetic  story  that  he  looked  into  it  and  sent  me  a  suit  of  clothes 
identical  with  that  described  by  the  gentleman  from  Texas, and  he  sends 
me  also  the  biU  for  it,  and  here  is  the  entire  suit,  "robber  tarifft  and 
taxes  and  all  "  have  been  added,  and  the  retail  cost  is  what?    JuU  $10. 

[Mr.  McKinley  here  produced  a  bundle  containing  a  suit  of  clothes, 
which  he  opened  and  displaved  amidst  great  laughter  and  applause.] 

Mr.  McKINLEY  (reading) : 

"  Boston,  May  4,  1888. 

"  J.  D.  Williams,  bought  of  Leopold  Morse  <fe  Co.;  men's,  youth's,  and 
boys'  clothing;  131  to  l'.i7  Wa«hington  street,  corner  of  Brattle — 

"  To  one  suit  of  clothes,  $10.     Paid." 

[Renewed  laughter  and  applause.] 

And  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  never  knew  of  a  gentleman  engaged  in  this 
business  who  sold  his  clothes  without  a  profit.  [Laughter.]  And  there 
is  the  same  $10  suit  described  by  the  gentleman  from  Texas  that  can  be 
bought  in  the  city  of  Boston,  can  be  bought  in  Philadelphia,  in  New 
York,  in  Chicago,  in  Pittsburgh,  anywhere  throughout  the  country  at$10 
482 


woo 

retail  the  whole  enit,  coat,  pants,  an<I  vest,  and  40  per  cent,  loflfl  than  it 
could  have  heen  bought  in  JbGO  under  your  low  tarilF  and  low  wa^^  of 
that  period. 

— McKiKLKY,  Record,  47r.r). 

Wool — Missouri. 

Xo.  1  am.— Missouri  haa  1,300,000  sheep  and  I  repppct fully  invite 
the  attention  of  the  eloquent  gentieman  from  Miswiun  [Mr.  Dockery] 
to  the  resolutionp  of  the  Mineouri   Wool-firowers'  Aewx'iation  ; 

"The  Mispouri  Wool-(irower8'  Associiition  at  ita  \ast  annual  meeting 
adopted  these  resolutions  auionir  others  : 

"  Wliereas  wool-growing  adds  to  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  peo- 
ple by  diversifying  their  ocrupations  ;  and 

"  Whereas  many  natural  resourced  of  the  country  are  thus  utilized 
which  would  otherwise  be  wasted  ;  and 

"  Whereas  wool-growing  not  only  adds  to  the  comfort  and  proflpority  of 
the  whole  people,  but  is  essential  to  national  inde|>endenco  and  defense  : 

*'  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  sense  of  thiHcon\ention  that  wisdom  and  g-xjd 
public  policy  demand  its  extension  and  growth  be  fostered  hy  every  hon- 
orable means,  either  by  the  people  or  their  representatives  in  legislatures 
assembled." 

Mr.  DOCKERY.  Allow  me  to  say  that  after  two  general  discussionB 
in  my  district  on  the  question  of  reducing  the  duty  on  wool,  the  people  of 
that  district  sustained  nie  bv  incn'a.'-ing  my  majority  from  1,80()  to  4,'J19. 

Mr.  WILLIAMS.  Well,  tliat  wawonly  acompliment  to  the  gentleman's 
BkiJl  as  a  canvasser,  and  not  an  indication  of  their  sentiment  on  this 
Quesfjon.  I  am  afraid  when  you  go  before  the  people  this  fall  you  will 
nnd  thnt  the  majority  will  not  have  increasetl. 

— Williams,  Record,  OiMO. 

Wool— Not  cheap  olothiiiK«  but  dearer  roreifcn  wool. 

No.  1211. — One  word  further  and  I  am  done.  It  is  argued  on  this 
floor  that  if  tlie  Mills  bill  goes  into  ellect  and  wool  iw  put  uj^on  the  free- 
list,  the  price  of  wool  in  this  country  will  be  re<luced  to  such  an  extent 
that  it  will  be  impossible  for  our  farmers  to  continue  the  raising  of  sheep 
for  the  purpose  of  wool  production.  Sir,  I  am  honest  in  the  statement 
of  my  belief  that  if  wool  were  place<l  on  the  frpp-list  to-day,  it  would  not 
sell  for  one  cent  a  pound  less  in  this  country  when  the  next  clip  comes 
into  market  than  it  did  the  present  vear  when  the  last  dip  came  in.  It 
ia  well  known  that  this  country  protluces  to-day  but  L't>.''>,()()0,000  pounds 
of  wool. 

A  Mrmber.  How  are  the  people  to  get  cheaper  clothing  if  the  price 
of  Wool  will  not  be  reduced? 

Mr.  McKINNEY.  I  will  answer  the  gentleman.  It  is  a  fact  that  we 
find  it  necessary  to  import  into  this  country  for  our  own  consumption 
about  33r),(MM),000  pounds  of  wool  and  wooh-n  goods  in  various  forms. 
This  amount  it  is  now  necessary  for  us  to  purchase  ohroad.  The  only 
effect  of  making  wool  free  will  be  to  raise  the  nrice  of  wool  in  Europe, 
and  to  maintain  the  price  that  prevails  in  tfiis  country  to-^lay.  The 
gentleman  asks  how  we  are  going  to  give  the  people  cheeper  clothing. 
The  question  is  not  with  reference  to  the  reduction  of  the  price  of  wool 
tised  in  the  manufacture  of  woolen  goo<ls. 

— McKiN.vKY  (Dem.),  Record,  0748. 

Wool  not  raw  material. 

Xo.  121."5.— I  will  enumerate  the  items  of  expense  which  «tnti^r  LatO 
the  preparation  of  a  flee<-e  of  washed  wool  for  the  market. 
First.  Cost  of  the  sheep  from  which  it  ia  alioru. 

483 


woo 

Second.  Cost  of  keeping  the  sheep  for  one  year. 

Third.  Cost  of  shearing  and  wa.shing  the  sheep. 

Fourth.  Cost  of  marketing  the  wool. 

These  four  items  of  cost  must  be  met  and  overcome  by  the  possible  in- 
crfase  of  the  flock  and  the  sum  realized  from  tke  annual  sale  of  the 
fleece.  Now,  to  say  that  a  fleece  of  wool  thuB  produced,  which  requires 
the  farmer's  work  and  labor,  the  consumption  of  his  hay  and  grain,  the 
use  of  his  land,  and  the  investment  of  his  money,  is  a  ''  raw  material"  is 
to  pervert  the  meaning  of  language.  It  is  material  advanced  a  long  step 
towards  the  manufactured  cloth,  and,  as  the  statistics  and  the  experience 
of  wool-growers  amply  show,  cannot  be  profitably  advanced  to  this  stage 
under  the  taritf  of  1883  as  against  foreign  competition.  The  policy,  there- 
fore, of  placing  wool  upon  the  free-list  means,  as  I  have  said,  the  utter 
destruction  and  annihilation  of  sheep  hu'»bandry  in  this  Union,  and  the 
surrender  of  this  great  element  of  national  growth  and  wealth  entirely 
to  foreign  producers. 

— BooTHMAN,  Record,  6752. 

IVool— One  Ohio  district. 

\o.  1310. — Number  of  sheep  in  my  district  in  the  spring  of  1883, 
lt'.r)/J4(j;  1887,129,091.  Decrease  in  four  years,  30,155.  Wool  clipped  in 
tlie  district,  1883,(331,971  pounds;  188G  (the  last  year  for  which  figures 
a- e  obtainable,  509,056  pounds.    Decrease  in  three  years,  6:^,915  pounds. 

This  wool  was  worth  not  less  than  3i  cents  per  pound  in  our  market  in 
1886;  so  that  the  loss  on  wool  alone  has  been  at  least  5!20, 132.  Thesheep 
wwre  worth  in  1883  at  least  $3.50  per  head.  This  value  has  been  reduced 
by  not  less  than  $1  per  head  by  reason  of  the  tarifi'act  of  1883  ;  eo  that 
the  loss  on  the  decreased  number  of  sheep  is  not  less  than  $36,155.  The 
total  wool  clip  for  the  years  1883,  1884,  1885,  1886  was  2,478,814  pounds. 
This,  by  reason  of  the  tariff  reduction  of  1883,  waa  sold  at  an  average 
price  of  at  If'ast  6  cents  per  pound  less  than  it  would  have  brought  under 
the  tariff  of  1867  ;  so  the  loss  here  was  $148,728,  or  a  total  loss  to  the  dis- 
trict by  reason  of  the  act  of  1883  of  $205,015. 

— BooTHMAN,  Record,  6749. 

IVool— Oregon. 

\o.  1S17. — The  profound  anxiety  of  our  people  is  at  once  appreci- 
ated when  it  is  understood  that  my  State  ranks  fourth  among  the  wool- 
trrowing  States.  California  is  first  on  the  roll,  with  5,462,728  sheep. 
Texas  follows  next  in  order,  with  4,523,739  head  ;  Ohio  third,  with  4,106,- 
622,  and  Oregon  fourth,  with  2,930,123  head,  the  value  of  the  same  being 
$4,987,069  for  this  one  Slate.  The  number  of  sheep  in  the  three  Pacific 
Slates  amount  to  9,053,847,  to  which  add  2,127,783  in  the  Territories  of 
Washington,  Idaho,  and  Montana  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  we 
have  on  the  Pacific  Slope  more  than  one-fourth  of  the  total  sheep  flocks 
of  the  entire  nation.  This  conveys,  at  the  outset,  a  proof  of  the  great  im- 
portance of  the  wool  industry  to  that  section  of  the  Union.  Nor  does 
tills  measure  the  possible  maximum  of  its  growth.  The  advancement  of 
the  last  few  years  affords  us  assurances  of  a  continued  and  greater  de- 
velopment for  the  future. 

\Vith  free  wool  into  the  United  States  and  a  competition  with  the 
cheapest  labor  of  the  world  it  does  not  require  argument  to  demonstrate 
ttiut  the  cheaper  product  must  soon  supplant  the  more  costly,  and  in  the 
tn.i  we  shall  approach,  and  rapidly  too,  the  destruction  throughout  the 
wtiole  nation  ot  a  product  which  now  yields  to  the  country  annually 
J7'),0<M),000.  To  this  may  be  added  i  he  disappsarance  of  the  flocks  them- 
selves which  ac'j  valued  at  $90.(jiiO,ttOO  and  which  now  produce  our 
m'^bty  wool  ^ield.  Thai  this  will  re-'uU,  we  have  only  to  recur  to  pasl^ 
4S4 


woo 

e^p^rience  ia  our  allain.  By  the  n'lluction  of  (l'>'i"«?  in  the  tarilFaftof 
]SS3  we  tracea  fHllinjr  oU  in  the  nuuiber  of  sheep  frouj  "iO,G:J(i,  »!•_'()  in  1884, 
when  tho  ait  took  elFert,  to  44,7r)",),:il4  head  in  1887,  only  three  years 
followiDp.     With  free  lor*  i^n  wool  they  will  all  ko. 

— lInRMANN,  liecord,  G943. 

Wool— Our  Anstraliaii  tru<Ie. 

Xo.  1!:2IM. — The  genti*  man  from  Indiana  [Mr.  I{yniini],in  (liscussintr 
the  merits  of  this  biil  the  other  duy,  (•l:iim''d  that  the  protective  tarilf 
had  injured  onr  fjreijin  cumnierce,  ami  cited  our  trade  with  Anstmlia  hh 
an  example  of  the  ruinous  traflic  in  whirh  we  are  enjia^ed  with  foreii^n 
countries.  Ills  statement  of  the  condition  of  this  trade  illuHtratea  the 
character  of  the  examination  yiven  to  the  hu.^iness  of  the  country  hy 
the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Meann.     He  said  : 

"Here  we  find  a  country  with  an  amiiial  trade  of  about  f')(X),OOO,0OO. 
Durin^r  the  last  ten  years  this  country  has  im|)orted  products  to  the  value 
of  $G,t)4;3,8f»0,l">l,  and  of  this  sum  we  only  aj)plie«l  ^l.'7.'Jl.'4,<H>7,  a  fraction 
over  1  percent.  While  we  sold  to  her  people  only  about  twenty-seven 
millions'  worth  of  our  products,  we  purchased  of  them  direitly  over 
eighty  millions.  Instead  of  exchan^in^  our  mai-hines,  furniture,  and 
a^'ricultural  implements  for  wool,  we  paid  over  money  to  the  extent  of 
|500,00(),0(Xi." 

Mow,  I  suppose  if  the  gentleman  should  be  convinced  that  if,  instead 
of  supply  iiijj  Australasia  with  our  productions  to  the  extent  of  i^'_'7,2LM.(ii)7 
>n  tea  years,  we  in  factsupplietl  that  country  to  the  ex'ent  of  $'^l,;iSl,(>4o 
during  that  period,  and  if,  instead  of  paying; over  $")(»,0(  0,(HK)tothe  fwoplo 
of  Australia  in  balance  of  that  trade,  that  sum  was  in  fact  paid  to  us,  he 
will  admit,  I  take  it,  that  the  illustration  is  favorable  to  the  principle  of 
protection  and  against  his  theory  of  free  trade. 

Well,  the  fact  is  as  I  have  indicated.  Toe  gantleman  ha-s  reversed  his 
statistics,  and  it  makes  all  the  ditference  in  the  worM.  What  lie  takes 
for  exports  to  Australa.^ia  are  imports  from  that  country  into  the  I'nited 
States,  and  what  he  takes  for  imports  into  the  United  States  are  exports 
to  Australasia. 

We  do  send  our  mAchine.-J.  furniture,  and  airricultural  implements  to 
Australasia,  and  while  we  iin}M)rt<-d  from  that  country  last  year  wool  to 
the  value  of  ?;Kn,(>}(»,  we  exported  in  r  'turn  woolen  manufactures  to  the 
value  of  $l,44O,50(),  leaving  a  bilance  in  our  favor  of  foOS.fXVi,  in  this 
exchange,  and  a  total  balance  of  $4,235,517  oa  the  whole  trade  for  the 
year. 

— Morrow,  Record,  4274. 

Wool— Our  rank  as  wool-KrowrrN. 

No.  121W.— It  is  estimated  that  there  are  tc>7,452,4!>'.<  sheep  in  the 
variouscouniriesof  the  world.  Of  the  owners  of  I  lie  millions  just  Hpoken 
of  the  Uni'.ed  States  of  America  stands  forth  among  the  po-seKHors  of 
sheep,  having  over  45,(MI0,0(>0  of  the  wool-bearing  animals.  The  wool 
product  of  the  United  Stales  is  more  tlian  onesixtti  of  that  of  the  wool- 
growing  countries  of  the  world.  I) )  you  wonder  that  the  wool-growers 
desire  to  protect  their  interests?  They  feel  the  legislation  «-ontemp!ut>'«l 
in  this  measure  will  be  a  iiiowt  serious  menace  t<»  their  rights  and  inter- 
ests; that  its  passage  will  paralyze  a  stupendous  industry  and  iiitbcl 
great  wrong  and  irreparable  injury.  Ix^t  this  bill  become  a  law  and  you 
will  see  exemplilied  the  old  saymg,  "(ireat  cry  and  little  W(X)1;"  the 
owners  of  sheep  will  cry  out  in  a  manner  that  will  be  heanl,  for  thii 
mea.sure  will  give  them  little  wool.  The  Hhe«'|>-|;rowerH  and  farmerd 
have  suffered  much  of  late  years  from  unwise,  unjust,  and  uncalled-for 
legislation;  now  it  is  proposed  to  complete  tho  destnu-tive.work.     Tne 

4sr-) 


woo 

keeping  of  sheep  ordin'Urily  serves  to  make  grain-growinj?  profitable,  for, 
as  the  Spanish  proverb  eays,  "  The  foot  of  the  sheep  is  shod  with  gold ; " 
but  now  wool  is  so  low  that  the  protit  is  infinitesimal.  I  have  quoted 
the  Spanish  proverb;  the  Spanish  wool-growers  always  see  to  it  that 
they  are  protected. 

— O'DoNNELL,  Record,  6831. 

IVool— Poor  lueu  uot  worth  couMideriug. 

Xo.  1320. — I  know  a  good  many  such  men  as  that,  and  I  have  great 
respect  fur  them.  They  are  good  citizens.  They  do  their  duty  to  the 
best  of  their  ability  to  their  families,  to  their  neighbors,  and,  when  called 
upon,  to  their  country.  They  are  endeavoring  to  educate  their  children 
and  to  bring  them  up  in. the  right  way,  and  to  elevate  them  to  a  posi- 
tion better  than  their  own.  I  would  not  like  to  see  the  burden  of  those 
men,  already  heavy  enough,  made  greater  than  they  can  bear.  I  would 
not  like  to  see  them  driven  from  their  humble  but  independent  homes 
to  become  day  laborers  for  otjhere.  But  that  would  be  the  effect  of  the 
passage  of  this  bill  unamended  in  this  particular.  And  not  in  my  dis- 
trict only,  but  to  a  greater  extent  in  many  other  places  scattered  over 
the  whole  country.  But,  says  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in 
substance,  it  can  only  injure  the  owner  of  fifty  sheep  to  the  amount  of 
$3t),  and  of  a  hundred  sheep  $72,  and  of  two  hundred  sheep  $144,  and 
those  sums  are  too  insignificant  to  be  permitted  to  stand  in  thn  way  of 
an  illustration  of  a  great  principle.  They  do  seem  pmall,  and  they  are 
saall  to  a  gentleman  with  $50,000  a  year  salary,  and  $50,000  a  year  more 
hcuiehold  expenses;  but  when  they  mean  clothing,  when  they  mean 
attendance  in  sickness,  when  they  mean  comforts  and  necessaries  of 
which  a  man  and  his  family  would  otherwise  be  deprived,  they  are  not 
so  insignificant;  they  are,  on  the  contrary,  of  verv  great  importance. 

— PcGSLEY,  Record,  G742. 

Wool— Ro<liiction  in  price  chargeable  to  ."tlills  bill. 

\'o.  1231. — There  haH  been  stricken  iiom  the  product  of  the  sheep  of 
Ohio  one  third  of  the  value  of  the  whole  crop  this  year. 

Now,  before  this  debate  closes,  will  not  some  Demot;rat tell  the  country 
how  that  has  happened  ?  What  has  done  that?  And  if  I  charge  that 
the  country  has  paid  all  these  milhons  of  dollars,  millions  of  dollars 
enough  to  have  run  the  expenses  of  this  Government  for  an  almost  in- 
definite time,  for  the  luxurj'of  havinga  Democratic  Congress  here,  I  want 
some  Democrat  to  answer  that  question  if  he  can.  March  right  up  to  this 
issue  and  answer  me.  Do  not  go  to  flying  off  about  "  trusts"  and  "  rob- 
ber tariffs,"  and  all  that,  but  answer. 

What  makes  the  wool  this  year  nearly  one-third  less  in  value  than  it 
was  last  year?    Is  it  the  general  depression  in  the  country  ? 

— Grosvenor,  Record,  69GG. 

Wool— Redaction  ot  tarifl' increases  revenne. 

'So.  ISSti. —  M"-.  ('hairman,  when  the  tariff  act  of  1883  was  passed  the 
people  of  the  whole  country  were  interested  in  the  wool  schedule,  and 
the  legislature  of  ray  own  State  of  Iowa,  in  1884,  parsed  a  resolution  in 
favor  of  restoring  the  wool  schedule  of  1867.  As  a  member  of  that  Leg- 
islature I  was  the  only  person  on  the  Republican  side  of  the  house  who 
voted  against  that  restoration.  I  did  so  for  the  reason  that  I  believed  the 
Tariff  Commiesion  having  considered  the  matter  it  should  remain  as  they 
recommended,  in  order  that  it  might  be  given  a  fair  test. 

One  of  the  reasons  for  the  reluction  of  the  wool  tariff  at  that  time  was 
in  order  that  the  Kurpl'is  revenne  mikrhc  be  reduced.  The  i^entle  ..an 
from  Ohio  [.Mr.  Taylor]  has  shown  us  that  as  to  five  or  six  arades  upon, 
4S(1 


I 


I 


woo 

t"be  wool  Schedule  the  revenue©  of  the  Government  have  been  increased 
>1 !,(.»( JO,0UO  by  the  reduction  of  the  tariff  of  1883,  the  imp>ortation8  having 
l&i-jf  ly  increu-ed,  and  1  think  that  fact  ought  to  have  Bome  wei^jlit  with 
tutj  JJexnocralic  Bide  of  the  House  and  with  the  country.  They  liave  re- 
duced auca  a  large  number  of  articles  on  the  pretense  that  the  surplus 
revenue  is  too  great;  that  there  is  too  much  surplus  ;  too  much  money  in 
the  Treasury. 

—Kerr,  Record,  6938. 

'H'ool  atiMlMU(;ur  compared. 

]%'o.  l'2'Z'.i. — Uur  fon-JL'n  im|)ortation8  increased  from  70,57o,478 
pounds  in  18>8  to  1  LM),i.>S4, 'J.J8  pounds  in  188(5.  The  ostensible  pnr|>o(»e 
of  the  pending  bill  K^  to  reduce  the  revenue.  If  these  were  as  great  in 
amount  on  wool  as  are  the  duties  on  Hugar,  le'w  surprise  could  exist,  for 
the  foreign  wool  duty  only  amounted  to  Jo,8!»'.t,817  hist  year. 

It  is  for  this,  then,  tbe  great  sScritice  mu.^t  be  made?  To  save  nugp.r 
yiehlJng  $G,00(),OOU  per  annum  we  are  yet  to  pay  ^o.uoO.OOO  nn<l»'r  the 
proposed  redui-tion,  while  to  destroy  wool  yielding  $7'>,0D0,000  to  the 
country  we  avoid  duties  of  about  $t3,0oO,U(tO.  And  yet  this  ia  asserted  to 
be  unbiased,  impartial  legi^<lation  I  Some  have  the  effrontery  to  dignify 
it  as  statesmanship!  But  there  is  another  injury  which  must  follow  this 
legislation.  It  id  in  the  diminution  of  the  meat  supply,  antl  the  conse- 
quent increafe  of  price.  Muttou  is  now  one  of  the  cheapest  a.s  well  as 
most  nourishing  of  foods,  and  hence  more  in  reach  of  the  laboring  man 
and  the  p<x)rer  classes.  Re<hice  the  price  of  wool  and  there  will  be  le«s 
indticement  to  raise  the  muttou  sheep.  The  cost  will  be  greater.  If  it 
be  argued  that  free  wool  brinu's  cheaper  clothing,  it  may  be  re(^)lied  that 
the  present  cheaper  cost  ot  moat  amply  counterbalances  the  ditlerence  in 
duty  on  clothing.  In  this  view  of  the  ma-.ter  it  is  not  alone  the  wool- 
grower  who  is  interested,  but  every  member  of  society.  The  mutton 
sold  in  our  home  market  annually  amounts  to  J;15,00U,(X)0. 

— IIkumann,  Record,  G943. 

Wool  tariirol' iM$)3. 

3fo.  122  1. — When  the  President  suggests  the  reduction  of  this  duty 
as  a  means  of  reducmg  surplus  revenue,  he  seems  to  be  ignorant  of  the 
result  produced  by  the  tariff  of  18S3.  When  that  a<;t  took  effect,  we  had 
in  the  United  States  50,3G0,L'4;i  sheep,  yielding  2(52  000,000  pounds  of  wool. 
We  have  now  44,759,314  siieep,  yielding  228,300,000  poundsof  wool.  Did 
this  measure  reduce  the  revenue  from  wool ?  Let  usaee.  In  1883  we  iui- 
ported  wool  to  the  value  of  $8,'.»15,14'.),  and  collected  duty  to  the  amount 
of  |3,20(j.201.  In  the  last  fiscal  year  we  imported  wool  to  the  value  of 
$18,2LG,'J8S,  and  collected  as  duly  |!( 5,31)0  0.").'),  thus  more  than  doubling  im- 
portation, and  nearly  doubling  the  duties  collet;te<l.  Is  this  the  way  to 
reduce  the  surplus  rt^venue?  The  President  seems  to  think  so  ;  but  the 
jnnior  Senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Blackburn]  has  found  out  the  secret. 
According  to  a  statement  I  have  seen  reporte<i  in  the  papers,  he  is  satis- 
fied that  a  reduction  of  duty  would  increase  the  revenue.  He  isHoijuoied 
in  the  papers.  Whether  the  statement  is  true  or  not,  I  do  not  know,  but 
he  at  least  is  a  little  wiser  than  the  President. 

— Senator  Suer^an,  Record.  202. 

Wool  TM.  Rico  aiKl  NiiKur. 

No.  I!l2t2ri. — Mr.  Chairtniin,  under  the«e  cin'nnist:in<es  I  hut  the 
anxiety  exhibited  by  tiice  geu'lemen  to  get  wool  on  t!ie  free-bat  whh, 
flo  far  as  I  could  see,  without  good  c.iuw.  There  waM  no  principle  in- 
volved that  was  not  involved  in  the  matters  of  rico  and  sugar     If  it  is 

487 


woo 

•wrong  to  tax  the  laborintr  in  in,  to  use  the  deceptive  words  of  these  gen- 
tleiuon,  ."JO  per  cent,  f  )r  lu.s  clothing  it  would  appear  to  b«  further  froiu 
the  riglit  to  tax  liitu  from  US  to  100  psr  cent,  for  hiu  food. 

— E.  B.  Taylor,  ilecord,  0i)29. 

Wool— Wliut  rodiictiou  coMt,  Ohio. 

\o.  12i0.— We  ha<l  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  in  the  spring  of  1883,5,150,920 
sheej).  There  were  left  in  the  spriuj^  of  1R87,  4,111,871  Hheep,  or  a  loiii  in 
four  years  of  1,019,049.  In  the  epriu>r  of  18S3  in  Ohio  we  clipped  of 
■wool,  24,;i49. 109  pounds;  in  18S4,  2;> 558,713  pounds,  so  there  was  a  loss 
in  1884  of  790,396  pounds.  In  1885  we  had  22,081,552  pounds,  or  a  short- 
age for  that  year  of  2,207,557  pounds.  In  1880  we  had  19,702,329 })OuudK, 
or  a  decrease  for  that  year  of  4  (Jl(i,78()  pounds,  being  a  total  shortage  in 
pounds  for  the  years  1884,  1885,  and  1880  of  7,704,733  pounds.  Following 
the  same  rule  of  computation  adopte  1  for  the  detrict,  the  losses  in  the 
State  have  been,  by  reason  of  the  tarilTact  of  1883,  as  follows:  IjOsh  on 
decreased  price  of  wool  sold.  $3,920,555  ;  loss  on  wool  shortage*,  $2,4;5(>,514  ; 
loss  on  sheep  killed  or  otherwise  disposed  of,  ^1,019,049.  Total  loss  to 
the  State,  not  including  loss  on  clip  of  1887,  nor  on  decrease  of  tlocks 
Bine*  then,  $7,405,118,  or  an  average  loss,  to  the  247,189  farms  in  the  Slate, 
of  $30  per  farm. 

— BooTHMAN,  Record,  6749. 

IVool— Why  it  Hhonl<I  bo  protected. 

\«».  l;i!27- — That  compelitionamongourliome  woolen  manufacturers 
has  brought  about  this  era  of  cheap  woolens  is  too  well  established  to 
nef d  argument.     Do  you  ask  then,  why  the  need  of  a  tariff?    I  answer ; 

First.  That  we  may  preserve  the  American  market  for  the  American 
•wool -grower. 

Second.  That  we  may  not  by  the  destruction  of  our  flocks  be  placed  at 
the  mercy  of  foreign  producers. 

Third.  That  there  may  be  accorded  to  the  American  farmer  the  pro- 
tection on  this  product  of  his  farm  which  is  accorded  to  other  branches  of 
trade. 

Fourth.  That  this  source  of  national  wealth  and  prosperity  may  not 
be  lost  to  us  because  of  the  cheapness  of  the  foreign  product. 

Fif  h.  That  our  money,  which  would  otherwise  go  to  the  foreign  pro- 
ducer of  wool,  may  be  kept  here  at  home  to  pay  our  debts  and  circulate 
among  us,  thereby  enriching  our  people. 

Sixth.  Thai  tlie  principle  of  protection  may  not  be  applied  to  the 
matiufacturer  of  wool  and  be  denied  at  the  same  time  to  the  producer  of 
it.  If  one  is  protected  the  oth.r  should  be,  and  I  am  for  protecting  both 
of  them. 

— BooTHMAN,  Record,  6751. 

Wool— Will  injure  the  niiiiinlaoturer. 

.\<».  l'-J12>i. — The  present  tariff  imposes  on  imported  woolens  a  spe- 
cihc  pound  or  square-yard  duty,  intended  to  fully  cover  and  a  little  more 
than  cover  the  duty  on  wool,  which  goes  to  the  Airmer,  and  a  manaiAot- 
urer's  duty  of  35  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on  coarse  woolens  and  40  per  cent, 
on  fine.  The  Mills  bill  aboliRhes  the  duty  on  wool  and  also  the  specific 
duty  on  imported  woolens,  leaving  the  manufacturer  the  same  ad  valorem 
duty  as  at  present.  This  does  not  give  the  woolen  manufacturer  any 
a<lditional  vantage  ground  as  against  imported  goods.  Indeed,  it  di- 
minishes his  protection  to  whatever  extent  the  abolished  specific  duty 
(which  could  not  be  avoide<l  by  undervaluations  as  an  ad  valorem  duty 
is)  exceeded  the  actual  difference  in  cost  between  wool  in  England  andi 
in  the  United  States,  which  is  usually  less  than  the  specific  duty. 
488 


woo 

In  other  words,  the  woolen  lu^nufaftiirer.  with  froe  wool  an<l  nothing 
buc  the  mdniitaciurer's  ad  valorem  duty,  wljich  is  largely  overcoiue  hv 
undervdluations  of  importa,  would  not  be  bo  well  otTas  now. 

— DiNoi  KY,  Ke<H5rd,  0757. 
"Wool— Will  luiiKipl.viiii;  I'uriiirrH  Ixmk'IK  IIkmu  ? 

>0.  13i».— We  have  lieard  a^'reat  d^al  here,  frmu  thosa  who'+e  jirin- 
ci pal  intererit  in  the  farmer  is  to  obtain  hiH  vote,  about  tiie  depre.^Ht-d 
condiuou  of  ajjrioul'ure.  Whatever  the  trutri  8'M)ut  that  niiv  brf,  I  cun 
couoeive  of  no  aotion  that  can  be  taken  by  Congress  better  calculat«<l  to 
do  the  farmer  a  direct  an<l  Berious  injury  than  tlie  destruction  of  the 
forty-four  millions  of  Biiecn  iu  ihm  couuiry.  It  will  not  aid  our  faraierd 
if  you  transfer  all  the  proli  -i  of  that  immense  buaineRs  to  the  farmorH  of 
Australia  or  the  Ar^'entine  li-public.  It  will  not  benefit  the  other  farm- 
ers in  the  United  States,  and  certainly  not  the  W(>ol-;^'r(iwer-<,  if  you  com- 
pel the  million  men  now  engasred  in  that  industry  to  ^o  into  other 
branches  of  farming  already  sulliciently  occupied  and  lower  prices  by 
overprodui-tion. 

The  wool-prowinR  Indiistrj'  is  one  which  haa  in  it  hope  for  the  future  if 
properly  protected.  The  present  tluty  on  wool  should  not  only  be  re- 
tained, it  should  be  incresaed,  so  that  within  a  short  time  we  wdl  have 
one  hundred  millions  instead  of  forty-four  millions  of  Hh*»ep  in  this  <*oun- 
try,  and  two  millions  instead  of  one  million  men  enija^'ed  in  the  ba'>ine>s, 
and  furnish  the  entire  supply  of  wool  required  hy  our  manufacturers. 

— Picisi.KY,  Uecord,  (J742. 

Wool  on  I'rco-list— EIFect  of. 

No.  12;iO.— I  apk  my  Democ-ratic  friends  if  they  believe  the  farmerij 
and  Uock-masters  of  the  nation  will  silently  submit  to  this  most  unjust 
discrimination  atraiijHt  their  interp<its.     Their  protests  are  already  heard. 

Texas  has  r).StMt,tj(X)  sheep.and  I  respectfully  invite  the  attention  of  the 
gentleman  from  Texas  [.Mr.  Mills]  to  the  following  resolutions  of  his  con- 
Bti'uents  in  convention  assembled  : 

"The  cattlemen's  convi-nlion.  at  Waco,  Tex.,  in  Mr.  Mills'  district,  the 
Ninth,  passed  resolutions  declaring  that  .Mr.  Mills  'does  not  rejjresent  the 
Ninth  district  nor  the  State  of  Texius  in  his  position,  and  that  his  course 
tends  to  destroy  the  material  industries  of  hn  constituency  '  We  «|uote 
further  from  the  text  of  the  resolutions  adopted  by  Mr.  .Mills'H  wool- 
raisinir  constituent*  : 

"  '  We  deprecate  the  course  of  Mr.  Mills  and  put  ourselves  on  record  ia 
hearty  condemnation  of  his  conduct  and  his  bill. 

"' Forsaken  by  our  Representative,  we  urge  ujKin  our  Senators  and 
Kepresentatives  in  Congress  to  work  against  the  .Mills  hill,  and  we  call 
U[>on  all  good  m«n  from  other  Stat«8  to  protect  Texas  if  her  own  liepre- 
sentatives  fail  to  do  so. 

"  'Protection  on  raw  wool  is  purely  a  protection  t<")  the  pro<luc'»r,  the 
farmer,  as  well  a?  the  sheepman,  and  should  bein<\intained  ;  and  (hji'Iy, 

'"  If  Mr.  Mills  perrisls  in  and  urges  the  prop)sed  removal  of  the  duty 
'  n  wool,  i'  is  the  sense  of  this,  a  rcjiresentative  b  >dy  of  his  conxiitucncy 
ihat  he  abdicate  his  seat,  and  hereafter  we  will  withhold  our  BUi>ix)rt  at 
the  ballot-box  and  elsewhere.'" 

— Wii.i.iAMs.  Rts'ord.  iVMi). 

Wool— Why  |»la«'0«l  on  IVo«'-liNl  I 

No.  I!i;il.  — I  have  carefully  watclied  the  debate  f(jr  light  uimhi  this 
subject,  but  Haw  none  till  early  in  M^iy,  when  the  distincnished  gentle- 
man from  Texas  [.Mr.  Lanhamj,  who  so  ably  reprewnts  his  district,  a 
d'wtrict  having,  I  tlunk,  within  ilij  limit  a  grca'er  number  of  she««j»  than 

4Hi» 


woo 

Jiny  other  district  in  the  United  States,  took  the  floor  and  made  a  speech 
in  favor  of  the  ''  Mills  bill."  The  geuileman'e  known  honesty  and  candor 
.rtjave  me  hope  of  bein^r  able  to  solve  the  riddle.  Nor  was  I  disappointed. 
Jn  that  speech,  to  be  found  in  the  Record  of  May  5,  and  on  page  of  the 
Kec'ord  U'>)45,  the  gentleman  used  the  following  words: 

"  It  is,  I  think,  worthy  of  note  that  while  the  average  value  of  sheep 
per  head  for  the  whole  country  is  placed  at  $2.0.3,  the  lowest  average, 
where  sheep-raising  is  of  special  importance,  is  given  to  Texas  and  New 
Mexico.  T!ie  fleeces  of  this  quality  of  sheep,  however,  would,  it  is  be- 
lieved, bo  in  greater  demand  for  purpose  of  manufacturing  admixture 
with  the  tiner  wools  that  would  be  imported,  as  a  result  of  the  removal 
of  the  present  duties  on  wools." 

].,ook  at  it  I  Texas  sheep  are  of  low  average  value  because  the  wool 
is  of  coarse  fiber,  but,  as  Mr.  Lanham  says,  the  fleeces  of  this  quality  of 
sheep  would  be  in  greater  demand — that  is,  of  higher  value — to  mix  with 
finer  wools  that  would  be  imported  as  a  result  of  the  removal  of  the 
present  duties  on  wool. 

Tiie  gentleman  understands  the  meaning  of  this  bill.  He  does  not 
propose  to  mix  his  coarse  wool  with  fine  Northern  wool,  but  with  the 
''finer  wools  that  would  be  imported  as  a  result  of  the  removal  of  the 
present  duties  on  wools." 

The  gentleman  from  Texas  [Mr.  Lanham],  as  well  ag  does  the  other 
distinguished  gentleman  from  the  same  State  [Mr.  Mills],  knows  that 
if  this  bill  becomes  a  law  it  will  be  as  impossible  to  raise  wool  for  the 
market  in  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  West  Virginia,  Indiana,  and  Michigan  as 
it  is  to  raise  camels.  The  impending  destruction,  however,  is  viewed 
with  great  calmness,  for  Texas  will  be  benefited  by  the  ruin.  Yet,  sir, 
there  are  members  of  this  House,  from  my  State  as  well  as  from  other 
States,  who  will  vote  for  this  damaging  iniquity,  although  they  were 
elected  under  personal  pledges  to  support  no  such  bill !  The  people 
alone  can  hold  them  to  account  for  pledges  so  solemnly  made  as  they  are 
determiuately  broken. 

— E.  B.  Taylob,  Record,  6929. 

Wool— Why  placed  on  trce-list. 

Xo.  l'2ti'Z. — Why  have  the  majority  put  wool  on  the  free-list?  Let 
them  make  their  own  answer.     We  quote  from  the  report : 

"  We  say  to  the  manufacturer  we  have  put  wool  on  the  free-list  to  en- 
able him  to  obtain  foreign  wools  cheaper,  make  his  goods  cheaper,  and 
send  them  into  foreign  markets,  and  successfully  compete  with  the  for- 
eign manufacturer." 

— Report  House  Representatives',  No.  1496, 1-50,  p.  19. 

Wool— Why  place  on  free-list? 

X«».  It2!{!t. — What  reason  is  there  for  putting  wool  on  the  free-list 
that  does  not  apply  as  well  to  coal  and  rice?  Why  shall  wool  go  on  the 
free  list  to  relieve  the  humble  home  from  the  cost  of  living,  and  thesugar 
tariff  be  retained?  The  tariff  on  wool  is  live  millions  a  year;  that  on 
.sugar  fifty-eight  millions  a  year.  Would  not  free  eugar  in  a  large  meas- 
ure lessen  the  cost  of  living  in  the  humble  home?  Do  sugar,  rice,  iron 
ore,  and  coal  have  greater  claims  for  patriotic  care  than  wool? 

If  this  bill  is  pa.ssed  our  farmers  must  compete  with  the  wool  from 
India,  South  America,  and  Australia.  The  annual  clip  is  1 ,000,00U,000 
pounds.  A  boy  and  a  dog  may  tend  a  thousand  sheep  the  year  round 
on  their  hillsides,  which  are  unfit  fur  cultivation  and  not  worth  50  cents 
an  acre.    Before  such  a  competiiion  American  Bheen  would  disappear. 

— Owen,  Record,  5447. 
490 


woo 

IVooI— Wool-Krowers  want  tarifr. 

No.  12;i  1.— I'lie  Aint'rican  fanner  would  be  sacrificed,  and  then  the 
■consumer  would  uhimat«ly  huve  to  pay  more  for  his  clolhinK  and  liifl 
inut'on.  It  ifi  no  wonder  that  the  farmerH  of  the  United  Siat^-a  repro- 
sented  by  the  Wool-GrowerH'  AnHociatiun  have  unitnl  in  a  reiimnHtrance 
acrainst  the  proposition  of  the  Mills  bill  to  place  wool  on  the  free-list,  aa 
follows  : 

"  The  wool-dealers  and  wool-prowers  of  the  United  .States,  reprepenting 
a  capital  of  over$5UO,QO(),(iO()and  a  const ituenry  of  a  million  wool-v'rowera 
and  wool-dealers,  aseeuibled  in  conference  in  the  city  of  Wjiahinpton  this 
7th  day  of  December,  1SS7,  havin>i  reatl  the  first  annual  meaaaKe  of  the 
President  to  the  Fiftieth  Conpresp,  declare  that  the  sentimenLi  of  Uie 
meesage  are  adirect  attack  upon  their  industry,  one  of  the  most  important 
of  the  country  and  in  positive  violation  of  the  national  I)emo<Tauc  plat- 
form of  1884,  as  interpreted  by  the  parly  leaders  and  iitt-epted  by  the  rank 
and  file  of  tfie  party;  that  the  arjrumeut  ma<le  by  the  IVesident  for  the 
removal  of  our  protection  apiinst  foreign  competition  is  the  old  one,  re- 
peatedly made  by  the  *»nemie8  of  our  industrial  proi^ress,  and  etfeittively 
answered  in  nearly  every  Fchool  district  of  our  land,  and  so  thoroughly 
-disproved  by  the  logic  of  facts  and  the  demonstrations  of  experience  aril 
hibtory,  as  to  need  no  answer  from  us.  We  acknowledge  that  our  ''  small 
holdings,"  our  scattered. and  unorganized  condition,  make  us  the  easy 
prey  of  the  free-trader,  but  we  had  a  right  to  expect  something  different 
from  the  Chief  Executive  of  tlie  nation,  at  once  the  most  happy,  pros- 
perous, and  contented  of  any  of  the  world,  made  so  by  a  policy  of  protec- 
tion and  development  which  he  now  seeks  to  destroy.  W»*  had  a  richt 
to  expect  our  President  would  favor  the  wool-growers  of  the  United  Stateii, 
and  confess  our  deep  disappointment  that  instead  he  favors  theinteresta 
•of  our  foreign  competitors." 

— DiNGLEY,  Record,  (MUl. 

'Woolen  clothing  eheapor— Why  not  choapcr  NURar? 

No.  1235. — The  gentleman  from  Arkansas  [Mr.  Hreckinridge]  re- 
plies that  their  object  is  to  make  clothing  cheapi'r  for  the  mawes  of  the 
people.  But  if  it  is  really  a  blessing  to  the  people  to  crush  out  wool- 
;growing  in  the  United  .States,  a.s  this  bill  certainly  will;  if  the  entire 
-abolition  of  the  duty  on  wool  will  iiroduce  a  condition  of  things  which 
will  permanently  give  the  people  ciieaper  clothing,  wiiich  I  denv,  then 
I  ask  the  gentleman  why  he  confines  his  "  bleasing"  to  wool  produceci 
by  the  farmers  of  this  country,  and  at  the  same  time  refuses  to  give  the 
farnif^rs  free  sugar,  free  rice,  free  coal,  free  everything?  Why  call  upon 
the  farmers  who  grow  wool  to  bear  all  the  sacrifices  to  secure  a  great 
■"  blessing"  for  others,  and  to  refuse  to  give  them  compensatory  bles'-ings? 

— DiNQLKY,  liecord,  075G. 

Woolen  factorieM.    rs. «.  \o.  221.) 

Woolen  KoodM  e.xcluNive  or<-arpet  nn<l  felt. 

]%'o.  12!t0. — In  the  manufa<-ture  of  woolen  good-",  exclusive  of  car- 
pets, mix^Mi  textiles,  and  felt,  thft  capital  inve**fed  H;:irrei?atefl  ninety  six 
tnillions  of  dollars,  neatly  liftytwo  uiilliouH  of  whicfi  in  contribute*!  by 
!New  England.  Materials  used  amounts  to  on«'  hundroi  uiilIionH  of  dol- 
lars annuallv,  New  England's  share  being  nearly  fifty-nine  millions;  and 
the  finished  product  amounts  to  one  hundre<l  and  sixty  mdlious,  of 
which  ninety-five  millions  belong  to  New  liukd md. 

— (Jai.i.i.s<iEK,  Recor<l.  :'.«;•  K). 

4yi 


woo 

Tl'ooleu  Koodis. 

;\o.  1237. — Comparative  cost  of  minufacluring  all-wool  dress  goods  in  Eng- 
land and  America. 

Washington,  June  30. 

Consul  Schoenhof  of  Tunstall,  England,  has  furnished  the  State  De- 
partment, under  date  of  June  5,  18SS.  with  a  very  interesting  and  instruc- 
tive comparison  of  the  cost  of  manufacturring  all-wool  goods  in  America 
and  in  England.  The  goods  selected  for  comparison  are  known  as  "sack- 
ings." In  America  they  are  largely  used  for  ladies'  dress.  They  are 
made  of  carded  wool,  and  are  of  plain  flannel  weave.  They  represent, 
therefore,  flannel  m^inufacturing  in  the  diti'erent  items  of  lat)or  as  well  an 
sackings  or  ladies'  cloth. 

The  American  mill  selected  for  comparison  us«s  mostly  Ohio  and  ^lich- 
igan  X  lleeces,  the  price  of  which  at  the  time  Mr.  .Schoenhofs  calcula- 
tions were  made  stood  at  35  cents  per  pound.  A  shrinkage  of  GO  per 
cent,  takes  place  in  the  scouring  and  manufacturing,  which  brings  the 
cost  of  the  wool  in  tiie  cloth  to  70  cents  per  pound.  The  cost  of  carding, 
spinning,  weaving,  dyeing,  and  finishing  was  obtained  by  dividing  their 
actual  expenditures  for  these  several  purposes  for  half  a  year  by  the  num- 
ber of  pounds  of  finished  product  turned  out  in  that  time  ;  and  the  addi- 
tional charges  per  pound  of  cloth,  including  general  office  expenses,  rent, 
insurance,  taxes,  and  interest,  were  ascertained  in  the  same  way. 

a.  The  total  cost  in  Massachusetts  per  manufactured  pound  of  goods 
as  described  i.  e.,  all-wool  sackings  used  for  ladies'  dress  goods,  is  as  fol- 
lows : 

Centa. 

1.  Wool 70.()(> 

2.  Carding,  Including  scouring 8  DO 

3.  Splnnlug 2.8S 

i.  Weaving,  labor : 

a   Dre-slng  and  warping 1  Oj  > 

h.  Weaving 6  90  [  9.CJ 

c.  Burling  and  mending,  loom  fixers,  and  overaeeri*'  pay 66  ) 

B.  Supplies .8> 

C.  Dyeing l.'JU 

7.  FinlstJlng 2  6i> 

8.  Additional  changes 11. 4y^ 

Total  cost  per  pound _ 102.y^ 

Cost  ot  manufacturing,  exduslve  of  wool,  32.31  cents. 

b.  The  total  coet  In  England  per  manufactured  pound  of  all-wool  sacklaga,  used  for 
ladles'  dress  goods,  was  as  follows : 

Cents. 

1,  Wool 32.00 

2-3.  Carding,  scouring,  and  spinning 4.00 

4.  Weaving— 

a.  and  c.  Dressing,  etc 1  33  >  _  .. 

b   Weaving 6.07)  *^ 

5.  Supplies _ 1.80 

6.  Dyptag 8  00 

Flnlah'ng ♦  <"> 

Charges 13.00 

Total  ost  per  pound 69.90 

Coetof  manufacturing,  exulualva  of  wool,  37.90  cants. 

— Morse,  Record,  6746. 
Woolen  mills. 

X«.  123S.— We  bad  1,263  woolen  mills  with  a  capital  of  $30,000,000 
in  1870,  a-id  thev  employed  43  000  people,  and  paid  them  $10,000,000  in 
wages.  Ten  years  afterward  we  had  2,689  factories  with  $159,000,000  of 
capital  and  i(31,000  employes,  and  $47.00^,000  wages  paid.  The  free- 
traders got  up  a  pressura  against  wool  in  1883,  and  the  Republicans  fool- 
ishly yie'.ded  and  redu'^ed  the  tariff.  But  for  that  fateful  folly  we  would, 
-in  a  few  years  more,  have  been  growing  all  the  wool  used  in  this  coun- 
492 


WOR 

try.  This  very  year  by  the  endintj  of  next  June  we  will  have  imported 
•of  wool  and  woolen  manufacturer  $()'),0l)0,0i)0,  everv  doU.ir  of  which  iroes 
lo  foreign  wool-growers  and  manufacturers.  Would  it  not  have  helpe<l 
us  if  it  could  have  been  paid  to  our  farmers  and  workmen? 

— OwKN,  Kecord,  5>4S. 

IVorkins  people— IIoiuom.    (Si  o  \o.  III.) 

IVorkinp^inen. 

No.  12:tU. — The  author  and  the  advocate.4  of  this  bill  declare  it  is  in 
the  interest  of  the  workingman.  They  even  hope  to  induce  working- 
men  to  believe  them.  With  tears  in  their  eyes  and  supplication  in  their 
voices  they  say  to  the  laborers,  "  Behold  your  friends !  Look  at  us  ;  we 
love  you  as  dearly  as  a  wolf  loves  niutt<m."  They  throw  their  arms 
round  the  workingman  and  while  hol-liiig  liim  |)rocpt'd  to  reduce  him 
to  pauperism  by  legislation  which  reduces  his  wages  to  the  starvation 
rates  paid  in  Europe. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  workingmen  of  this  country  will  not  be  de- 
ceived by  these  false  pretenses.  They  are  men  of  brains  as  well  as  muscle. 
They  know  that  upon  their  intelligent  labor  rest-s  the  prosperity  of  the 
nation.  They  know  that  only  through  protection  can  tliey  obtain  wages 
which  lead  to  independence  and  the  means  of  education,  which  lea<ls  to 
intelligence. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  great  body  of  mechanics  and  workingmen  in  this 
country  will  never  submit  to  the  wholesale  dentruction  of  American  in- 
dustries, and  have  their  wages  reduced  ^o  a  level  with  the  pauper  labor 
of  Europe,  and  political  parties  will  do  Well  to  be  warned  in  time.  The 
party  that  attempts  it  will,  and  deservedly  so,  be  utterly  crushed  out  of 
existence. 

Nichols  (Indept.),  Record,  4581.    (See  also  No.  99o.) 

IVorkini^ineu  \h.  Free-tratlorM. 

'So.  ISIO. — To-day  every  old  Foul-driverof  the  South  is  a  free-trader. 
Free  trade  is  against  the  poor  man  and  in  favor  of  the  rich  m  in  when  it 
lets  the  rich  man  buy  what  he  wants  abroad  and  emf»loy  the  foreign 
workers  at  lower  wages  in  place  of  the  Ameri(^n  producer  who  stands 
ready  with  his  capital,  the  workman's  skill,  his  practical  knowledge,  his 
induBtrj',  his  strength,  his  health.  In  this  country  today  the  working- 
iuan  has  the  ballot  to  defend  him  against  the  competition  of  under -pai<l 
workmen  ami  plethoric  capital  in  Europe,  and  Coolie  ami  Chinese  labor 
in  Asia,  for  all  of  them  by  cheap  ocean  freights  are  now  brought  near 
our  door. 

— McCoMAS,  Record,  3S;W, 

Working  people  better  here  than  in  KnKlaixl- 

No.  1211. — Will  the  Senators  wlio  talk  about  free  trade  point  me  to 
a  nation  on  the  earth  that  has  u'^cuinulated  money  as  we  have  ac<"umu- 
lated  it?  Will  thry  point  to  a  nation  in  the  world  wlinre  lab  ir  1h  ho  well 
paid,  where  it  is  so  much  respected,  wh«-re  every  avenue  of  progress, 
every  awenue  of  honor,  of  preferment,  and  of  distinction  is  oin-n  to  the 
laborer  as  it  is  here,  where  the  people  have  engaged  in  sucli  magnificent 
enterprises  and  accomplished  them,  where  the  great  cliurities  have  been 
managed  and  kept  alive  as  nowhere  else?  Why,  Mr.  President,  we  have 
sent  relief  abroad  to  siifTering  Ireland,  and  we  have  sent  it  to  other 
nations  of  the  world.  The  rnisHionary  people  in  this  country  send  more 
than  $(i,0()0,000  a  year  to  the  heathen,  and  the  laboring  girh  who  work 
in  kitchensand  the  boys  who  work  in  Hlal)les  every  year  send  to  Ireland 
more  than  $15,000,000  to  save  their  kindred  from  the  eflivts  of  free  trado 

493 


WOR 

in  Tr:>Knil ;  an  1  so  as  is  piiggested  to  me  by  the  (Senator  from  Vt- rmont 
[.Mr.  K'hnunils],  theiir  own  condition  i3  100  per  cent,  better  than  it  ever 
w.i.s  anywhere  el-^e,  or  than  is  that  of  their  kindred  at  home.  More  thair 
tiiree  an<l  a  half  mihions  of  EngUahmen,  including  Irishmen  in  the 
number,  have  ROuj?lit  an  asylum  in  this  country  and  are  here.  Do  you 
want  to  apply  Enjjlish  methods,  to  put  your  hibor  where  the  Engliph  put 
theirs?  If  they  are  better  oil' there  why  do  they  not  stay  there,  why  do 
they  come  her*',  and  why  Are  they  coming  here  whenever  they  can,  and 
whv  is  it  that  they  never  return  ? 

— Senator  Tbllkr,  Record,  2206. 

Workiiii;  people  ot  Europe— Immoral  eoiidition  of. 

\«.  I^ilti. —  In  the  manufacture  of  cloth  in  the  district  of  Potedam- 
Frankibrt  on  the  Oder  there  are  said  to  be  about  L'Cl.OOO  hands  employed, 
of  whom  about  14  GOD  are  women,  at  a  weeklv  wage  of  10  to  12  marks 
($2,50  to  $3)  or  200,000  to  ."OO.OOO  marks  ($04  000  to  $75,000)  for  the  whole 
number,  or  about  15,000,000  marks  ($;^, 750,000)  a  year,  which  is  four-and- 
a-half  times  as  much  as  is  paid  by  the  mines  to  their  hands. 

Speaking  of  the  wages  in  the  Dresden  district,  he  says  : 

"The  inspector  for  the  Dresden  district  gives  the  following  as  the 
average  wages  paid  in  his  district,  otherwise  is  not  much  said  about  wages^ 
namely  : 

"Centa. 

''Hand  workmen per  hour...  3J  to  5  ' 

"  Factory  operative do 5  to  7^ 

*'  Female  workers do 2\  to  3i 

"  Young  persons,  fourteen  to  sixteen  years  old do ij  to  2 

"To  a  child  twelve  to  fourteen  years  old do A  to  1 

"At  piecework  20  to  25  per  cent,  more  is  made." 

Speaking  of  the  mines,  furnaces,  etc.,  he  says: 

"In  the  bringing  up  of  iron  ore  women  are  used  day  and  night,  and 
principally  in  tending  the  windlasses  and  rolling  wheelbarrows.  The 
iron  ore  is  brought  to  the  surface  by  means  of  windlasses,  to  work  each 
of  which  there  are  four  to  six  girls,  according  to  the  depth  of  carrage- 
Where  the  depth  is  20  meters  (about  G5  feet;  four  girls  in  eight-hour 
turns  wind  up  SO  buckets  of  iron  ore,  each  of  which  holds  from  1  to  IJ 
centners  of  ore  (110-105  English  pounds).  The  wages  are  very  low,  but 
the  work  is  preferred  by  the  girls  to  domestic  service,  because  they  are 
at  it  but  eight  hours  at  a  time  and  can  then  do  as  they  please.  The  in- 
spector thinks  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  machinery  should  displace 
these  women,  because  they  are  cheaper  than  macnines  would  be. 

"  In  the  furnaces  and  in  the  iron  and  steel  rolling-mills  the  regular 
work  of  iron  forgers  is  performed  only  by  men.  The  work  done  by  the 
women  is  that  of  bringing  coke,  ore,  and  limestone  to  the  furnaces^ 
pouring  water  on  the  glowing  coals,  and  removing  the  ashes  and  slag 
from  the  puddle-work. 

—Ryan,  Record,  4825. 

Working  people  in  Ireland. 

[Schoenhof  Cousular  Report  No.  86,  November,  1887.] 

No.  13  13.— I  want  to  come  to  their  method  of  living.    He  found  a 

man  who  was  a  hand-loom  weaver,  and  he  says:  '. 

"  He  was  a  cheery  old  fellow;  in  fact,  like  most  of  the  poor  people  of 

Ireland  whom  I  met.     In  his  younger  years  he  was  a  bricKlayer  in  Eng-^ 

land;  now  he  has  returned  to  Ireland,  and  is  well  satisfied  if  he  can  ply 

his  old  traile  and  earn  enough  to  keep  him  in  bodily  repair.     Work, 

however,  only  lasts  for  him  from  summer  until  after  Christmas,  and  very 

404 


WOR 

little  work  can  be  found  for  the  fimt  Mx  months  of  the  year,  which  is  the 
case  witli  all  hand-loom  weavers.  Mu-t  of  theiu,  however,  an  h&ul  al>ove, 
have  a  little  land  lo  keep  ihein  sup|)lied  with  the  inerwHt  neoeHHitie8  for 
these  dull  months  in  the  weavin;;  trade,  ami  don't  deptMid  entirely  ou 
theirloomsfor  a  living,  as  this  old  man  does.  I  a^ked  about  hisdiet.and  he 
eave  me  a  piece  of  bread  made  of  yellow  meal,  which  I  had  been  shown 
oy  nearly  all  the  jKior  people  and  umall  farment  whom  I  visited." 

Then  he  quotes  from  iiim  : 

"As  to  tea,  cotlee,  or  beer,  and  meat  [he  said],  we  know  nothing  at  alV 
of  that.  Cold  water  is  what  we  drink,  and  yellow  meal  we  eat.  If  1 
have  2  ounces  of  tobacco  a  week  I  am  very  happy." 

He  pays  no  rent,  as  liis  neighbors,  also  very  poor  people,  gave  him  the 
little  ehed  which  he  occupies  free  of  charge. 

— J^enator  Platt,  Record,  1016. 

H'orkiiiK    women— Eii<*oiir»ti:iii((    outlook    Tor    under   fVee 
trade. 

Xo.  lull. — L<iok  at  the  great  free-trade  city  of  r.inuintrham,  the 
home  of  Briirht  anil  Chamberlain,  and  compare  the  condition  of  it«  work- 
ing people  with  those  of  our  own  Birmingham,  in  a  Southern  State,  which 
will  BOC)n,  in  industrial  self-defense,  repudiate  the  economic  doctrines  of 
the  Democratic  party. 

In  a  locality  7  miles  from  that  great  city  of  Birmingham,  sixteen  thou- 
sand English  women — wives,  mothers,  and  daughters — toil  by  day  and  by 
night  making  nails  and  rivets.  A  writer  in  the  London  Standard  speaks 
thus  of  their  remuneration  : 

"The  remuneration  they  receive  is  incredibly  small.  It  is  no  unusual 
thing,  indeed  it  is  the  u.sual  custom,  for  a  family  of  three  or  four  persons, 
after  working  fourteen  hours  a  day,  to  earn  $')  in  a  week,  out  of  which 
scanty  amount  deductions  are  made  for  fuel,  repairing  machinery,  etc., 
which  makes  the  actual  pay  for  three  persons  $4. IS  per  week,  work  com- 
mencing at  half  past  7  in  the  morning  and  continuing  all  through  ih» 
weary  day  until  late  at  night,  with  no  suhHtanlial  foo<l." 

And  another  writer  says  : 

"  These  poor  laborers  rarely  or  never  taste  meat  from  one  week's  end 
to  the  other.  The  scenes  of  misery— misery  so  deep  and  dreadful  that 
the  most  graphic  |>en  can  only  faintly  convey  its  depth  of  sorrow — that 
are  witnessed  in  this  region  would  hardlv  be  believeil  in  the  I'nited 
States." 

— GAi.t,iMOBR,  Record,  'M^SS. 

IVorkineii  better  otr. 

\o.  llSl'l. —  Workingmen  find  opportunity  for  increase*!  comforts  in 
the  fa<:t  that  the  prices  of  things  needful  in  life  have  bet>n  constantly 
reiluced,  while  the  rate  of  wages  paiil  has  been  constantly  advance*!, 
mounting  upL'"),  50,  75,  KiO,  and  in  many  instances  'MM)  per  cent,  above 
what  it  was  when  the  economic  philosophy  of  our  D^'mocratic  friends 
held  sway  in  the  Government. 

Doubtless  nine  out  of  ten  of  the  communications  received  by  gentle- 
men upon  this  floor  Iroin  their  constifuentn  protesting  agi\in«t  theass.inlt 
iu  the  Mills  bill  upon  the  industries  in  which  those  roiint-Mients  are  em- 
ployed, refer  to  the  dilTerence  in  cost  of  prodiniioji  between  their  shops, 
mills,  or  factories  and  the  cost  of  simil.ir  articles  iinixtrted  from  foreign 
countries  as  clue  to  the  increased  waijeM  paid  in  the  I'nited  States.  In 
the  pro<luction  of  the  greater  part  of  the  ou'put  of  our  manuf.icruring 
eetablishmentfl  lal)or  contributt««  the  larger  share;  Bu-'h  contribution 
ranging  from  10  to  over  IMJ  per  cent. 

— lUTTKRwoRTn,  Reconl,  4.?03. 
405 


\VOK— WKU 

'Workinoii— If<yir  tlicy  live. 

X<>.  l!i  10.— 1  will  eiiKiii^e  to  go  with  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  into  any  shop 
or  factory  in  my  district  where  the  workmen  I  have  alluded  to  are  em- 
ployed, and  select  a  man  at  random,  ami  you  will  not  tind  one  who  can- 
not read  the  Constitution  of  his  country  in  one  language  or  two  languages, 
or  who  does  not  understand  the  rights  it  secures  and  the  obligations  it 
imposes.  Go  with  him  to  his  home.  In  that  home  you  will  lind  not 
merely  the  ordinary  comforts  and  conveniences  of  life,  but  also  the  in- 
<;onte8tibIe  evidence  of  education  and  refinement.  Books  and  music  will 
be  found  there.  The  daughter  of  that  household  will  be  found  not  only 
equal  to  the  discharge  of  the  duties  which  pertain  to  housewifery,  but, 
taking  her  place  at  the  piano,  she  will  discourse  the  rarest  music  from 
AVagner,  Beethoven,  and  other  masters  in  that  science.  Upon  the  walls 
you  will  find  paintings  which  are  the  handiwork  of  the  members  of  that 
Jamily.  There  will  be  found  worthy  example  upon  the  part  of  the  par- 
ents and  filial  piety  on  the  part  of  the  children. 

— BuTTERWORTH,  Record,  4394. 

Worsted  clotli— 1860-'88. 

Xo.  1247.— In  18()0  there  were  three  mills  in  the  country,  wages 
were  low,  business  poor,  production  small.  We  encouraged  it  with  a 
heavy  duty,  and  in  18S;5  we  were  running  5,000  looms,  employing  75,000 
workmen,  consuming  50,000,000  pounds  of  wool,  producing  15,000,0u0 
yards  annually,  with  a  capital  of  $20,000,000.  During  this  time  worsted 
cloths  declined  in  price  from  35  to  40  per  cent.  In  1883  the  duty  was 
reduced ;  by  a  vicious  construction  of  the  law  a  greater  reduction  still 
was  made;  now  one-third  of  our  looms  are  idle.  In  1883  we  imported  a 
little  less  than  $500,000  worth  of  these  goods,  last  year  nearly  $5,C 00,000. 
If  the  President  succeeds  in  inducing  Congress  to  still  further  reduce,  all 
of  our  mills  will  close,  we  shall  once  more  import  all  we  need  from  Eng- 
land, and  the  prices  will  go  back  to  those  of  18G0. 

— Senator  Fryb,  Record,  655. 

Worsteds— Woolen. 

No.  1348. — The  capital  invested  in  the  manufacture  of  worsteds  is  a 
little  over  twenty  millions  of  dollars.  New  England's  share  being  over 
thirteen  millions.  The  material  used  aggregates  twenty-two  millions,  of 
which  New  England  uses  thirteen  millions,  and  the  manufactured  prod- 
uct is  thirty-three  millions,  twenty  millions  of  which  is  credited  to  the 
New  England  States. 

— Gallingeb,  Record,  3690. 

Wrougi^  of  the  Administration. 

Xo.  12 19. — Mr.  Chairman,  among  the  few  things — some  commenda- 
ble, some  despicable — done  by  this  Administration,  there  are  at  least 
three  for  which  it  cannot  escape,  if  it  would,  the  condemnation  of  a  ma- 
jority of  most  thoughtful  and  intelligent  people  of  the  country.  For 
three  attacks,  neither  of  which  involved  the  least  exposure  to  physical 
danger,  this  Administration  will  be  justly  celebrated.  First,  the  attack 
on  the  silver  dollar;  second,  that  upon  the  outstanding  greenbacks,  and, 
third,  that  upon  the  protective  system  under  which  this  Government 
has  grown  and  prospered,  and  by  reason  of  which,  as  we  on  this  side  of 
the  Chamber  believe  and  declare,  she  has  attained  financially,  commer- 
cially, intellectually,  and  nationally  the  proud  distinction  accorded  her 
by  the  civilized  world. 

— Struble,  Record,  4321. 

496 


ZIN 


J^iiic— NtrikiuK  <iou'n  an  iiitliiNtry. 

'So.  1330-  —  riie  re>lacti  Ki  pr  >p)si'il  in  lh»»  bill  nuiktM  bo  Hiuall  a^ de- 
crease in  tbe  revenue  ai  hardly  lo  t»e  jHTcepible  ;  indeed,  it  w  ill  virtually 
make  an  increase;  but  accordiOk?  lo  tlio  estimate  oliho  cuuimiitee  there 
will  be  cullecfed  under  the  rute  of  duly  proposed  by  them  $")2,90t3  13, 
while  at  present  the  amount  of  annual  revenue  is  il  11,(100.  Thisie  an  in- 
dustry which  has  just  Rprun;^  >ip  within  lue  last  ten  or  eleven  years.  It 
is  no*  pr.>sperinn.  Men  have  expendL-d  fortunes  in  the  purciiase  of  ma- 
chinery ai;d  mechaniciil  applianees  for  lb-.;  developmvntcf  thia  induHtry. 
It  does  seem  to  me,  therefore,  that  in  <'i>mmon  f^iirniKS  ibn  d  ity  should 
notbercduied  as  here  proposed.  It  is  not  in  fd<-t  a  reduL\i<.n  of  the 
revenue  ;  it  is  simply  striking  down  an  industry.  It  is  |X'rhaps  unfortu- 
nate for  my  State  that  we  are  too  reliable  on  one  pide  i)olitioaily.  If  Mis- 
souri were  among  the  doubiful  States  her  induetriis  would  not  thus  l>o 
trampled  under  foot  in  this  House,  presumably  tlie  hou.se  of  her  friends. 

— Waknek,  Recijrd,  G4<>7. 

xxxii  40T 


APPENDIX. 


ExpofKiituroM— Increase  of. 

Xo.   12v5R.— How    William    S.  Holman,  in  his  speech  on  taxation^ 
February  1,  1888,  Record,  p.  G003,  compares  expenditures  as  follows  : 

''Ten  years  ago  the  current  ordinary  expenses  of  the  Government, 
deducting  the  pension  list,  was  $;107,:^2G,43;107.  In  1887,  last  year,  the 
same  expenses  were  j;i4o,K'l,o00y3,  an  increase  in  ten  years  of  $37,o35,- 
067.32.  There  is  a  dis^crepancy  in  these  figures  with  the  table  of  the 
American  Almanac,  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  present  administration. 
The  correct  figures  are — including  all  expenses  for  Civil,  War.  Navy, and 
Indian  services— in  1877,  J!11.V24g,211  ;  and  in  1887,  |!145,1G5,G0].  This 
shows  that  (he  present  Democratic  administration  coat  $29,91!>,390  more 
than  the  Republican  admiruBtration  with  which  it  is  compared.  But 
this  comparison  is  not  quite  fair  as  there  may  be  exceptional  figures  in 
these  two  years.  Take  the  three  years  of  Mr.  Cleveland's  administra- 
tion, and  compare  them  with  the  three  preceding  years  of  Mr.  Arthur's, 
and  we  have  the  following:  Total  ordinary  expenditures  for  1882  4;. 
$399,013,307  ;  average  per  year.  $133,304,43G.  Total  for  188o-7,  $426,388,- 
041 ;  average,  $142,129,.347.  This  shows  an  increased  cost  for  the  three 
years  of  $26,474,734,  and  an  annual  average  of  $9,824,911,  This  is  Dem- 
ocratic economy,  versus  Republican  extravagance. 

—Record,  6003. 

Surplus  revenue. 

Xo.  X'i^'i. — The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  estimates  the  groas  receipts 
for  the  year  ending  June  3'»,  1889,  at  ^383,000,000.  Add  to  ihip,  receipts 
of  Postoffice  not  included,  and  we  have  a  grand  total  of  $440,000,000. 
He  estimates  the  expenditures  at  $326,530  793.  Add  the  expenditure  of 
Postcfiice  receipts  as  above,  $"7,000,000.  and  we  have  $383,530,793.  This 
allows  a  surplus  of  $5G  4G9.207  for  the  fiscal  year.  To  prevent  the  accum- 
ulation of  this  surplus  is  the  reason  given  for  the  passage  of  the  Mills  bill. 
But  Congress  has  already  passed  appropriation  bills,  or  will  certainly  pa?8 
them,  which  aggregate  $288,764,000  ;  to  this  add  the  deficiency  bill  $18,- 
227,000  ;  and  the  statutory,  or  permanent  appropriations,  as  per  Secretary's 
report,  $115,640,000  ;  and  public  building,  and  personal  relief  bills,  $5,G36,- 
000,  and  we  have  a  grand  total  of  $428,207,000.  This  leaves  a  visible  sur- 
plus of  only  $11  733,000.  But  these  figures  are  said  to  contain  a  duplica- 
tion ff  $5,500,000  <  f  appropriations  which  will  be  eliminated,  leaving  the 
vif-ille  earp'us  $17  223,000.  These  are  the  latest  figures  accessible  at  the 
last  moment  before  going  to  press,  and  can  be  depended  on  as  approxi- 
mately correct.  As  ihe  Mills  bill  proposes  to  reduce  internal  revenue 
$24,000,000,  it  is  obvious  that  nothing  can  be  spared  from  the  tariff".  As 
that  bill  proposes  a  tariff  reduction  f  f  $54,000,000  in  customs,  if  passed 
there  would  be  a  deficiency  of  $60,00f),000.  In  1891,  over  $200,00f>,000  of 
bond  became  due  and  payable,  for  which  no  provision  is  contemplated  by 
tariff  reformers.  In  short,  if  the  Mills,  or  Democratic  programme  is  car- 
ried out,  reductions  of  the  public  debt  will  cease,  and  it  will  soon  begin  to 
increase  again  under  an  empty  Treasury. 
498 


Present  Law  and  Mills  Bill  Compared. 


No.  125:t. — The  followinp  statement  of  the  rate*  of  duty  ptiblished 
by  the  Comruittt'e  on  Ways  ami  Means,  House  of  R»'{)re«entiitivej'.  in 
connection  with  the  -Mills  bill,  has  been  revised  by  liKSJAMis  Dikkkk, 
Clerk  to  the  Committee  on  Finance.  I'nited  States  Senate,  and  coinijared 
with  exiating  law. — [Ed. 


Articles. 


I   Present  rates 
I        of  dutv. 


Rait  8  of  dot  V  by 
Mills  bilf. 


DiTIABI.K. 

Animals,  not  eUe where  specified  : 

Cattle 

Hops 

Horses 

Sheep .• 

All  other _ 

Art-work-?,  not  elsewhere  specified  : 

Paintings,  in  oil  or  water  colors 

Statuary 

Blacking  of  all  kinds 

Hladd-.-rs,  manufactures  of, 

Books,  map^,  engravings,  etchings, 
and  other  printed  matter,  not  elee- 
where  specitied  : 

Baoks,  painphletfl,  bound  or  un- 
bound and  all  printed  matter, 
not    specially  enumerated    or 

provided  for 

Engravings,  bound  or  unbound, 
etchings,  and  illustrated  books.. 

Maps  and  charts 

Bibles,  books,  and  pamphlets,  |)rinted 
in  other  languages  than  Emrlish, 
and  books  an<l  pamphlets  and  all 
publicationsof  foreign  governments, 
and  publications  of  foreign  socie- 
ties, historical  or  scientific,  printed 

for  gratuitous  distribution 

Bra»<,  and  manufactures  of: 

Bars  or  nigs 

Old,  and  clippings  from  brass,  or 

Dutch  metal 

Manufactures     of,    not     specially 

enumerated  or  provided  for 

Breadstuffa : 

Barley  

Barley,  pearled,  pattnt,  or  hulled... 

Barley  malt 

Corn  or  maize 

Corn-meal 

Uata 

Oatmeal 

*  In  the  Mills  bill  as  n  ported  to  the 


20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

20  per  cent I'O  ptr  cent. 

20  per  cent 2(t  i»-r  cent. 

20  p?r  cent 20  jier  cent. 

20  per  cent 20  pt-r  cent. 

:?0  per  cent ;?0  per  cent.* 

30  per  cent :w  pc^r  cent. 

2'>  |>er  cent 20  per  cent. 

2.')  par  cent 2.')  j>er  cent. 


2'^  par  cent.        ^  25  par  cent. 
t5  par  cent.  2.')  per  cent 


25  par  cent 


•5  per  cent. 


Free. 


lie.  per  pound..  IJc.  per  pound. 
l\c.  per  pound.  Ijc.  per  pound. 
45  per  cent 40  per  cent 


10c.  per  bushel.. 
Jc.  per  pound... 
'.  Oi\  per  bushel.. 
10c.  per  bushel. 
10c.  jK-r  bushel.. 
10c.  \}ST  busheH. 
ic  per  pound... 


10c.  i)er  bushel. 
Ac.  per  pound. 
20c.  per  bushel. 
KV.  per  bushel. 
KV.  per  bushel. 
l<>c.  jKT  bushel. 
Jc-  ppr  pound. 

House  these  items  were  free. 
4UU 


Present  law  and  Mille  bUl  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


Present    rates 
of  duty. 


ni  TIARI.E. 

Breadetnffs — Continued. 

Rye 

Rve  flour 

Wheat 

Wheal- lluur 

Bristles 

Brooms  of  all  kinds 

Brushes  of  all  kinds 

Broom  corn 

Buttons  and  button  materials : 
Buttons  and  button-raohip,  not  spe- 
cially   enumerated    or  provided 
for,  not  including  bra^s,  gilt,  or 

silk  buttons 

Lasting,  mohair,  cloth,  silk,  twist, 
or  other  manufactures  of  cloth, 
woven  or  made  in  patterns  of 
such  f^iz.e,  shape,  or  form,  or  cut 
in  such  manner  as  to  be  fit  for 

buttons  exclusively 

Candles  and  tapers  of  all  kinds 

Carriases,  and  parte  of,  not  specially 

enumera'ed  or  provided  for 

Cement,  Roman,  Portland,  and  all 

other 

Chalk,  prepared,  precipitated,  French, 
red,  and  all  other  chalk  prepara- 
tions not  specially  enumerated  or 

provided  for 

Chemicals,  drugs,  dyes,  and    medi- 
cines, not  elsewhere  specified : 
Acids — 
Acetic,    acetous,    or     pyroligne- 
ous  acid 
Spe<ific  gravity  not  exceeding 

1,(147... 

Specific  gravity  exceeding  1,047. 
Boracic — 

Coinmercial 

Purp 

ChroHiic 

Citric 

Tannic  and  tannin 

Tartaric 

Alumina,     alum,     patent      alum, 

alum      Fubstitute,     pu'phate    of 

alumina,    aluminous    cake,   anci 

and  alum  in  crystals  or  ground.., 

Ammonia — 

Anhydrous,    liquefied  by  press- 
ure  

Aqna  or  water  of  ammonia 

500 


Rates  if  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


10c.  per  bushel.. 

Ac.  per  p('Uiid...|   ^^.  ^^.  , 

L'Oc.  per  bushel..    liOc.  per  bunhel. 

L'O  per  cent '  '^'^ 

15c.  per  pound.  I 

25  per  cent 

30  per  cent 


25  per  cent. 


10  per  cent.. 
20  per  cent. 

35  per  cent.. 

20  percent., 


lf>c.  per  bushe^' 
^c.  ler  pf)und. 


20  per  cent. 

Fr^e. 

20  per  cent. 

20  per  cent. 

Frte. 


20  per  cent. 


2c.  pt-r  pound.. 
10c.  per  pound. 

4c.  per  pound.. 
5'-.  per  p  >und.. 
15  per  cent  ...*.. 
10c.  per  pound., 
$1  per  pound.. 
10c.  per  pound, 


25  per  cent. 


10  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 

30  per  cent. 

20  per  cent. 

20  per  cent. 


2c.  per  pound. 
5i".  per  p'tand. 

5r..  pei  pound. 
5<-.  per  p')und. 
15  ^•»'■  cent. 
Idc  p^T  pound. 
50it  per  jKJund. 
10c.  per  pound. 


jC.  per  pound...  Free. 


20  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 


20  pi  r  cent. 
2V'  pt-r  cent. 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


UlTIAULE. 


Rates  of  duty  by 

Mills  bilb. 


Chemirals,  dru^s,  I'^t'.— Continueil. 

Ammonia — Continued.  ' 

Carbonate  of '  20  per  cent '  20  per  cent 

Muriate  of,  or  sal  ammoninc 1"  per  cent Id  per  cent. 

Sulphate  of 20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

Antimony,  as  repulus  or  metal 10  percent \  Free. 

Bark  for  tanninv,  exfractn  of — 

Hemlock 20  ]>  t  cent.....^    Free. 

Borax —  ' 

Crude .'k.  per  pound...    Free. 

R  fined  oc.  per  pound...    Free. 

Camphor,  refined 5c.  i)'r  j)Ound...    oc.  p«>r  pound. 

Chloroform 50c.  per  pound..'  50c.  per  i>ound. 

Coal-tar  colors  or  dyes,  not  specially  ' 

enumerated  or  provided  for 35  per  cent '  35  per  cent. 

Coal-tar,   all    preparations   of,  not  j 

colors    or    dyes,     not    specially  ' 

enumerated  or  provided  for*. ......  20  jier  cent Free. 

Cobalt,  oxide  of 20  per  cent |  20  per  cent. 

Coloring  for  brandy 50  per  cent 1  50  per  cent. 

Collodion,  and   all   compounds  of  ! 

pyroxyline 50c.  per  pound..    50c.  per  pound. 

Copper,  sulphate  of,  or  blue  vitriol..'  3c.  per  pound...'  Free. 

Crysillic  wa«h  for  eheep 20  p^-r  cent Free. 

Di^xtrine,  burnt  starch,  gum  substi- 
tute, or  British  gum Ic.  per  pound...    leper  pound. 

Ether.-.—  \ 

Nil rou9.  spirits  of 30c.  per  pound..    30^.  per  pounp. 

Sulphuric 50c.  per  pound..    50c.  per  pounp. 

Of  all  kinds,  not  specially  enu- 
merated or  provide*!  for ^1  per  pound....    |1  per  pound. 

Fish-glue,  or  isinglass 25  per  cent 25  per  cent. 

Gelatine,  and  all  similar  prepara- 
tions   30  per  cent 30  per  cent. 

Glycerine —  ' 

Crude,     brown,    or    yellow,     of  j 

specific     gravity     of    1.25     or  | 
less  at  a    temperature  of    60°  '  I 

Fahrenheit,  not  ptiritied  by  re- '  I 

tining  or  distilling 2c.  per  pound...    Free. 

Refined 5c.  per  pound...    3c.  per  pound. 

Indigo  — 

Carmined 10  per  cent '   Free. 

Extract  of 10  per  cent Free. 

Iodine 40i'.  per  pound..    Free. 

Iodoform '  $2  per  pound....    f 2  |>er  pound. 

Iron,  sulphate  of,  or  copperas ,'o«'-  P-    pound...    Free. 

*The  text  i>f  the  Mills  bill  is  as  follows  :  '•  .Ml  prei>aration<»  of  coal-tar 
not  colors  or  <lyes,  and  not  acids  of  colors  and  dy««.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  this  takes  in  nil  prc-pamtions  except  acids,  even  such  as  may  in  the 
present  law  be  enumerated. 

501 


Preaent  law  and  MUla  bUl  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


DUTIABLE. 

Chemicale,  drugs,  &c.— Continued. 
Lead,  acetate  of — 

Brown 

White 

Nitrate  of. 

Licorice — 

Juice 

Paste  or  roll 

Logwood  and  other  dye-woods,  ex- 
tracts, and  decoctions 

Magnesia — 

Calcined 

Ciirbonate  of,  medicinal 

Sulphate,  Epsom  saltp 

Mineral   waters,  all    imitations  of 
natural   mineral   waters,  and  all 

artificial  mineral  waters 

Morphia,  or  morphine,   and   salts 

thereof. 

Opium — 
Crude,  containing  9  per  cent,  and 

over  of  morphia 

Extract  of,  aqueous,  for  medi- 
cinal uses 

Prepared  for  smoking,  and  all 
other  preparations  of,  not  spe- 
cially enumerated  or  provided 

for 

Tincture  of,  as  laudanum,  and  all 
other  liquid  preparations  of, 
not    specially   enumerated    or 

provided  for 

Pho-phorus 

Potash— 
Bicarbonate  of,  or  ealeratus,  cal- 
cined or  pearl-ash 

Carbonate  of,  or  fused 

Caustic ,. 

Chlorate  of 

Cbromate  and  bichromate  of 

Crude  

Hyilriodate,  iodide,  and  iodate  of. 
Nitrate  of,  or  saltpeter — 

Crude 

Refined 

Prussiate  of — 

Red 

Yellow  

Sulphate  of 

SdDtonine  

502 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


4c.  per  p-)und.. 
()j.  per  pound.. 
3c.  per  pound.. 


3c.  per  pound.. 
7^c.  per  pound. 


2 '.  per  pound. 
"n'.  per  pound. 
2c.  per  pound 

^r>  per.  cent. 
5c.  per  pound. 


10  per  cent Free. 


10c.  per  pound. 
5c.  per  pound.. 
Ac.  per  pound  .. 


30  per  cent. . . . 
$1  per  ounce., 


$1  per  pound... 
40  per  cent 


7c.  per  pound. 
3c.  per  pound. 
Jc.  per  pound. 


Free. 

50c.  per  ounce. 

Free. 

40  per  cent. 


f  10  per  pound...   $10  per  pound. 


40  per  cent 

10c.  per  pound. 

lie.  per  pound. 

20  per  cent  

20  per  cent 

3c.  per  pound.. 
3c.  p^r  piund... 

20  p°r  cent , 

r)Oc.  per  pound. 

Ic.  per  pound.. 
Uc.  per  pound. 

lOc.  per  pound. 
5?.  per  pound.., 

20  per  cent 

$3  per  pound  .. 


40  per  cent. 
Free. 


3c.  per  p  mnd. 

Free. 

Free. 

Free. 

2ic.  per  pound. 

Free. 

50c.  per  p:)und. 

Free. 

Ic.  per  pound. 

7c.  per  pound. 

3c.  per  p:)und. 

Free. 

$3  per  pound. 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared, — Continu.nL 


Articles. 


Present  rates    I  Rates  of  daly  hj 
of  duty.  Mills  bill. 


Jc'-  per  pound. 

t<*.  per  pound, 
'ree. 
ic.  [)ir  pound. 

\c.  per  pound. 
\e.  por  pound. 

Free. 


i>i  riAiii.F. 

•Chemicals,  drugs,  6ic. — Continue<!. 
Soda — 
Bicarbonate  of,  or  Bupercarl)onate 

of l|c.  j)Pr  pound.. 

Hydrate  or  causHc Ic.  f>er  pound... 

Nitrite  of 

Sal,  or  soda  crvHtals \c.  per  pound... 

Silicate  of,  or  other  alkaline  sili- 
cate     he.  per  pound... 

Soda  ash , ic  per  pound... 

Sulphate  of^ 

Glauber  salts 1*0  per  cent 

Salt-cake,  crude  or  retincd,  or 

niter-cake,  crude  or  refined...    20  p^r  cent Free. 

Strychnia,  or  strychnine,  and   all 

salts  thereof 50c.  per  ounce...    50c.  per  ounce. 

Sulphur — 

Hetined,  in  rolls $10  per  ton Free.  • 

Sublimed,  or  flowers  of. \  $'20  per  ton $12  per  ton. 

Sumac — 

K.xtract  of 20  j)er  cent 

(iround ,'or.  per  pjund.. 

Tartar- 
Cream  of. (>c.  per  pound... 

Partly     relind,     including    lees' 

crystals 4c.  per  pound... 

Tartrate   of  soda  and  potassa  or 

Rochelle  palte  

All  other,  not  f-in'cially  enumerated 

or  provided  for —  , 

Barkrt,   beans,   berries,    balsams,  ' 

buds,  bulbs  and  bulbous  roots  i 

and  excrescence.",  such  as  nut- 

jjalls,  fruits,  flower8,(lried  libers,  i 

Krains,  minis  and   pum  resins,  I 

herbs,  leaves,  lichens,  moaies,  i 

nuts,  roots   and   stems,  spices, 

vegetabk'S,     seeds     (nr  )matic, 

not  garden  seeds),  and   seeds 

of  morbid  growth, weeds, woo<l8 

used  expressly  for  dyeing,  and 

dried  insects,  any  of  the  fore-  i 

going   wliich   are    not   edible, 

but  which  have  been  a<lv.tncetl 

in  value  or  condition  by  refin- 
ing or   grindini.'.  or   bv  other 

process  of  manufacture* 10  p?r  cent Free. 

*rhe  bulk  of  articles  of  this  character  are  unenumerate<l,  and  the  re- 
fined or  manufactured  article  would  un<ler  thi.s  clause  come  in  free. 


20  per  cent. 
I'V-  per  pound. 

•  h-.  per  pound. 

4  •.  per  p)und. 

.'{c.  per  i>ound...    3c.  per  pound. 


Present  law  and  Millt  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


I»l  TIAKI.F. 

Chemicals,  dniiTH,  v^c. — Continued. 

PreparatiouB  known  as  alkalies 

an<i   alkaloidrt,  and  all  coiubi- 

nalionH  uf  the  Baiue,  and  all 

chemical  compounds  and  ealta, 

by  whatever  name  known 

Preparations,  medicinal — 
Cerate'*,  conserves,  decoctions, 
emnlrjions,  extracts,  solid  or 
fluid  ;  infufcions,  juices,  lini- 
ments, lozenges,  mixtures, 
ointments,  oleo-resins,  pills, 
plasters,  powders,  resins,  sup- 
positories, sirups,  vinegars, 
and  waters,  of  any  of  which 
alcohol  is  not  a  component 

part 

Essences,  ethers,  extracta,  mix- 
tures, spirits,  tinctures,  and 
medicatetl  wines,  of  which 
alcohol    is  component  part. 

pounds 

Preparations,  proprietary,  to  wit : 
All  pills,  powders,  troches,  or 
lozenges,  sirups,  cordials,  bit- 
ters, anodynes,  tonics,  plas- 
ters, liniments,  salves,  oint- 
ments, pastes,  drops,  waters, 
epsences,  spirits,  oils,  or  prep- 
arations or  compositions  rec- 
ommended to  the  public  as 
proprietary  articles,  or  pre- 
pared according  to  some  pri- 
vate formula,  as  remedies  or 
specifics  for  any  disease  or 
diseases  or  affections  what- 
ever, affecting  the  human 
or  animal  boay  (except  cos- 
metic's and  toilet  prepara- 
tions)   

Chicory    root,  ground  or  unground, 

burnt  or  prepared 

Chocolate* 

Clay  or  earths : 

Cnina  clay,  or  kaolin 

Unwrought  or  manufactured,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  provided 
for ' 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


25  per  cent 25  per  cent. 


?5  per  cent 20  per  cent. 


50c.  per  pound..!  50c.  per  pound 


50  per  cent. 


30  per  cent. 


*  This  would  actually  come  in  free, 
is  put  on  the  free-list  by  the  Mills  bill 
aa  cocoa. 

504 


2c.  per  pound...,  Free. 

2c.  per  pound...!  2c.  per  pound. 

;  $3  per  ton '  |1  and  $2  p.  ton.     ' 

fl.oOperton Free. 

as  co::oa  prepared  or  manufactured 
,  as  all  chocolate  would  be  invoiced- 


Present  law  and  Milli  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


Present  rates 
of  daty. 


Ratesofdaty  by 
Mills  bill. 


DITIAItl.F. 

Cl^  or  earths— C<  ntinned. 

VS'roujrlil  or  manufactured,  not 
Bpeciailv  enumerated  or  provided 

for : 

Clocks  and  watchep,  «nd  partn  of: 
Chronometers,  box  or  ship's,  and 

part8  of 

Clocks  and  parts  of. 

Watches  and  parts  of: 

Watchep 

Watch  cases,  vkatch  movtment«, 
parts  of  waiche?,  and  watch 
mateiiiilH,  not  specially  enume- 

rate<l  or  provided  for 

Coal  and  coke : 

Bituminous  coal  and  shale  

Slack  or  culm  of  coal,  such  as  will 
pass  throu^'h  a  half-inch  screen... 

Coke ^ 

Cocna,  pn^pared  or  manufa<:tured 

CotTce  suhstitu'es,  viz: 

Acorn>»  and  dandelion  root,  raw  or 
prepared,  and  all  other  articles 
UPed  or  intended  to  be  U8e<i  as  : 
coffee,  or  art  substitutes  therefor, 
not  ppi'cia'ly  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for ' 

ColloiHon,  manufactured  : 
In  finished  or  partly  tinished  arti- 
cles  

Rolled  or  in  sheets,  but  not  made 

up  into  articles 

Copper  and  nnnufactures  of: 

Oref,  tine  copper  contained  therein 

ReguluB  of,  and  black  or  coarsj 
copj)er,  and  copper  cement,  fine 
copper  containeu  therein 

Old,  ht  only  for  reman:ifacture 

ClippinjjH  from  new  copfM'r 

Composition  mt-tal,  of  which  cop- 
per is  a  component  material  of 
chief  value,  not  specially  enumer- 
ated or  provided  for - 

Plates,  not  rjlle<l ;  bars,  in^ota.  Chili 
or  other  pi^r,  and  in  other  forms 
not  manufacture<l  or  ennni'-Mted 

Plates,  rolled,  called  brazifrs'  cop- 

Eer  sheets,  rods,  pipes,  and  copper 
ottoms  

Sheathinjr,  or  yellow  metal,  not 
wholly  of  copper,  nor  wholly  nor 


i'A  per  ton |3  per  ton. 


10  per  cent. 
'Mt  i>er  cent 


1<|  per  cent. 
30  per  cent. 


25  per  cent 25  per  cent. 


2")  per  cent. 
75c.  per  ton 


.SO  cts.  per  t<»n.. 

20  per  cent 

2.'.  per  pound  .. 


25  per  cent. 

75c.  per  ton. 

.SOi'.  per  ton. 
20  per  cent. 
Free. 


2c  per  p^und....  Free. 


60i:.  per  lb.  and 
85  per  cent. ... 

tiOc.  per  pound... 

2*c.  per  pound .. 


3ic.  per  pound. 
3-.  per  jKiund  . 
3c.  per  jx)Uiid  . 


3c.  per  pound 
4c.  per  pound 

M.'i  per  i<  lit 


(iOc  per  lb.  and 
25  percent. 

(►O.*.  per  pound. 

Free. 


Free. 
Fn^e. 
1  •.  per  {M)und. 


.'V)  per  cent. 
'2r.  j)er  pound. 
■'0  ptT  cent, 
505 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


DrTiAKi.i:. 

in  part  of  iron,  iinpalvanized,  in 
sheets  48'  inches  long  and  14 
inches  wide,  and  weighitig  from 

14  to  o4  ounces  per  square  foot 

Manufactures,  articles,  or  wares 
not  specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
videa  for,  composed  wholly  or  in 
part  of  copp)er,  whether  partly  or 

wholly  manufactured 

Corks  and  cork    bark,  manufactured 
Corsets,  of  whatever  ma'.erial  com- 
posed   

Cotton,  manufactures  of: 
Thread— 
Thread,  yarn,   warps,  or  warp- 
yarns,  whether  single  or  ad- 
vanced, beyond  the  condi- 
tion of   single,  by   twisting 
two  or  more  single  yarns  to- 
gether, whether  on  beams  or 
in  bundleSjSkeins,  or  cops,  or 
in  any  other  form — 
Valued    at    not  exceeding  25 

cents  per  pound 

Valued  at  over  I'o  and  not  ex- 
ceeding 40  cents  per  pound... 
Valued  at  over  40  and  not  ex- 
ceeding 50  cents  per  pound... 
Valued  at  over  5Q  and  not  ex- 
ceeding GO  cents  per  pound... 
Valued  at  over  (10  and  not  ex- 
ceeding 70  cents  per  pound... 
Valued  at  over  70  and  not  ex- 
ceeding 80  centa  per  pound... 
Valued   at  over  80  centa  and 
not  exceeding  $1  per  pound... 
Valued  at  over  ^l  per  pound.... 
Thread  on  spools — 

Of  100  yards  each  spool 

<:noth— 

Not  exceeding  100  threads  to  the 
square  inch,  counting  the 
warp  and  tilling — 

Not  bleached,  dyed,  colored, 
stained,  painted,  or  printed, 
valued  at  8  centa  or  less  per 
square  yard 

Bleac'ied,  valu"d  at  10  cents  or 
less,  per  square  yard 

Dyed,  colored,  stained,  painted, 
or  printed,  valued  at  i;> cents 
or  less  per  square  yard 

506 


45  per  cent. 
25  per  cent. 


30  per  cent. 


35  per  cent. 
25  per  cent. 


35  per  cent 35  per  cent. 


10c.  per  pound. 

15c.  per  pound. 

20c.  per  pound . 

25c.  per  pound.. 

33c.  per  pound.. 

38c.  per  pound.. 

4Sc.  per  pound.. 
5  J  per  cent. 


35  per  cent. 
,j  30  per  cent. 
}  40  per  cent. 
j  40  pir  cent. 

40  per  cent. 

40  per  cent. 

40  per  cent. 
j  40  per  cent. 


7c.  per  dozen....'  40  per  cent. 


2ic.  per  Eq.  yd. 
S^rc.  per  sq.  yd.. 


40  per  cent. 
40  percent. 


4\c.  per  eq.  yd...  40  per  cent. 


Prisfnt  law  and  MiUs  bUl  compared — Continued. 


.   ..  ,  „  Preflent  rates      Rateflof  dutyby 

'^"'*^'*'^-  I  of  .llltV.  Mill8l.ill. 


UlTIAIILK. 

Cotton,  manufactures  of — Continued.  ' 

Cloth — Continnnd.  '  ' 

Exceeding!;  100  and  not  exceedinj; 
200    threads    to  the   B<{uare 
inch,  counting  the  warp  and  I 
filling—  I 

Not  bleached,  dyed,  colored, 
stained,  j>:iinte(i,  or  printed, 
valued  at  8  cents  or  less  per 

Equare  yard '.W.  f>er  sq.  yd...     !'•  percent. 

Bleached,  valued  at  10  cents  or 

less  per  siju  ire  yanl Ic  per  p<i.  y<l....    40  p.'r  cent. 

Dyed,  colored,  stained,  painted, 
or    printed,    valued    at    1.'? 

cents  or  less  per  scjuare  yard-    '»t:.  per  ecj.  yil....    4i>  por  cent. 
Nat  exceeding;  2(K»  threads  to  the 
square    inch,    counting    the 
warp  and  filling —  '  ■ 

Not    bleached,  dyed,  colored,  | 
stained,  painted,  or  printed, 
valued  at  over  S  cents  per 

equare  yard 40  per  cent 40  percent. 

Bleached,   valued  at    over  10 

cents  per  equare  yard ' do 40  per  eent 

Dyed,  colored,  stained,  painted, 
or  printed,  valued  at  over  1". 

cents  per  square  yard do 4o  percent. 

Exceeding  200    threads  to    the 
equare    inch,  counting    the  i 
warp  and  filling —  I  j 

Not   bleached,  dyed,    colored,  I 

stained, painted, or  printed —  j 

Valued  at  10  cents  or  less  per  ' 

square  yard 4c.per8q.yd 40  per  cent 

Valued  at  over  10  cent<§  per 

SQuare  yard 40  per  cent 40  p(.>r  cent. 

Bleached — ' 

Valued  at  12  cents  or  less  per 

pquareyard oc.  per  f<i  yd....    40  p<»r  cent. 

Valued  at  over  12  cents  per  ^ 

square  yard '  40  per  cent ,  40  percent. 

Dyed,  colored,  stained,  painted, 
or  printed — 
Valued  at  15  cents  or  less  per 

square  yanl '  Oc.  per  sq.  yd....    40  percent. 

Valued  at  over  l'»  cent*  per 

square  yard 40  |)er  cent 40  percent. 

Dama'^k  (cf<tton) 4o  f>er  cen* 40  jht  cent. 

Velvet  (cotton) 4o  per  cent 40  per  cent. 

Clothin_',  ready-made  and  other  wear- 
ing apparel  of  cotton,  not  elnewhere  ; 

specified .'>•>  per  cent :>■'>  per  cent. 

r,07 


Preterit  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


per  cent 
per  cent, 
per  cent. 


DITIABI.K. 

Cords,  braidp,giujps,galloon9,webbing, 

jjoriug,  suspenderri,  and  braces 35 

Embroideries 40 

Haiidkerchiefs,  hemmed 40 

Knit   goods,  composed  wholly   of 

cotton — 
Shirts  and  drawers — 
Fashioned,  narrowed,  or  shaped 
wholly  or  in  part  by   knitting 
machines  or  frames,  or  knit  by 

hand 40 

Made  on   knitting  machines  or 

frames 35 

Stockiuj^s,  hose,  and  half  hose — 
Fashioned,niirrowed,  or  shaped 
wholly  or  in  part  by  knitting 
machines  or  frames,  or  knit 

by  hand 40 

Made  on  knitting  machines  or 
frames,  not  herein  otherwise 

provided  for 35 

All  other  goods,  not  herein  other- 
wise   provided    f>r,  made    on 
kniitiug  machines  or  frames....    35 
Laces,  inserting^,    trimmings,   and 

lace  window  cnrtains 40 

All  other  manufactures  of  cotton, 
not  specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for 35  per  cent. 

Earthen,  stone,  and  china  ware:* 
Bricks  and  tiles — 

Brick,  fire 20 

Brick,  other  than  fire  brick 20 

Tiles,  encaustic 35 

Tiles,  roofing  and  paving 20 

Tiles,  glazed  or  enameled '  GO 

Brown       earthenware,      common  ! 
stoneware,  gas  retorts,  and  stone- 
ware not  ornamented 

China,  porcelain,  parian,  and 
bisque  ware,  plain  white,  and 
not  ornamented  or  decorated  in 
any  manner 55 

*  Numeruus  changes  in  text  have  been 
Mills  bill, 
t  If  cotton  cloth,  4(J  per  cent. 
508 


Present  rates 
of  duly. 


per  cent, 
per  cent. 

per  cent. 

per  cent. 

per  cent, 
per  cent. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


per  cent, 
per  cent., 
per  cent., 
per  cent., 
per  cent.. 


25  per  cent. 


per  cent 

made  in  this 


30  per  cent. 
40  per  cent. 
40  per  cent. 


40  per  cent. 
.35  per  cent. 

40  por  cent., 

35  per  cent. 

3'>  pt-r  cent. 
40  per  cent. 

35  per  centf 


20  per  cent. 

Free. 

30  per  cent. 

20  per  cent. 

45  pi^r  cent. 


?0  per  cent. 


40  per  cent, 
schedu'e  by  the 


Present  law  and  Milh  bill  compared— Coniinxxed. 


Articlee. 


niTiAiti.f:. 

Earthen,    stone,    ami    china  ware — 
Continued. 

China,  porcelain,  parian,  and 
biequf",  earthen,  stone,  and 
crockery  war*',  inchiding 
plaques,  ornatnentp,  chariuH, 
vases,  and  statuettes,  painted, 
.printed,  or  tjilded,  or  ottierwi.«e- 
de<!0rated  or  ornamented  in  any 
manner 

Stone  ware  above  the  capacity  of 
10  gallons 

All  other  earthen,  stone,  and 
crockery  ware,  white,  glazed,  or 
edged,  composed  of  or  eariliy 
mineral  substances,  not  specially 

enumerated  or  provided  for* 

Emery,  manufactured  : 

Grains 

Ground,  pulverized,  or  refined 

Fancy  article? : 

Alabaster  and  spar  statuary  and 
ornament* 

Beads  and  bead  ornaments  of  all 
kinds,  except  amber  beads 

Bone,  horn,  ivory,  or  vegetable 
ivory,  manufactures  of,  not  t^pe 
cially  enumerated  or  provided  tor. 

Canes  and  stirks  for  walking — 

Finished , 

Unfinished 

Card-cases,  picket  books,  shell  and 
otlier  fancy  boxes  (except  of 
paper), and  all  other  similar  arti- 
cles of  whatever  material  com- 
posed and  by  whatever  name 
Known,  not  specially  enumer- 
ateil  or  provided  f'^r 

Combs  of  all  kinds 

Dice,  draughts,  chesp-men,  chesa- 
balls,  and  billiard  and  bagatt  lie- 
balls  of  ivory  or  bone 

Dolls  and  toys 


Preeent  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


(X")  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 


.    'iO  per  cent. 
.'  20  per  cent. 


55  per  cent 35  per  cent. 


Ic.  per  pounil. 
Ic.  per  pound. 

10  per  cent.... 
50  per  cent.... 


Ic.  per  pound. 
Ic.  per  pound. 


10  per  cent 
40  per  cent 


30  per  cent 30  per  cent. 


.35  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 


20  per  cent 
Free. 


35  per  cent. 
30  per  cent 


50  per  cent. 
35  j)er  cent. 


35  p<»r  cent. 
:'.ti  fwr  cent. 


.5<t  per  cent. 
3U  pt*r  cent. 


*  "White  granite,  common  ware,  plain  white  or  cream  colored,  ?H.i«f4rrj'rf  or 
printed  nnler  glaze  in  a  sin^'le  color;  8ponge<l,  dipped,  cir  i^lgeil  ware, 
thirty-tive  per  centum  ad  vaiorcm."* 

The  Milla  bdl  puts  in  tliH  following  clivi.'<iticfttirtn,  which  |*ormits 
through  theu^eof  the  word  "lusti^red  "  the  higher  clans  and  m  )9t  expen- 
sive war^-s  u.sf-l  only  by  the  wcalthie-it  classes  to  come  in  it  at  35  j>er  cent 
and  thus  evade  the  50  [ier  cent.  duty. 


600 


Preserd  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articlep. 


Pre'ent  rates 
of  tlutv. 


Rates  of  duty  hy 
Mills    bill. 


DrTIABLK. 

Fancy  articles— Continued. 
Fans  of  all  kinds,  except  common 
palm-leaf  fans,  of  whatever  ma- 
terial composed 

Feathers,   nut  ariificiaU   not    else- 

where  sppcilied — 
Crude  or  not    drea?ed,  colore<l   or 
manufactured — 

Ostrich 

All  other 

Dressed,  colored,  or  manufact- 
ured, including'  drefsed  and 
finibhed  birds  f •  r  millinery 
ornaments — 

Ostrich 

All  other : 

Feathers  and  flowerp,  artificial  and 
ornamental,   or  parts  thereof,  of  ' 
whatever     material     composed, 
for  millinery    use,   not  specially  \ 

enumerated  or  provided  for ' 

Perfumery,    cosmetic-",    and     toilet 
preparations — 
Alcoholic    perfumery,  includirg 
cologne  wa'er 

Hay  rum  or  bay  water,  whether 

diKtilled  or  compounded 

All  toilet  preparations  whatever, 

not  elsewhere  speciSed 

Pipes  and  smokerb'  articles — 

Common  pipes  of  clay 

Pipes,  pipe  bowls,  and  all  smok- 
ers' articles  whatsoever,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for 

Shells,  whole  or  parts  of,  manufact- 
ured.of  every  description,  not  spe- 
cially  enumerated   or    provided 

for 

Fish,  not  elsewhere  specified  : 
Anchovies  and  sardines,  packed  in  , 
oil  ( r  otherwise —  I 

In  tin  boxes —  1 

Whole    boxes,  measuring  not 
more    than    5    by    4  by   ;*>] 

inches 

Halfboxes.meaturinf;  not  more 

than  5  by  4  by  1 5  inches 

(.Quarter  boxes,  measuring  not 
more  than   4^  by  3^    by  1} 

inches  

510 


oo  per  cent :^0  per  cent. 


25  per  cent Free. 

25  per  cent Free. 


50  per  cent 

50  per  cent 


..  35  per  cent. 
. .  35  per  cent. 


50  per  cent 35  per  cent. 

$2  per  gal.  and  $2  per  gal.  and 
50  p.  cent.      50  per  cent. 

$1  per  proof  gal. I  $1  per  proof  gaL 

50  per  cent 30  per  cent. 

35  per  cent ,  35  per  cent. 

70  per  cent 70  per  cent. 

25  per  cent j  25  per  cent. 


10c.  per  box 10c.  per  box. 

5c.  per  box I  5c.  per  box 


2jc.  per  box....  2^8.  per  box. 


Ptesent  Imc  and  Millt  bill  compared— Continued, 


Articles. 


Prefiefit  rates 
of  duty. 


Kate*»<)filutv  by 
Mills  biir. 


DI'TIABI^E. 

Fieh,  not  elsewhere  ppeiitied — Con- 
tinued. 
Anc-ho\  iee  and  sardinc>s,  Sec. — Con- 
tinned. 

In  any  other  form 

Fish, except  anchovies  and  paxlinep, 

prfserved  in  oil 

Herrinp — 

Pickled  or  saltetl 

Mackerel 

Salmon — 

Pickled 

Prepared   or  preserved  other- 
wipe  than  in  oil 

Other  lish— 

PickUd  or  salted  in  barrels. 

Pickled  or  salted  not  in  barrels 

or  half  barrels 

Preparetl  or  pre.'<erved    other- 
wise than  in  oil 

Flax,  hemp,  jute,  and  otlier  textile 
grasses  and  vegetable  substances, 
and  manufactures  of: 
Unmanufactured — 
Flax- 
Hackled,  known  as    "  dressed 

line" 

Not  hackled  or  dresseil 

Straw 

Tow  of 

Hemp 

Hemp,  tow  of 

Manilla  and  other  like  sul  ntituies 
for  hemp,  not  Hpecially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for 

Sunn 

.Tut«„ 

Jute  butts 

Sisal-jfras" 

(.>ther  vegetable  substances,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for 

Manufactures — 
Thread,  twine,  and  pack  thread, 

flax  or  linen 

Yarns — 

Flax 

Grass   (China  gnuw) 

Hemp 

Jute 


40  per  cent. 
.%  per  cent 


^c.  i)er  pouml. 
Ic.  jK  r  pound. 

Ic.  i)?r  i)Ound  . 

'_'•")  per  cent 

Ic.  per  pound. 

Ac.  per  pound. 

25  per  cent 


iNO  per  ton. 
f  20  per  ton. 
^">  per  ton... 
^\0  pi'T  ton. 
$2')  per  ton. 
$10  j)er  ton. 


$2.')  per  ton. 
$15  |>er  ton. 
20  per  cent 
$5  jM-r  ton  .. 
$15  y>eT  ton 


•10  per  cent. 

.'50  per  cent. 

lo.  pj-r    pound, 
ic.  per  pound. 

Ic.  ]>er  pfjund. 

25  per  cent. 

Ic.    per    i>ound. 

Ac.    per   pound. 

25  per  cent. 


$10  iM-r  ton. 

Fr»*e. 

Free. 

Free. 

Free. 

Vree. 


Free. 
Free. 
Free. 
Free. 
Free. 


$16  per  ton tree. 


40  per  cent 25  per  cent. 


:i.5  f>er  cent.. 
20  per  cent. 
•".5  per  cent 
:'.5  i>er  cent 


15  per  cent 
15  per  cent. 

15  per  cent. 

16  i>er  cent. 

511 


PreserU  law  and  Afilh  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


I>l  TIAKI.F. 

Flax,  heiii|>.  jutf,  I'scc. — Continued. 
Mat'.ufi.c  iires — Continued. 

Bit;;  i/iL'  for  cotton,  or  oth«^r  man- 
iif:  ctiins  not  spci-ially  •nume- 
rated or  provided  f ■)r,  fuitable 
t()  I  lie  Uhes  fur  wliich  cotton 
bair-jinj:  is  applied,  composed 
in  whole  or  in  jKirt  of  hemp, 
ju'e,  jute  huttR,  tlax,  (iunny 
bags,  gunny  cloth,  or  other 
ni"  ^ tialh — 
Valued  at  7  cents  or  less  per 
square  yard  

Bags  and  bagging  and  Hke  manu- 
factures, not  speciallv  enume- 
rai4-d  or  prorjded  for  (except 
bacging  for  cotton),  compoied 
wholly  or  in  part  of  flax, 
hemp,  jute,  liunny  cl"th,  gunny 
bag^,  or  other  material 

Brown  and  bleached  lirens, 
ilucks,  canvas,  padiHngp,  cot- 
bottoms,  diapers,  cra«h,  hucka- 
ba' k^,  handkerchiefs,  and 
lawns,  of  flax,  jute  or  hemp, 
or  of  which  flax,  jute,  or  hemp 
sliall  b'^  the  component  mate- 
rial of  cliitf  valup 

Burlaps  of  flsx,  jute,  or  hemp,  or 
of  wtdch  llax,  jute,  or  hemp, 
or  eit»  er  of  them,  shall  be  thp 
component  material  of  chief 
value  (except  puffi  as  may  be 
siii'able  for  bavging  for  cot- 
ton)— 

Not  exceedirg  60  inches  in 

width  

Excwf.ling      60    inches     in 
widh 

Carpe'Ing,  hemp,  or  jute  

Grasp-cloih  r.nil  orh'T  ma?iufai't 
ur"S  of  jute,  ramie,  Ch'na,  and 
sisal  gr^^•s,  not  specially  eiui- 
me'-a^ed  or  proi-iMftrJ  for 

Oil'  loth  foundations  or  floor- 
do  h  canva'J  madcof  flix  jn'e, 
or  heinn,  or  of  which  flax.j'ite. 
or  hetnp,  c  eith-  r  of  them, 
shall  be  the  comnonent  mate- 
ria! of  chief  Value  

512 


IJc.  per  pound. 


40  per  cent 


35  per  cent 


fc.  per  pound. 


Jc.  per  pound. 


25  per  cent. 


30  per  cent  ;  Free. 


40  per  cent 

fie.  per  sq.  yard 


35  per  cent 


25  per  cent. 
6c.  per  sq.  yard. 


25  per  cent. 


40  per  "cnt  :'.")  p  >r  c-»nt. 


Preterit  law  and  Mill*  bill  compared — Con  tinned. 


Articles. 


DITIAIII.K. 

Flax,  hemp,  jute,  i^f. — ("ontinutHl. 
Manufactures — Continu«Ml. 

0il-clot)i8  for  tliiDTH,  B'ainped. 
paintefl,  or  printfil,  ami  all 
other  oilcloth  (except  silk  oil- 
cloth), and  waterproof  t-loth, 

not  otherwise  provided  for 

Sail  duck,  or  canvaH  for  nailH  

Sheetingw,    KiiH«ia  and    other,  of 
flax  or  hemp,  brown  or  white.. 
■Gunny  cloth,  not  hat:>rin^' — 

Valued  at    10  cents   or   lees 

per  eqare  yard 

Valued  at  over  10  cents  per 

Hcpiare  yard  

Ba(;H  of  jute  for^r  ain  

<'ai)le8  and  conl.ijre — 

Cables  and  cord'jjje,  tarred 

('ordajre,  nianiia,  unfarreil 

Cordage,  all  other,  un'arred 

Embroiiieries  (flax  or  linen),  or 
nianufactureH  of  linen,  if  em- 
broidered or  tamboured  in  the 
loom  or  otherwise,  by  ma 
chinery  or  with  the  nee<lle  or 
other  process,  n  it  specially 
enumerated  or  provided  for...  .. 
l.a'-esaml  insertinjirs,  flax  or  linen. 
S'ines    and    Peine    and    Killing 

twine 

All  other  manufaclureM  not  tpe- 
cially  enumerated  and  pro- 
vided for — 

Of  (lax,  or  of  which  flax  shall 
be '  lit*  comj>onent  material 

of  chief  value 

Of  fl  IX,  ju'e,  hemp,  or  ma- 
niln,  or  of  which  fl  ix.jute, 
hemp,  or  manila  bhall  be 
the    coinp'inent    material 

of  chief  value 

Of  praxH 

Fniits,  induifinR  nuta,  not  elnewhere 
spfcifJH*! : 

Currants,  Zinte  or  other 

l>atefl 

Vnm 

<irapes 

L-'U'ins — 

Wlinle  boxes.of  capacity  not  ex- 

ceeilinvr  2J  cubic  f^et 

H.ilf  box»^.  of  capa«Mty   not  ex- 
ceeding 11  cubic  feet 

xxxiii 


Pre«ent  rates    i  Kates  of  doty  by 
ofdutv.  MillH  bill. 


40  per  cent. 
'■iO  per  c«'nt 


25  por  cent. 
25  per  cent. 


35  per  cent  25  p.»r  oent. 

3c.  per  ponnd  ...    1-^  per  cent 


4c.  per  pound.. 
40  per  cent  


3c.  per  ponnd.. 
2*c.  per  {Mtund. 
3ic.  per  pound. 


SO  per  c<»nt. 
30  per  cent. 


1 5  per  cent. 
Free. 

25  por  cent. 
25  p.'r  cent. 
25  jK'r  ceat. 


;?o  per  cent. 
30  p  >r  cent. 


25  per  cent 25  per  cent. 


40  per  cent 25  jn-r  cent. 


.35  percent. 
30  per  cent. 


.    25  per  cent 
■  I  25  percent. 


Ic.  p«'r  pound. 
Ic.  p  r  p  mivl. 
2''.  per  |¥tnnd. 
20  p.'r  cent 


Free. 
Frve. 
Frt-e. 
20  per  cent. 


30c.  per  box.... 
lfl<\  per  box  ... 


.    'M\'.  per  box. 

i 
. !  Iftc.  per  box. 

613 


Present  law  and  Millt  bill  compared— Continued. 


Articles. 


Present  rates 
of  dutv. 


liatesof  duty  l)}- 
Mills  bill'. 


I>|  TIABI.i:. 

Kruits,  iV:i". — Continued. 
LenionP — ("ontinned. 
Packages,    not  specially  enumer- 
ated or  provided  for 

In  bulk 

Limes 

Oran^ies — 

Whole  boxes,  of  capacity  not 

exceeding  2]  cubic  feet 

Half  boxes,  of  capacity  not  ex- 
ceeding 11  cubic  feet 

Barrels,    of    capacity  not    ex- 
ceeding   that    of     the    19G 

pouud-i  fl  )ur  barrel 

Packages,  not  specially  enumer- 
ated or  provided  for 

In  bulk 

Plums  and  prunes 

Preserved — 
ComtitH,    sweetmeats,    or    fruita, 
preserved   in   sugar,    spirits, 
sirup,  or  molaseep,  not  other- 
wise   specilied   or   provided 

for,  and  jellies  of  all  kinds 

In  their  own  juices, and  fruit  juice 

Raisins 

Nuts- 
Almonds,  not  shelled 

Alm')nd»,  shelled 

Filberts  and    walnuta    of    all 

kinds 

Peinuta  or  ground  beans — 

Njt  shelled       

Shelled 

AH  other,  shelled  or  unshelled, 
not    specially    enumerated    or 

provided  for 

Furs,  and  manufacturero  of: 

Furs,  dripsed  <>ii  the  skin 

Ilatterd'  fur.-i,  not  on  the  skin 

Articles  made  of  fur,  not  specially 

enumerated  orprovidedfur 

Ginger  ale,  or  ginger  beer,  doz.  bottles 
Glass  and  glassware  : 
Bottles,   vials,  demijohns,  carboys 
and  jars— 
Bottles      containing      sparkling 
wines,  brandy,  or  other  spirit- 
uous liquors,  not  specially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for 

Flint  and   lune  glas.^  bottles  or 
vials — 

Empty 

Filled  (exclusive  of  contente)... 
•M4 


20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

$2  per  M $2  per  M. 

20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

2.">c.  per  box 25c.  per  box. 

13c.  per  box 13c.  per  box. 

55c.  per  barrel... i  55c.  per  barrel. 

I 

20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

$100  per  M $1.60  per  M. 

Ic.  per  pound...  Ic.  per  pound. 


:55  per  cent .35  per  cent. 

2  )  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

2c.  per  pound...  \\c.  per  pound. 

•")c.  per  pound...    5c.  per  pound. 
7jC.  per  pound..    7}c.  per  pound. 

3c.  per  pound...!  3c.  i>er  pound. 

Ic.  per  pound...'  ^c.  per  pound, 
lie.  per  pound.,    leper  pound. 


2c.  per  pound...  2c.  per  pound. 

20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

20  pir  cent 20  per  cent. 

.30  per  cent 30  per  cent. 

20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 


3c.  each 3c.  each. 


40  per  cent 40  per  cent. 

40  per  cent '  40  i>.'r  cent.. 


Present  law  and  }filU  bill  compared— Continned. 


Articles. 


Present  rates 

of  flutv. 


Kateeufiluty  bv 
MillH  bill. 


i»i  Ti Aiti.i:.  I 

Glass  and  j^lafsware — C'uiitiiniPil. 

Bottler,  vials,  iS:c — C'ontinufd.  I 

Green  and  colored  gluss  bottles,  I 

vials,  demijohns, and  carboys  , 
(covered  or  uncovered),  pickle 
or  preserve  jars — 

Kmpty Ic.  por  pound...    I c.  per  pound. 

Filled  (exclusive  of  contents)     DO  per  cent Ic.perpoundor 

same    duty     af 
contents. 
Glassware —  { 

Articles  of  glass,  cut,  engraved, 
painted,  colored,  printed, 
stained,     silvered,     or     gilded  !  i 

(not  includinjj  plate-glasw,  sil-  i  i 

vered  or  looking-glaps  plates), 
porcelain  and  Bohemian  glass, 
chemical     glasswar  •,     painted 

glu-<s\vare,  and  stained  glass 4"  per  cent 40  per  cent. 

Plain,  molded,  or  jiressed  Hint  or 
lime   glassware,    not   specially 

enumerated  or  providen  for 40  per  cent '  40  par  cent. 

I'iain,  molded,  or  pre.ssed   green 
and   colored    botile  ghv-:s,   not  | 
cut,  engraved,  or  painted,  not  ; 
specially  enumerated    or  pro- 

vide<l  for Ic.  per  pound...    Ic.perponnd. 

Cylin  ler,  crowu,  and  common  win- 
dow glius".  nnpoIi«he<l —  ] 
Not  exceeding  10   by  1")   inches 

square 1  Jo.  per  pound...    13<*.  per  pound. 

Above   10  by  l'»  inches  and  not 

exceeding  It)  by  24  im^heH l:c  per  pound...    1  Jc.  per  pound. 

Above  1<".  by  24  inches  an<l  not 

exceeding  24  by  :50  inches 22c.  per  pound.     2c.  per  pound. 

All  above  24  by  IK)  inches 2ic.  per  jtouud..    2 Ac.  per  pound. 

German     looking-glass     plates    of 

blown  glas.s* Free. 

Cylinder  and  crown  glass,  poli«hed, 
unsil  vered —  I 

Not  ex  ceding  10  by  15  inches  ' 

square 2^0- per  sq.  foot,    2Jc.  per  b«i.  foot. 

Above  10  by  15  inches  an*l  not 

exceeding  10  hy  24  inches 4c.  per  eq.  f«>ot...    4c.  per  sq.  foot. 

Above  10  by  iM  inches  an<l  not 

exceeding  24  by  .<  >  inchefl Gc.  per  Bij.  foot...    6c.  per  stj.  foot. 

Above  24  by  :!0  inches  and  not 

pxceedinir  L'4  by  tK)  indies 20c.  per  eq.  foot.    20.'.  per  sq.  foot. 

All  above  24  by  (io  inchc-j 41  V\  pt*r  sq.  foot.    30c.  per  stj.  font. 

'Pay  duly  now  according  to  class  of  glass. 

615. 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


fc.  per  sq.  foot... 

Ic.  per  sq.  foot... 

lie.  per  sq.  foot. 
2c.  per  sq.  foot... 

3c.  per  sq.  foot- 
So.  per  sq.  foot... 
8c.  per  sq.  foot... 

?5c.  per  sq.  foot, 
foot. 

4c.  per  sq.  foot.. 
6c.  per  sq.  foot.. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


DITIABI.E. 

Glassand  ^la.s  ware — Continued. 
Plate-nliLss,  fl  lied,  roile<l,  or  rough 
(exces.s  of  one  pound  pjr  equare 
foot  dutiable  at  sanw  nite) — 
Not  exceeding  10  by  15  inches 

equari^ 

Above  10  by  15  inches  and  not 

exceeding?  IG  by  24  inches 

Above  10  by  24  inches  and  not 

exceeding  24  by  30  inches 

All  above  24  by  SOiuchws 

Plate  glass,  cast,   polished,  unsil- 
vered — 
Not  exceeding  10  by  15  inches 

equare 

Above  10  by  15  inches  and  not 

exceeding  Hi  by  24  inches 

Above  H  by  24  inches  and  not 

exceeding  24  by  30  inches 

Above  24  by  30  inches  and  not 

excee.linir  24  bv  GO  inches 

All  above  24  by  60  inches 50c.  per  sq 

Plate-glass,  cast,  polished,  silvered, 
or  lookitig-glans  plates* — 
Not  exceeding  1 »  by  15  inches 

square 

Ab  >ve  10  by  15  inches  and  not 

exceeding  16  by  24  iuchep.... 

Above  IG  by  24  inches  and  not 

exceeding:  24  by  30  inches '  10c.  persq.  foot. 

Above  24  by  30  inches  and  not  1 

exceedinti  24  by  GO  inclies \  35c.  per  sq.  foot. 

All  abo  'e  24  by  60  inches j  gOc.  per  sq.  foot. 

Dntv  in   acMition  upon  frames  on  ; 

silvered  glass j  30  per  cent 

All  other  manufactures  of  glass,  or 
of  fl'hich  glass  shall  be  the  compo- 
nent materi-il  of  chi.^f  value,  not, 
specially  enumerated  or  provided 

for 

Glass  plates  or  disks  for  spectacles.. 

Glucose,  or  grape  sugar \  20  per  cent 

Glue !  20  per  cent 

Gold  and  silver,  manufactures  of: 
Bouillons,  or  cannetille,  metal  , 

thread,  file,  or  gespinst I  25  per  cent 

Epaulettes,  galloons,   laces,  knots,  j 
sta's,  tassels,  and  wings  of  gold,  | 

silver,  or  other  metal '  25  per  cent 

Gold-leaf,  in  packages  of  500  Inaves-i  $1.50  per  pack.. 
Silver-leaf,  in  packages  of  500 leaves.    75c.  per  pack... 
*  By  the  Mills  bill  plate-glass  silvered  would  be  admitted  at  a  less  rate 
than  the  same  glass  unsilvered. , 
516 


45  per  cent. 
45  percent. 


|c.  per  sq.  foot. 

Ic.  per  sq.  foot. 

IJc.  per  sq.foot. 
2c.  per  sq.  foot. 

.3c.  per  sq.  foot. 

5c.  per  sq.  foot. 

8c.  per  Bq.  foot. 

25c.  per  sq.  foot. 
50c.  per  sq.  foot. 

4c.  per  sq.  foot. 

6o.  per  sq.  foot. 

10c.  per  sq.'foot. 

25c.  per  sq.  foot. 
45c.  per  sq.  foot. 

30  per  cent. 


40  percent. 
Free. 

20  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 


25  per  cent. 


25  per  cent. 
$1.50  per  pack. 
75o.  per  pack. 


Present  law  and  Milh  bill  compared — Continued. 


Arliclee. 


Present  rates      Ratps  of  duty  by 
of  duty.  Mills  bill. 


Gc.  per  pound  .. 

10c.  per  pound 

40  per  cent 

35  per  cent 


I>ITIAKI.K. 

Gold   and  silver,  munufat'tures  of— 
Continued. 
Gold  and  Bilver,  manufactures  of, 
not  specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for 45  per  cent  . 

Grease,  not  elsewhere  specified  : 
All  other  grease,  not  especially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for 10  per  cent  . 

Gunpowder    and  all  explosive  sub- 
stir  cee  : 

Fire-crackers  of  all  kinds 100  per  cent. 

Fulminates,  fulminating  powders, 
and  all  like  articles  not  specially 

enumerated  or  provided  for 30  per  cent  . 

Gunpowder,  and  all  explosive  sub- 
stances used  for  mining,  bat- 
ing, artillery,  or  sporting  pur- 
poses— 
Valued  at  20  cents  or  less  per 

pound  

Valued  at    above   20  cents   per 

pound 

Percussion  caps 

Gun- wads  of  all  deecriptiouR 

Hair,  not  elsewhere  specified,  and 
manufactures  of: 
Curled  hair,  except  of  hogs,  UFod 

for  beds  or  mattresses 

Hairclotli,  known  as crinolinedoth 
Hair  cloth,  known  as  hair-seating.. 

Hair  pencils 

Human  hair — 

Raw,  unclean,  and  not  drawn 

Clean  or  drawn,  but  not  manu- 
factured     .30  percent  . 

Manufactured 35  percent  . 

Bracelets,  braids,  chains,  ring.«,  curls, 
ringlets  composed  of  hair,  or  of  i 
which  hair  is  the  component  ma- 
terial of  chief  value 35  per  cent.., 

All  other  manufactures  of  hair,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  provided 

for 30  per  cent  . 

Hate,  not  elsewhere  specified,  bon- 
nets, and  hoods,  and  materials  for: 
Hats,  bonnets,  and  hoods  for  men. 
women,  and  children,  coiiij)  >Hed 
of  chip,  grass,  palm-leaf,  willow, 
straw, or  any  other  vegetat)le  siiti- 
stance,  hair,  whalelione,  or  other 
material,  not  specially  enumera- 
ted or  provi<led  for*  30  percent.. 

*  Change  of  U'xt  in  Mills  bill. 


40  per  cent 
Free. 

100  per  cent. 
30  per  cent 


25  per  cent  .... 
,30  per  cent  .... 
30c.  per  sq.  yd. 
30  per  cent .... 


6c.  per  pound. 

10c.  per  pound. 
30  per  cent 
25  per  cent 


Free. 

30  per  cent 
30c.  per  sq.  yd. 
30  per  cent 


20  per  cent Free. 


20  per  cent. 
25  per  cent 


25  per  cent 
30  per  cent 


30  per  cent 
517 


Present  law  and  Milh  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


DUTIABI^E. 

Hatfi  not  elsewhere  specified,  &c. — 
Continued. 
Braids,  plaitp,  flats,  laces,  trimmings, 
tissuep,  willow  sheets  and  squares, 
used  for  making  or  ornamenting, 
hats,  bonnets,  and  hoods,  com- 
posed of  straw,  chip,  grasp,  palm- 
leaf,  willow,  hair,  whalebone,  or 
any  other  substance  or  material 
not  ppecially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for 

Hatters'  plush,  compoeed  of  silk, 

or  of  silk  and  cotton 

Hat  bodies  of  cotton 

Hay  

Honey 

'Hops  

India-rubber  and  gutta-percha,  manu- 
factures of: 
Articles    composed    of    India-rub- 
ber,   not    specially    enumerated 

or  provided  for 

Boote  and  shoes  of  India-rubber 

Fabrics  composed  wholly  or  in 
part  of  India-rubber,  not  spe- 
cially   enumerated   or   provicied 

for 

<3rutta-percha,  manufactured,  and 
all  articles  of,  not  specially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for 

ilnksof  all  kinds,  and  ink  powder? 

Iron  and  steel,  and  manufactures  of  : 
Iron  ores — 

Chromate    of   iron,   or  chromic 

ore 

Sulphur  ore,  as  pyrites  or  sul- 
phuret  of  iron  in  its  natural 
state,  containing  not  more  than 

.3i  percent,  of  copper 

All  iron  ore 

Iron,  in  pigs  and  kentledge 

Spiegeleisen 

Scrap  iron  and  steel,  waste  or  re- 
fuse, that  have  been  iu  actual 
use,  tit  only  to  be  remanufact- 
ured — 

Iron,  wrought  and  cast 

Steel 

Bar-iron — 
Bars,  blooms,  billet8,or  sizes  or 
shapes  of  any  kind,  in  the 
manufacture  of  which  char- 
coal is  used  as  fuel 

-518 


Present  rates 
of  dutv. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 


25  per  cent  .... 
3")  per  cent  .... 

$2  per  ton 

•  20c.  per  gal . . . . 
8c.  per  pound. 


25  per  cent. 
25  per  cent. 


30  per  cent. 


35  per  cent. 
■lO  per  cent. 


15  per  cent. 
30  per  cent. 
$2  per  ton. 
20c.  per  gallon. 
8c.  per  pound. 


25  per  cent. 
25  per  cent. 


SO  per  cent. 


30  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 


15  per  cent.. Free. 


75c.  per  ton.. 
75c.  per  ton.. 
^6.72  per  ton. 
$6.72  per  ton. 


Se  72  per  ton . 
!?6  72  per  ton. 


75c.  per  ton. 
750.  per  ton. 
$0  per  ton. 
$6.72  per  ton. 


$6.72  per  ton. 
ir6.72  per  ton. 


fl 


$22  per  ton ,  $20  per  ton. 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared  —CompsLred 
Articles. 


DITIARI.F. 

Iron  and  steel,  and  manufaotiireeof — 
Continued. 
Bar- iron — Continued. 

Bars  or  shapes  of  rolled  iron, 
not  specially  enumerated  or 
provided  for,  and  round  iron 
in  coils  or  rods,  less  than  /(, 

of  1  inch  in  diameter 

Rolled  or  hatiiinered,  compris- 
ing— 
Flats   not   less  than   1    inch 
wide  nor  less  than   'i  of  1 

inch  thick 

•Round  iron  not  less  than  ^ 
of  1  inch  in  diameter,  ancl 
square  iron  not  lees  than 

J  ot  1  inch  Fqnare 

Fiats  leps  than  1  inch  wide  or 
less  than  i;  of  I  inch  thick  ; 
round  iron  less  than  j  of  1 
inch  and  not  less  than  ^(.  of 
1  inch  in  diameter;  and 
square  iron  less  than  {  of  1 

inch  Eijuare 

All  other,  and  elabs,  blooms,  or 

loops 

Bars  or  rails  for  railways — 
Flat  rails,  punclied — 

Iron 

Tee  rails,  weighing  not  over  25 
pounds  to  the  yard  — 

Steel 

Other  railway  bars,  weiirhing 
more  than  2.")  pounds  to 
the  yard  - 

Iron 

iSteel.  or  in  part  of  steel 

Bars,  iron  or  steel,  cold-rolled, 
cold-hammered,  or  polished 
in  any  way  in  additi*  ii  to  the 
ordinary  protiess  of  hot-roll- 
ing or  hammering — 
A'alued  at  4  centw  a  pound  or 

less 

Valued  at  above  4  cents  and 

not  above  7  cents  per  pound  .. 

Valued  at  above  7  cents   and 

not  above  10  cents  per  pound.. 

A'alueil  at  above   10  cents  per 

pound 


Present  rates       Kateaof  duty  by 
of   duty.  Mills    bill. 


Ij'^c.  p.  pound...    Ic.  per  pound. 


iV-  P«r  pound  ..'  i1,c.  per  pound. 


Ic.  }>er  pound...    Ic.  per  pound. 


Ij^c.  per  pound.  Ic.  per  pound. 

.'^5  per  cent i  Sii.  per  cent. 

I 
I 

$17.1)2  per  ton... I  ^15  per  ton. 

$20.16  per  ton...i  $14  per  ton. 


$15  68  per  ton...l  $11  per  ton. 

$17  per  ton '         Do. 


I'>  }M^r  cent.  i)lus  15  per  cent,  plus 

|c.  per  pound  |c.  per  jxiund. 

2c.    per    (Mund  2c.     |M»r    |>ound 

plus    Ic  plU")    Ic 

L'l'c  per  pound  -]i'.  per   ptund 

plus  Ic  plus   \c. 

:\\c.  per   pound  '.i\c.  per   pound 

plus  (c  plus    \c. 

51 » 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


DITIABLE. 

Iron  and  steel,  and  manufactures  of— 
Continutd. 
Bar-ircm  and  tteel,  cold  rolled,  See. — 
Ccntiiiued. 

Bt  aniH.^'ii  derp.  joi8te,anglep,clian- 
nel8,  lar-truck  channels,  TT 
columns  and  poHts,  or  parts 
or  sections  of  columns  and 
posts,  deck  and  bulb  beams, 
ai  d  building  forms,  together 
with  all  ^^tructural  shapes  of 

iron  or  steel 

Bars,  billetp,  blcoms,  blanks,  ingots, 
etc.,  of  steel — 
Bars  and  billetp,  and  tapered  or 
beveled  bars — 
Valued  at  4  cents  a  pound  or 

less 

Valued  at  above  4  cents  and 

not  above  7  cents  per  pound... 

Valued  at  above  7   cenis  and 

not  above  10  cents  per  pouLd.. 

Valued  at  above  10  cents  per 

pound 

Ingots, cogged  ingots,  blooms,  and 
slabs    (except     for    railway 
wheels  and  tirep),  by  what- 
ever process  made  - 
A''alued  at  4  cents  a  pound  or 

less 

Valued  at  above  4  cents  and 
not  above  7  cents  per  pound  .. 
Valued   at  above  7  cents  and 
not  above  10  cents  per  pound- 
Valued   at  above  10  cents  per 

pound 

Ingots,  clogged  ingot.",  blooms,  or 
blanks,  for  railway  wheels 
and  tires,  without  regard  to 
the  degree  of  manufacture.... 
•ie  blocks  or  blanks ;  pteamer- 
crauk  and  other  phafts,  wrists 
or  crank  pinp  ;  connecting- 
rods  and  piston-rods; 
pressed,  sheared,  or  stamped 
shapes  or  blanks  of  sheet  or 
plate  steel,  or  combination  of 
steel  or  iron,  punched  or  not 
punched  ;  hammer-molds,  or 
swaged  steel  ;  gun-molds,  not 
in  bars;  alloys  used  as  sub- 
stitutes for  steel  tools;  all 
•30 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


IJc.  per  pound. 


45  per  cent 

2c.  per  pound.. 
2Jc.  per  pound. 
3}c.  per  pound. 


45  per  cent 

2c.  per  pound... 
2|c.  per  pound. 
31c.  per  pound.. 

2c.  per  pound.. 


^.  per  pound.. 


45  per  cent. 
2c.  per  pound. 
23c.  per  pound. 
31  c.  per  pound. 


45  per  cent. 
2c.  per  pound. 
2f  c.  per  pound. 
3ic.  per  pound. 

He.  per  pound. 


Preterit  law  and  MiUs  bill  compared — Continaed. 


Articles. 


TreBent  rates 
ofduty. 


45  per  cent 

per  pi)und... 


Rates  of  duty  by 
MillH  bill. 


35  per  cent Free. 


D  ITT  I  ABLE. 

Iron  and  stetl,  and  nianufacturee  of— 
Continued. 
Die  blocks  c  r  blanks — Continued, 
depcriptions  and  shapes   of 
dry  sand,     loam,      or     iron 
molded   steel    casting-",   not 
otherwise  specially  provided 
for — 
Valued  at  4  ct  nts  a  pound  orlesf.. 
Yalufd  at  Hbuve  4  cents  and  not 

above  7  centa  per  pound 2c 

Valued    at  above    7   cents   and 

not  above  10  cents  per  pound..    2Jc.  per  pound.. 
Valued   at  above   10   cents   j)er 

pound ;  3',c.  per  pound. 

*Cotton-tiee,  or  hoops  for  baling 

purpose?,  of  iron  and  steel,  not 

thinner  than  No.  20,  wire  gauge 

Hoop,  baud,  scroll,  or  other  iron,  , 

8  inches  or  leFS  in  width — 

Not    thinner    than     No.     10,  I 

wire  gauge leper  pound... 

Thinmr  than  No.  10  and  not 
thinner  than  No.  20,  wire 

gauge 1  liV- per  pound. 

Thinner    than    No.    20,    wire 

gauge , 1  iV'- P^r  pound. 

Hoops,  bancb,  and  strips  of  steel,  - 
of  all  gauges  and  widths — 

Valued  at  4  cents  a  pound  or  less..    45  per  cent 

Valued  at  above  4  cents  and  not 

above  7  cents  per  pound 2c.  per  pound... 

Valued  at  above  7  cents  and  not  i 

above  10  cents  per  poud I  2}c.  per  pound... 

Valued    at    above  10  cents  per  ' 

pound .'5  Jc.  per  pound... 

Strips  <jf  iron  or  steel,  cold-rolled 
cold-hammered,  or  polished  in 
any  way  in  addition  to  the  ordi- 
nary proceas  of  hot  rolling  or 
hatnmeiing — 
Valued  at  4  cent«  a  pound  or 

less 45 percent.  ]iluH  ; 

\c.  per  pound 
Valued  above  4  cents  and    not 

above  7  cents  per  pound 2i\  per   pound  ' 

pluH  ^c. 
Valued  above   7  cents  and  not  i 

above  10  cents  per  pound 2Jc.  per  pound  i 

plus  \c. 
Value  r.bove  10  cents  per  pound.    ;ijc.  per  pound' 

)ilU8  \c. 
*Hoop-iron  for  "other  purpi  sea  "  also  made  free  in  M 


45  per  cent. 
2c.  per  pound. 
2 J'',  per  pound. 
3^0.  per  pound. 


Ic.  per  pound. 

liV.  per  pound. 
1^0.  per  pound. 

45  per  cent. 
2c.  per  pound. 
2Jc.  per  pound. 
3}c.  per  pound. 


45 percent,  plus 
ic.  per  pound. 

2c.    per    pound 
plus  \c. 

2Jr.  per    pound 

1)1  UB  \c.. 
3ic.   per  pound 

plus  \c. 
ills  bill. 

521 


Present  law  nr>d  Mills  hUl  ciompared — Continued. 


Articles. 


Pre'^ent  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


Dl'TIABI.E. 

Iron  and  steel,  and  manufactures  of — 
Continued. 
SheetP,  plates,  and  taegera'iron — 
Boder  or  other  plate-iron,  sheared 
or   uueheared,  and   skelpiron 

sheared  or  rolled  in  j^roovee 

Sheet-iron,  common  or  black — 
Thinner  than  V>  inch  and  not 
thinner   than    No.  20,   wire 

gauge 

Thinner  than  1  inch  and  not 
thinner   than   No.   20,   wire 

gauge 

Thinner  than  No.  20  and  not 
thianer    than   No.   25,  wire  j 

gauge 1 

Thinner  than  No.  25  and  not 
thinner   tban   No.    29,   wire 

gauge 

Thinner     than    No.    .9,    wire 

gauge  

■  Sheets  and  plates  pickled  or  cleaned 
by  acid,  or  by  any  other  material 
or  procesp,  and  cold-rolled — 

Boiler  and  other  plate 

Sheets — 
Thinner  than  1 X  inch  and  not 
thinner    than    No.  20   wire 

gauge 

Thinner  than  1  inch  and  not 
thinner  than    No.    20    wire 

gauge 

Thinner  than  No.  20  and  not 
thinner  than   No.    25,   wire 

gauge 

Thinner  than  No.  2-")  and  not 
thinner  than  No.  29,  wire 
gauge 

Thinner  than  No.  29  wire  guage. 


1|C.  per  pound..]  lie.  per  pound. 


li'jjC.  per  pound, 


Ic.  per  pound. 

Ij^c.  per  pound.    Uc.  per  pound. 

li^oC.  per  pound.!  liVc.  per  pound. 
30  per  cent 30  per  cent. 


Ijc.  per  pound. 


I2C.  per  pound. 


l^(^c.  p.  pound..j 

I 
I 

1  ^l*o^oC•  p.  pound. 

li¥oC.  ppound..    liVij<5.  p.  pound. 


1  iVoC.  p.  pound.. 

l^c.  p  pound  and 

30  per  cent. 


1  iVaC.  p.  pound. 

jc.  p.  pound  and 

30  per  cent. 


■Sheets  or  plates  of  iron  or  steel 
(except  what  are  commerciall)'  \ 
known  as  tin-plates,  terne- plates,  I 
and   taggers'   tin),  galvanized  or  1 
coated    with   zinc  or  spelter,  or 
other  metals,  or  any  alloy  of  these 
metals — 

Thinner  than  1]  inch  and  not  ' 

thinner   than    No.    20,  wire 

gauge ,   liVbc.  p.  pound, 


fr^K'-tit  I'lir  and  Mdh  hiU  compared — Continued. 


I 


Artitlep. 


i»i  TiAiti.i^:. 

Iron  and  Bliv\  and  maimractiire.s  of — 

CoQtinupd. 

Sheets  or  plates  of  iron  or  steel. 

t*ir.— Contiimt'd. 

Thinner  than  I  inch  and  not 

tliinner    than  No.   :.'0,    wire 

trauue 

Thinner   than  No.  20  and  not 
thinner   than  No.   2."),    wire 

jfanjie 

Thinner  ttian   No.  2o  and  n<it 
thinner    than   No.   20.    wire 

ganire 

Sheet-iron  or  steel,  corrugated  or 
crimped — 

Iron 

Steel 

Sheet-iron  or  steel,  polished,  plan- 
iehed,  or  glanced — 

Iron 

Steel 

Sheets  and    plate.s   of  steel   of  all 
thicknefses  and  widths — 

Valued  at  4  cents  a  pound   or 

less 

Valued  above  4  cents  and  not 

above  7  cents  per  pound 

Valued  above  7  cents  and  not 

above  10  ct  nb*  per  pound 

Valuedabove  lOcts.  p»^r  p^und. 
•Sheets  of  iron  or  steel,  cold-rolled, 
col<l-hatninered,  or  polished  in 
any  way,  in  addition  to  tht- or- 
dinary procepH  of  hot-rolling  or 
hanimerinp — 
Sheet-iron,  common    or  black — 
Thinner  than  lA  inch  and  not 
thinner  than   No.  20,   wire 
gauge  


Pre^ent   rates      Katesof  duty  by 
of   dutv.  Mills   bill. 


liVftC.  p  pound. 

liVat"-  P-  pound.  1,'W>''-  P-  pound. 

-iVbC.  p.  pound.  2c.  per  pound. 

Ij^c.  per  pound]  l,Vp^r  pound. 

Ij^c.  per  pound.  l,Vc-  per  pound. 

2^.c.  per  pound..  2hc.  per  pound. 

21c.  per  pound..  2ic.  p»  r  pound. 


4o  per  cent 4">  per  cent. 

2c.  per  pound...  2c.  per  pound. 

2:Jc.  per  pound..  2jc.  per  pound. 

:V|c.  per  pound..  'A\c.  per  pound. 


Thinner  than  I  inch  and  not 
thinner  than  No.  20,  wire 
gauge.... 


1  ,^c  p.    pound 
I)lus  i  cent. 


lie.  per  pound. 


Thinner  than  No.  20  and  rot 
thinner  than  No.  2.i,  wire 
gauge  

Thinner  than  No.  2o  and  not 
thinner  than  No.  20,  wire 
gauge 


I,"''oC.  p.  i>ound      li^V^c  p.  pound, 
plus  Jc. 

l,^o<'P-    pound      Uc.  per  pound. 

plus   ',('. 

523 


Prtsenl  law  and  MUU  hill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


DITIABI.E. 

Iron  and  steel  and  manufactures  of — 

Contiimtd. 

Sheet-iron,    common    or    black — 

Continued.  • 

Thinner    than    No.    29,    wire 

^'aiige 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


Sheet  steel — 

Value!  at  4  cents  a  pound  or 
less 

Valued  above  4  cents  and  not 
above  7  cents  per  pound 


Valued  above  7  cents  and  not 
above  10  cents  per  pound 

Valued    above    10    cents   per 
pound 


Sheets  or  plates,  or  taggers'  iron, 
coated  with  tin  or  lead,  or  with 
a  mixture  of  which  these  met- 
als are  a  component  part,  by 
the  dipping  or  any  other  pro- 
cess, and  commercially  known 
as  tin-plates,  terne-plates,  and 

taggvFo'  tin,  of  iron  or  steel 

Taggers'  iron — 

Put  up  in  boxes  or  bundles  or 

not 

Pickled  or  cleaned  by  acid  or 
any  other  material  or  process, 
and  cold-rolled 

Wire  rods  (»ivet,  screw,  nail,  and 
fence), round,  in  coils  and  loops, 
not  lighter  than  No.  5,  wire 
gauge,  valued  at  3 J  cents  or 
lees  per  pound — 

Iron 

Steel  

Wire  rods  of  steel,  not  elsewhere 

specified 

Iron  or  steel,  flat  with  ribs 

Wire  of  iron — 

Smaller  than  No.  5  and  not 
smaller   than    No.    10,   wire 

gauge 

Smaller  than  No.  10  and  not 
smaller  than  No.  16,  wire 
gauge  

524 


{c.   per  pound     }c.  per  pound 
and  30  per  cent,    and  30  per  cent. 


45  percent.plus  |  45  per  cent,  plus 
Jc.  per  pound.   |  \c.  per  pound. 

i 

2c.  per   pound     2c.  per  pound 

plus  \c.  plus  {c. 

i 

23c.  per  pound  I  2\c.  per  pound 

plus  .ic.         I         plus  \c. 


Sic.  per  pound 
plus  \c. 


3Jc.  per  pound 
plus  ic. 


Ic.  per  pound... j  Free. 


30  per  cent I  30  per  cent. 


ic.  per  pound     ic.  per  pound 
and  30  per  cent.  •  and  30  per  cent. 


^«(jC.  per  pound...'  jO^c.  per  pound, 
j^c.  per  pound...!  •^a.  per  pound. 

45  per  cent '  40  per  cent. 

j^ac.  per  pound.. !  j^c.  per  pound. 


l}c.  per  pound..    Not  to  exceed 
(50  per  cent. 

2c.  per  pound...     Not  to  exceed 
GO  per  cent. 


Present  law  and  Mill*  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


Present  rates 
of  daty. 


DlTIAKI.f:. 

Iron  and  steel  and  manufactures  of— 
Continued. 
Wire  of  iron— Continued. 

Smaller  than  No.  Kl,  and  not 
Bnialler  tliau  No.  20,  wire 
gauge 

Smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  ; 
gauge ' 

Covered  with  cotton,  silk,  or  ! 
other  material,  and  wire  com-  ! 
monly  known  as  crinoline,  I 
corset,  and  hat  wire — 

"Smaller   than    No.   5  and   not 
smaller    than    No.    10    wire  j 
gauge ; 

Smaller  than  No.  10  and  not  , 
smaller  than  No.  16,  wire  1 
gauge ' 

Smaller   than   No  10  and  not  | 
smaller   than   No.    26,    wire 
gauge  

Smaller     than     No.    26,    wire  | 

gflUK'e ! 

Galvanized  (except  fence  wire) — 

Smaller   than   No.  5   and    not 
smaller  than    No.    10,   wire  I 
g*uge 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


2Jc.  per  pound. 
3c.  per  pound.. 


5ic.  per  pound.. 

6c.  per  pound.. 

6ic.  per  pound. 
7c.  per  pound.. 

2c.  per  pound.. 


Smaller    than    No.    10   and    not 

smallerflian  No.  16,  wire  uauge..:  2  J  c.  per  pound... 
Smaller    than    No.    16   and    not  ' 

smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  gauge..  3c.  per  pound  ... 

Smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  gauge...'  S^c.  per  pound... 
"Wire  of  steel — 

Smaller    than     No.    5    and    not 

smaller  than  No.  10,  wire  gauge..'  1  }c.  per  pound .. . 
Smaller    than    No.  10    and    not  | 

smaller  than  No.  16  wire  yauge..  2c.  per  pound  .. 
Smaller    than    No.  16    and    not  I 

smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  gauge. .|  2ic.  per  pound.. 

Smaller  tlmn  No.  2*),  wire  gauge...    3c.  per  pound  ... 
Covered  with  cotton,  silk,  or  other 

material,  and   wire  commonly  ' 

known  as  crinoline,  corset,  and  i 

hat  wire —  ; 

Smaller    than     No.    ^    and    not 

HUiallrr  than  No.  16,  wire  vauge..    5Jc.  per  pound. 
Smaller   than    No.    Id   an<l    not 

smaller  than  No.  16,  wire  gauge..  6f.  per  pound  ... 


Not  to  exceed 
()0  per  cent. 

N'tt  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 


Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cenl. 


Not  to  exceed 
60  percent. 

Not  to  exceed 
66  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
60  per  ct  nt. 

Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 

CMt  per  cent. 
No"  to  exceed 

60  per  cent. 
Not  lo  exi-eed 

60  per  cent. 
Not  to  exceed 

60  per  cent. 


Not  to  exceed 
66  p€»r  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 

52.") 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


A^ticle^ 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by- 
Mills  bill. 


DIJTIABT.K. 

1  ron  and  steel  and  manufactures  of — 
Continued. 
Covered    with    cotton,    ifeo. — Con- 
tinued. 
Smaller    than    No.  16    and    not 
smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  gauge..;  6^c.  per  pound. 

Smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  gauge...   7c.  p?r  pound  . 
Galvanized  (except  fence  wire) — 
Smaller    than     No.  5    and     not 

smaller  than  No.  10,  wire  gauge..'  2c.  per  pound  . 
Smaller    than    No.  10    and    not  ! 

smaller  than  No.  16,  wire  gauge..  2vC.  per  pound. 
Smaller    than    No.  16    and    not  ; 

smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  gauge..:  3c.  per  pound  . 

Smaller  than  Nj.  26,  wire  gauge... ^  3?>c.|per  pound. 
Wire  and  wire  strand,  made  of  iron 

wire — 
Smaller    tlian     No.    5    and    not 

smaller  than  No.  lo,  wire  gauge..  42C.  per  pound. 
Smaller    than    No.  10    and    not 

smaller  than  No.  16,  wire  gauge.. |  3c.  per  pound 
Smaller  than    No.   16    and    not 

smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  gauge..'  3ic.  per  pound. 


Smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  gauge- 
Galvanized — 
Smaller    than    No.  10    and    not 

snnller  than  No.  16,  wire  gauge.. 
Smiller    than    No.  16   and    not 

smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  gauge.. 

Smaller  than  No.  26,  wire 

gauge 

Made  of  steel  wire — 

Smaller  than  No.  i  and  not 
smaller    than    No.   10,  wire 

gauge 

Smalk-r  than  No.  10  and  not 
smaller    than    No.    16,  wire 

gauge 

Smaller  than  No.  16  and  not 
smaller  than  No  26,  wire 
gauge 

Smaller  than  No.  26,  wire  gauge. 

Galvanized — 
Smaller  than  No.  5  and  not 
smaller  than  No.  10,  wire 
gauge 

526 


4c.  per  pound  .. 

Soc.  per  pound.. 
4c.  per  pound  .. 

4ic.  per  pound. 

She.  per  pound., 

4c.  per  pound., 

42C.  per  pound., 
oc.  per  pound.. 

4c.    per  pound.. 


Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 


Not  to 

60  per 
Not  to 

60  per 
Not  to 

60  per 
Not  to 

60p3r 


exceed 

cent. 

exceed 

cent. 

exceed 

cent. 

exceed 

cent. 


Not  to  exceed 

60  per  cent. 
Not  to  exceed 

60  per  cent. 
Not  to  exceed 

60  per  cent. 
Not  to  exceed 

60  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 


;  Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
'60  per  cent. 

i  Not  to  exceed 
[     60  per  cent. 
Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 


Not  to  exceed 
60  per  cent. 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Ck)ntiDaed. 


Articles. 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


KatPB  of  duty  by 
Mills  Mil'. 


DITIABI.K. 

Iron  and  steel  and  manufactures  of — 
Continued. 
Made  of  steel  wire — Continued. 

Smaller  than  No.  in  and  not 
smaller  than  No.  1(>,  wire 

gaujre 4Ac.  per  pound.. 

Smaller  than  No.  l(j  and  n<it 
smaller  than  No.  2(j,  wire 

gauge 5c.  per  pound.. 

Smaller   than    No.   '20,  wire 
gauge 5^0.  per  pound- 
Wire  cloth  and  wire  nettings,  made 
in  meshes  of  any  form,  of  iron  | 
or  steel  wire —  i 

Smaller    than    No.    5    and    not  ' 

smaller  than  No.  10,  wire  gauge.    3k'.  per  pound- 
Smaller    than    No.    10   and    not 

smaller  than  No.  Hi,  wire  gauge.     Ic.  per   pound.. 
Smaller    than    No.    10  and  not 
smaller  than  No.  20,  wire  gauge.    4.Jc.  per  pound.. 

Smaller  than  No.  20,  wire  gauge...    50.  per   pound- 
Galvanized — 

Smaller    than    No.  5  and  not 

smaller    than    No.    10,  wire 

gauge 4c.  per    pound. 

Smaller  than  No.    10  and  not 

smaller  than    No.    16,  wire 

gauge 4c.  per  pound... 

Smaller  than   No.  10  and  not 

smaller    than    No.    2f.,  wire 

gauge 5c.  per   pound. 

Manufactures  of,  not  elsewhere  spe- 
cified— 
Axles,  parts  thereof,  axle-bare, 
axle-blankp,  or  for^rings  for 
axles,  without  reference  to  the 
stage  or  state  of  manufacture, 

of  iron  or  steel 2}c.  per  pound. 

Forgings  of  iron  and  steel,  or 
forged  iron  of  whatever  ehape, 
or  in  what  stage  of  mannfat't- 
ure,  not  specially  enumerated  : 

or  provided  for..'. 2ic.  per  pound. 

Anchors,  or  parts   thereof,  mill- 
irons      and      niill-crankH,      of 
wrought  irun,and  wroiiglit  iron  ; 
forshipp,  and  forgings  of  iron  ; 
and  steel  fur  vessflp,  steam-en-  I 
gines,  and  locomotivep.or  jiarta 
thereof,     each     weighing     25 
pounds  or  more 2c.    per  pound. 


Not  to  exceed 
00  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
00  p«  r  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
00  per  cent. 


Not  to 

00  per 
Not  to 

00  per 
Not  to 

00  per 
Not  to 

00  per 


exceed 

cent. 

exceed 

C-'Ut. 

exceed 
cent, 
exceed 
cent. 


Not  to  exceed 
00  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
00  per  cent. 

Not  to  exceed 
00  per  cent. 


lie  per  pound. 


2.\c.  per  jound. 


1  Ac.  per  pound. 

■V27 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


PreBent  rates 
of  duty. 


35  per  cent.... 


45c.  per  sq.  foot. 
25c.  per  eq.  foot. 


I>|  TIAKM^:. 

Iron  and  stfel  and  manufiicturesof— 

Con  ti  lined. 
Mannfiictures  of,  not  elsewhere  spe- 
cified— Continued. 

Anvils I  2c.  per  pound 

Bedsteads  and  other  house  fur- 
niture*   

Card  clothing — 

Manuf.tct'ired  from  tempered 
steel  wire 

Other 

Castinga — 

Cast-iron  pipe  of  every  descrip- 
tion  

Cast-iron  vessels,  plate.=?,  stove- 
plates,  andirons,  sadirons,  and 
hatters'  irons,  and  all  castings  of 
iron,  not  specially  enumerated 
or  provided  for 

MalleaV)le  iron  castings,  not  spe- 
cially enumerated  or  provided 

for 

■Chain  or  chains  of  all  kinds,  made 
of  iron  and  steel — 

Not  less  than  f  of  1  inch  in  diam- 
eter  

Less  than  3  of  1  inch  and  not  less 
than  I  of  1  inch  in  diameter 

Less  than  |  of  1  inch  in  diameter.. 
Cutlery— 

Penknives,  pocket-knives  of  all 
kinds,  and  razors 

Swopls,  sword-blades,  and  side 
arms 

Cutlery,  not  specially  enumer- 
ated or  provided  for... 

Engraved  plates  of  steel 

Files,  6 le  blanks,  rasps,  and  floats 
of  all  cuts  and  kiud^ — 

4  inche-;  in  length  and  under 

Over    4   inches    in    length    and 

under  9  inches !  75c.  per  dozen... 

9  inches  in  length  and  under  14 

inches $150  per  dozen.. 

14  inches  in  length  and  over $2.50  per  dozen.. | 

Firearms — 

Sporting  breech-loading  shot- 
guns, and  pistoLs  of  all  kinds....    35  per  cent 

*A  ruling  of  the  Department  by  which  manufactures 
the  45  per  cent,  bask  it  clause  of  the  metal  schedule  an 
the  u-onri  schedule  at  35  per  cent. 

528 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


1  Jc.  per  pound. 
35  per  cent. 


40  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 


Ic.  per  pound. 


IJc.  per  pound. 


2c.  per  pound. 


Ifc.  per  pound.. 

2c.  per  pound... 
2ic.  per  pound ..! 

2ic.  per  pound.. 
50  per  cent j 

35  per  cent ... 


35  per  cent. 
25  per  cent 


35c.  per  dozen...' 


I'oc.  per  pound. 

l}c.  per  pound. 
2c.  per  pound. 

He  per  pound. 

lie.  per  pound. 
2io.  per  pound. 

2c.  per  pound. 
50  per  cent. 

35  per  cent. 

35  per  cent. 
25  per  cent. 

35  per  cent. 

35  per  cent. 

35  per  cent. 
35  per  cent. 

35  per  cent. 

of  metals  escape 
1  come  in  under 


PreterU  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


DrTIiBTK. 

Iron  and  steel  and  manufactures  of — 
Continued. 
Firearms— Continued. 

Musketa,  ritle.s,  and  other  fire- 
arms, not  spt'ciully  enumer- 
ated or  proviiUni  for 23  percent 

Forced  shot-j^un   barrels,  rou^h- 

bored 10  percent 

IlammerH     and     sledge-s     (l)lack- 
smith's),  track-tools,  wedneti,  and 

crow-bnrs,  of  iron  or  steel 2^0.  per  pound. 

Hollow-ware,    coated,    glazed,    or 

tinned  '.\c.  ])er  pound.. 

Horse,  mule,  or  ox  siioee 2c.  per  pound.. 

Machinery  for  the  manufacture  of 

jute 4">  per  cent 

Machinery,  not  elsewhere  specified..    4")  per  cent , 

Nails,    spikes,     tacks,     brads,     or 
sprites — 
Cut  nails  and  spikes  of  iron  or 

steel lie.  per  pound. 

Cut  tacks,  brads,  or  spriirs — 
Not  exceeding:  U>  ounces  to  the 

thou-^and 2Ac.  per  M 

P^xceedinp    10  ounces    to  the 

thousand .3o.  per  pound... 

Hornlishoe  nails,  hobnails,  wire 
nail?,  an<l  all  other  wronj^iht- 
iron  or  steel  n.iils,  not  .spe- 
cially enumerated  or  provided 

for  4(;.  per  pound... 

Spikes  of  wrought  iron  or  steel...    2c.  per  pound... 
Needles — 

For  knitting  or  sewing  ma- 
chines     I).")  pi'r  cent 

Sewing,  darning,  knitting,  an»l 
all  other,  not  sperially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for 2.'5  per  cent 

Nuts    and    wa-shers  of    wrought 

ir'U  or  steel 2c.  per  pound... 

Railway  fish-plates  or  splice- 
bars,  of  iron  or  steel Ijc.  i>er  pound- 
Rivets,  bolU",  with  or  without 
threads  or  nut^^,  bolt  blanks, 
and  fiiiiohfd  hinzen,  or  hinge- 
blanks,  of  iron  or  steel 2ic.  per  pound... 

Saw.s  and  saw  plates — 

("inular  Ha*8 ;{0  ppr  cent 

Crosd-cut  saws,  liu'-ar  feet Sc.  jier  lin.  foot.. 

Hand,  ba<'k,andall  other  saws, 
not  specially  enumerate*!  or 

provided  for 40  per  cent 

xxxiv 


Rates  of  <1uty  bv 
Mills  bill. 


25  per  cent. 
10  per  cent. 

lie.  per  pound. 

2^0.  per  pound. 
lAc.  i)er  pound. 

Free. 

40  per  cent. 


Ic.  per  pound. 

3.')  per  cent. 
35  per  cent" 


2Ac.  per  pound. 
1  jc.  per  pound. 


20  per  cent. 

Free. 

Uc.  per  pound 

i"(,c.  per  pound. 

Uc.  per  pound. 

30  per  cent 

So.  per  lin.  foot. 


30  per  cent. 
32«» 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


10c.  per  lin.  ft... 
15c.  per  lin.  ft... 


10c.  per  lin. 
15c.  per  lin. 


45  per  cent. 


DUTIABLE. 

Iron  and  steel  and  manufactures  of— 
Continued. 
Mill,  pit,  and  drag  saws — 

Not  over  9  inches  wide 

Over  9  inches  wide 

Circular-saw  plates  of  steel — 
Valued  at  4  cents  a  pound  or 

less 

Valued    above  4  cents  and 
not    above    7    cents    per 

pound 

Valued  above   7  cents  and 
not     above    10  cents  per 

pound 

Valued    above  10  cents  per 

pound 

Screws,  commonly  called  wood 
screws — 

2  inches  or  over  in  length 

1  inch  and  less  than  2  inches 

in  length 

Over  h  inch    and  less  than 

1  inch  in  length 

J  inch  and  less  in  length. 
Tubes     or     flues,    or     stays,    of 
wrought-iron  or  steel — 
Boiler  tubes,  or  tlues,  or  stays.. 

Other  tubes  or  pipes 

"Wheels  of  steel  and  steel-tired 
wheels  for  railway  purposes, 
whether  wholly  or  partly  fin- 
ished, and  iron  or  steel  locomo- 
tive, car,  and  other  railway 
tires,  or  parts  thereof,  wholly 

or  partly  manufactured 

All  other  manufactures  of  iron.... 

All  other  manufactures  of  steei*.< 

*  Basket  clause  in  the  metal  schedule  of  Mills  bill : 

Manufactures,  articles,  or  wares,  not  specially  enumerattd  or  provided 

for,  composed  wholly  or  in  part  of  copper,  thirty-five  per  centum  ad  va- 

valorem  ;  manufactures,  articles,  or  wares,  not  specially  enumerated  or 

provided  for,  composed  of  iron,  steel,  lead,  nickel,  pewter,  tin,  zinc,  gold, 

silver,  platinum,  or  any  other  metal,  or  of  which  any  of  the  foregoing 

metals  may  be  the  component  material   of  chief  value,  and   whether 

partly  or  wholly  manufactured,  forty  per  centum  ad  valorem. 

This  provision  could  be  so  evaded  as  to  bring  in  all  manufactures  of 
metals  at  35  per  cent.,  for  if  ani/  part  of  the  article  were  copper  the  duty 
would  be  35  per  cent,  instead  of  40  per  cent. 
Machinery  clause  in  the  ^Fills  bill  : 

"  Machinery  deaigned  for  the  conversion  of  jute  or  jute  butts  into  cotton 
baggins,  to  wit,"  cards,  roving  frames,  winding  frames,  and  .softeners. 
Free-list." 

This  paragraph  would  be  open  to  great  objection  as  a  large  amount  of 
pretended  jute  machinery  could  be  imported  free. 
530 


3c.  per  pound... 

3|c.  per  pound.. 
4Jc.  per  pound.. 

6c.  per  pound... 

8c.  per  pound... 

10c.  per  pound.. 
12c.  per  pound.. 

3c.  per  pound... 
2^0.  per  pound.. 


2Jc.  per  pound. 
45  per  cent. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


45  per  cent,  plus- 
Ic.  per  pound. 

3c.  per  pound. 


3^0.  per  pound. 
4\c.  per  pound. 

6c.  per  pound. 

8c.  per  pound, 

10c.  per  pound. 
12c.  per  pound. 


IjC.  per  pound. 
l|c.  per  pound. 


2c.  per  pound. 
40  per  cent. 


45  per  cent i  40  per  cent. 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


Preeent  rates 
of  duty. 


DUTIABI.1:. 

Jet,  manufactures  and  imitations  of...    25  per  cent. 
Jewelry  and  precious  stones,  not  else- 
where .specified: 
Jewelry  of  all   kinds,   including 

coral,  cut  or  set 25  per  cent 

Precious  stones  and  imitations  of, 
not  set — 
Compositions  of  glass   and 

paste 10  per  cent 

Precious  stones  of  all  kind?, 
except  rough  or  uncut  dia- 
monds      10  per  cent 

Lead,  and  manufactures  of — 
Molten  and  old  refuse  lead,  run  in- 
to blocks  and  bars,  and  old  scrap 
lead,  lit  only  to  be  manufactured..    2c.  per  pound. 

Ore  and  dross, 1  ^c.  per  pound 

Pigs  and  bars 2l'.  per  pound.. 

Sheets,  pipes,  and  shot 3c,  per  pound 

Manufactures  not  especially  enu 

merated  or  provided  for 45  per  cent 

Leather,  and  manufactures  of: 

Bend  or  belting,  and  Spanish  or 

other  sole 15  per  cent 

Calf-skins,  tanned  or  tanned  and 

dressed 20  per  cent 

Skins  for  morocco — 

Finished 20  per  cent 

Tanned,  but  unfinished 10  per  cent 

Upper  leather  of  all  other  kinds, 
dressed  and  skins  dressed  and 
finished,  of  all  kinds,  not  es- 
pecially enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for.. 20  per  cent 

All  leather  not  specially  enumer 

ated  or  provided  for ,....    15  per  cent 

Gloves,  kid  or  leather,  wholly   or 

partially  manufactured 50  percent 

All  manufactures  and  articles  of 
leather,  or  of  which  leather 
shall  be  a  component  part,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for ."^0  per  cent. 

Lime 10  percent 

Borate  of 3c.  per  pound 

Liquors,  spirituous    and    malt,  and 
wines : 
Malt  liquors,  viz.,  ale,  beer  and  por- 
ter— 
In  bottles  or  jiice  of  glass,  stone, 
or  earthenware |  35c.  per  gallon.. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


25  per  cent. 

25  per  cent. 

10  per  cent. 
10  per  cent. 


lie.  per  pound, 
^c.  per  pound, 
l^c.  per  pound. 
2ic.  per  pound. 

40  per  cent. 


15  per  cent. 

20  percent. 

20  per  cent, 
10  percent 


20  per  cent. 
15  per  cent. 
40  per  cent. 


30  per  cent. 
10  per  cent. 
Free. 


35c.  per  gallon. 
631 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared— Continued. 


Articles. 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
.       Mills  bill". 


I>1  TIAKI.i:. 

Liquors,  spiritiuus    and    malt,   and 
wines — Coiilinued. 
Malt  li(]norp,  viz,  ale,  beer  and  por- 
ter— Conlinued. 
Not  in  bottlts  or  jugs  of  glass) 

stone,  or  eathenware 

Spiritp,  »listille<i — 

Alcohol,  I'ontaininj;  i)4  per  cent. 

anhydioas  aU'ohol 

Alcoholic  coiupouude,  not  speci- 
allv  enumerated  or  provided 
for 

Brandy 

Compounds  or  preparations  of 
which  dlHtilied  spirits  are  a 
component  part  of  chief  value, 
nut  specially   enumerated    or 

provided  for 

Containing  50  per  cent,  anhy- 
drous alcohol 

Cordials,  liqueurs,  arrack,  ab- 
sinthe, kirschwixsser,  ratalia, 
and  other  similar  spirituous 
beverages  or  bitters  containing; 
epirits,  not  specially  enumer- 
ated or  provided  for 

Other,  not  specially  enumerated 
or  provided  for,mauufdctured 
or  distilled — 

From  grain 

From  otlier  materials 

Wines,  containiiig  not  more  than 

24  per  cent,  of  alcohol — 
Chaini)agne,  and  all  other  spark-  j 
ling,  in  bottles —  ' 

Containing  eacli  \  pint  or  less.. 
Containing  each  more  than   A 
pint  and   not  more  than  1 

pint 

Containing  each  more  than  1 

pint  and  less  than  I  quart 

Quantity  in  excess  of  one  (juart 

per  bottle 

Still  wines — 

In  cai^ks 

In  bottles — 
Containing  each  not  more  than 
1  (jiiart  and  more  than  1  pint 
Containing  each  not  more  tlian 

1  pint 

532 


20c.  per  gallon..   20c.  per   gallon. 


$2  per  proof  gal .   Repealed 


$2  per  proof  gal.  $2  per  proof  gal. 
and  25  percent,  and  25  per  cent. 
^2  per  proof  gal..   $2  per  proof  gal. 


$2  per  proof  gal..   |2  per  proof  gal. 
$1  per  gallon....;  Repealed. 


$2  per  proof  gal..    ^2  per  proof  gal. 


$2  per  proof  gal..   $2  per  proof  gal. 
$2  per  proof  gal.,  $2  per  proof  gal. 


?1.75  per  dozen.'  $1.75  per  dozen. 

$3.50  per  dozen.,  $3.50  per  dozen. 

$7  per  dozen $7  per  dozen. 

$2.25  per  gallon.  $2.25  per  gallon. 

")0c.  per  gallon  ..  50c.  per  gallon. 

$1.00  per  dozen.  $1.60  per  dozen. 

80c.  per  dozen...  80c.  per  dozen. 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared— CJontinuetl. 


Articlee. 


Present  ratee     Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


of  duty. 


DITIAKI.K. 

Liquors,    spirituous  and    malf,  and 
wines— C'lntiuued. 
'  In  bottles— Continued. 

(.^uaulity  in  excess  of  1  nuart 

or  1  pint  per  bottle  

Vermuth — 

In  caf^ks 

In  bottles — 

Containinj;  eadi  not  more  than 
1  quart  and  more  than  1  pint- 
Containing  each  not  more  than 

1  pint 

Quantity  in  excess  of  1  quart 

or  1  pint  per  bottle 

Malt,  barley 

Marble  and  stone,  and  manutacturea 
of: 
Marble— 
rn  blocks,  rough,  or  squared,  of 

all  kinds? 

Veined  marble,  sawed,  dres;-ed, 
or  otherwise,  inchutiuK  marble 

slabs  and  pavinir  tiles 

All  manufactures  of,  not  specially 

enumerated  or  provi<led  for 

8tone — 
Slate— 

Roofing  slate 

Slates,  blnle-pencils.  slate  chim- 
ney-pieces, mantels,  slabs  for 
tables,  and  all  other  manufact- 
ures of  slate 

S'.onee,  freestone,  granite,  sand- 
stone, and  all  building  or  or-  j 
namental  stone,  except  mar-  ' 
ble,  not  specially  enumerated 
or  provided  for — 

Hewn,  dressed,  or  polished 

Unmanufactured  or  nndrew^^ed.. 
B;ihr-stone,    manufjutureil    or 

bound  uji  into  mill  stones 

Grimlstones,  linished  or  unfin- 
ished   

Matches,  friction  or  lucifer,  of  all  de- 
scriptions  

Matting  anc^   mats  for  floors,  exclu- 
sively of  vegetable  subfltances 

Metals,  metal  coinpoHitions.Hiid  maii- 
nfaclures  of,  not  elsewhere Bpeoi- 
ti.-d— 
Argentine,      albata,     or     rJerman 
silver,  unmanufadured... 


5c.  per  pint 


50c.  per  gallon... 


5c.  per  pint. 
f)Oc.  ]>er  gallon. 


$;i.60  per  dozen.    $1.(K)  per  dozen* 

80c.  per  dozen.. I  80c.  per  dozen. 

5c.  per  pint 5c.  per  pint. 

L'Uc.  per  bueb...    2Uv,'.  jkt  hush. 


Twjc.  per  cu.  ft lOc.  per  cu.  ft. 

fil.lOper  cu.  ft...i  85c.  per  cu.  ft. 
50  per  cent i  :{0  percent. 

25  per  cent 25  percent. 


30  per  cent.' 


20  per  cent. 


20  per  cent 20  j^er  cent. 

j;!  per  ton '  Free. 

20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

f  1.75  per  ton Free. 

35  per  cent 25  per  cent. 

20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 


per  cent. 


25  per  cttni. 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Article. 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


DrTIABL.E. 

Metals,  &c. — Continued. 

Britannia  ware 35  percent 

Bronze  powder la  per  cent. 

Bronze  or  Dutch  metal,  in  leaf. 10  per  cent. 

Bronze  metal,  manufactures  of,  not 
elsewhere  sppcified 45  percent. 

Japanned  ware  of  all  kinds,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for I  40  per  cent 

Metals,  unwrought,  not  specially 
enumerated  or  provided  for 20  per  cent. 

Nickel,  nickel  oxide,  alloy  of  any 
kind  in  which  nickel  is  the  ele- 
ment of  chief  vaUie 15c.  per  pound. 

Nickel  in  ore  or  matte 

Nickel,    manufactures  of,  not  spe-     45  per  cent, 
cially  enumerated  or  provided  for.. 

Pen-holder  tips  and  pen-holders,  or 
parts  thereof 

Pens,  metallic 

Pewter,  manufactures  of,  not  spe- 
cially enumerated  or  provided  for.. 

Pins,  solid  head  or  other 

Plated  and  gilt  articles,  and  wares 
of  all  kinds ]  35  per  cent. 

Platinum,  manufactures  of  not  f?pe-  j 
cially  enumerated  or  provided  for. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


35  per  cent. 
15  per  cent. 
10  per  cent. 

40  per  cent. 


30  per  cent. 
Free. 


30  per  cent.... 
12c.  per  gross. 


45  per  cent. 
30  per  cent.. 


45  per  cent.. 

Quicksilver |  10  pt-r  cent. 

25  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 
25  per  cent.. 


45  per  cent. 


Stereotype  plates 

Type  metal 

Type,  new 

Manufactures  of  all  other  metals, 
not  specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for 

Mineral    substances,   not    elsewhere 
specified  : 

Asbestos,  manufactured \  25  percent 

Minerals,  non-dutiable, advanced  in 
value  or  condition  by  refitiing  or 
grinding,  or  by  other  process  of 
manufacture,  not  specially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for 

Mineral  sabstances  in  acrudestate, 
not  specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for 

Musical  instruments  of  all  kinds.. j  25  per  cent 

Oils,  not  elsewhere  specified  :*  I 

*Ihe  oricrioal  Mills  bill  contained  the  following 

All    preparations  known  as  essential  oil.s,  distilled  oi 
alkalies,  alkaloid-i,  and  all  coml^inaiions  of  any  of  th 
chemical  compjunds  and  aUts  by  whatever  nira=f  kno 
cially  enumerated  or  provided  for  in  this  act.    Free  list 
534 


10  per  cent. 


20  per  cent. 


10c.  per  pound. 
40  per  cent. 


30  per  cent. 
35  per  cent.' 

40  percent. 
30  per  cent. 

35  per  cent. 

40  percent. 

Free. 

15  per  cent. 

15  per  cent. 

15  par  cent. 


40  per  cent. 


!5  per  cent. 


Free. 


Free. 

25  per  cent. 


Is.  rend'^red  oils, 
e  foregoing  and 
wn,  and  not  spe- 


Present  law  and  Millt  bill  compared — Ckjntinued. 


Articles. 


Present  rates     Rates  of  duty  by 
of  duty.        I       Milld  bill. 


DITIAKI.K. 

Oils,  not  elsewhere  specified — Con 
tinued. 
Animal — 

Neat's  foot 25  per  cent. 

Seal 25  per  cent. 

W'liale  and   fish,  not  elsewhere 

specified 2o  per  cent. 

All  other  animal  oils  and  com- 
binations of. 25  per  cent. 

Mineral — 

Naphtha,  benzine,  benzole,  dead 
oil,  and    similar    products    of 

coal-tar 20  per  cent. 

Petroleum,  crude 10  per  cent. 

Vegetable — 
Pixed  or  expressed — 

Castor )^0c  per  j?allon... 

Cotton-seed 25c  per  pallon. 

Croton !  ^Oc  per  pound.. 

Flaxseed  or  linseed j  25c  perj^allnn... 

Hemp-seed  and  rape-seed I  KK'  j)er  gallon.. 

Olive j  25  per  cent , 

Salad,  other  than  olive 25  percent 

All  other  fixed   or  exjirepsed 

oils,  and  combinations  of 25  per  cent. 

"Volatile  or  essential — 

Bay  leaves,  or  baj'-rum  essence 

or  oil $2..")0  p.  pound. 

Cjgnac  or  u?aanthic  ether $4perouace. 

Fruit  ethers,  oils,  or  essences '  $2  .50  p.  pound... 

Fusel  oil  or  amylic  alcohol '  1(»  Y>er  cent 

Rum  oil,  or  essence  of 50c.  perounce...^ 

All  other  essential  oils,  and  com-  [ 

binations  of 25  par  cent 

Taints  and  colors :  * 

liiryta,  sulphate  of,  or  barytes — 

MannfacMired \c.  per  pound... 

Unmanufactured ,  10  per  cent ' 

Black—  j 

Bone-black,     ivory-black,     and  ! 

bone  char [  25  per  cent 

Frankfort 20  per  cent 

Lampblack I  25  per  cent 

Bary'es,  artificial  sulphate   of,   or  '  ; 

blanc-fixe,  or  satin  white 25  par  cent 

Bine—  I 

Berlin.  Chinese,  fiir.  and  wash '  20  per  cent 

Prussian 25  jier  cent 

Ultramarine 5c.  per  i>ound... 

*  A  number  of  these  articles  a'e  herein  el assi fled  by 

^they  come  under  the  basket  clause  for  paints  and  colors. 


Free. 
Free. 

Free. 

Free. 


Free. 
Free. 


40c.  par  gallon 
Free. 

Free 

15c  per  gallon 
Free. 

Free 

Free 


25  per  cent. 


$2.50  per  pound. 
$4  per  ounce. 
J2..50  per  pound. 
10  per  cent. 
50c.  per  ounce. 

25  per  cent. 


Jc.  per  pound- 
Free. 


25  per  cent. 
20  per  «-ent. 
20  p3r  cent 

20  per  cent. 

20  per  rent. 
20  per  cent. 
;?o.  per  jiound. 

na'ne,  although 
535 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


DITTIABL.E. 

Paints  and  colors — Continued. 
Brown — 
Spanish,  Indian  red,  and  colco- 

thar,  or  oxide  of  iron 

Vandyke,  Cassel  earth,  or  Cassel 

brown 

Crayons  of  all  kinds 

Lead — 

Litharge , 

Orange  mineral 

Red 

White,  dry  or  in  pulp  and  ground 

or  mixed  in  oil 

Ocher  and  cchery  earths — 

Dry 

Ground  in  oil 

Oil  and  moist  colors  in  collapsible 

tubes  

Red- 
Venetian 

Vermilion,  quicksilver ;.... 

Sienna  and  sienna  earths — 

Dry 

Ground  in  oil 

Smalts  and  frostings 

TJmber  and  umber  earths — 

Dry 

Ground  in  oil 

Water  colors,  in  cakes  or  in  moist 

pans 

Whiting  and  Paris  white,  dry , 

Ground  in  oil  or  putty 

Zinc,  oxide  of — 

Dry 

Ground  in  oil 

All  other  colors  and  paints,  includ- 
ing lakes,  whether  dry  or  mixed, 
or  ground  with  water  or  oil,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  provided 

for 

Palm-leaf,  baskets  and  all  other  arti- 
cles composed  of,  not  specially 

enumerated  or  provided  for 

Paper  and  manufactures  of : 
Paper — 
Antiquarian,  demy,  drawing,  ele- 
phant, foolscap,  imperial,  let- 
ter, note,  and  all  other  paper 
not    specially  enumerated    or 

provided  for 

Hangings,  and  paper  for  screens 

or  fire-boards 

536 


Present  rates 
of  iluty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


25  per  cent 

25  per  cent 

20  per  cent 

3c.  per  pound.. 
3c.  i:>er  pound... 
3c.  per  pound.  . 

3c.  per  pound. 

ic.  per  pound.. 
isc.  per  pound 

25  per  cent 

25  per  cent 

25  per  cent 

^c.  per  pound., 
lie.  per  pound 
'/5  per  cent 

jc.  per  pound .. 
ijC.  per  pound 

25  per  cent 

oC.  per  pound., 
ic.  per  pound.. 

ll^c.  per  pound 
If  c.  per  pound., 


25  per  cent. 
30  per  cent. 


25  per  cent. 
25  per  cent. 


20  per  cent. 

20  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 

l^c.  per  pound.. 
l|c.  per  pound., 
l^c.  per  pounds 

2c.  per  pound. 

Free. 

lie.  per  pounds 

20  per  cent. 

20  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 

Free. 

l|c.  per  pound. 

20  per  cent.. 

Free. 

l^c.  per  poundV 

20  per  cent. 
Ic.  per  pound, 
ic.  per  pound. 

Ic.  per  pound. 
IjC.  per  pound. 


20  per'cent. 


30  per  cent. 


25  per  cent. 
25  per  cent. 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  co7npared— Continued. 


Articles. 


DUTIABLE. 

Paper    and    manufactures    of— Con- 
tinued. 
Paper — Continued. 

Printing  paper  unsized,  used  for 
books  and  newspapers  exclu- 
sively  „ 

Sized  or  glued,  suitable  only  for 
printing  paper 

Sheathing 

Manufactures  of — 

Blank  books,  bound  or  unbound, 
and  blank  books  for  press-copy- 
ing   

Boxes 

Cards,  playing 

Envelopes.... 

Papier-mache,  manufactures,  arti- 
cles, and  wares  of 

Other  manufactures  of  paper,  or 
of  which  paper  is  a  component 
material,  not  specially  enume- 
rated or  provided  for 

Paper  pulp,  dried,  for  paper  mak- 
ers' use t 

Paris  green 

Pencils  : 

Pencil-leads  not  in  wood 

Wood,  filled  with  lead  or  other 
material,  and  pencils  of  lead  . . . 

Philosophical  apparatus  and  instru- 
ments  

Plaster  of  paris,  ground  or  calcined  .... 
Polishing  powders  of  every  descrip- 
tion  

Powders,  finishing 

Provisions,  comprising  meat  and  dairy 
products : 
Meat  products — 

Bacon  and  hams 

Beef  and  pork 

Lard 

Meat,  extract  of. 

Meats,  game  and  poultry,  not 
elsewhere  specified,  dressed  or 
undressed,  but  not  otherwise 

prepared 

Meats,  prepared,  of  all  kinds,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for 

Pork 

Tallow 


Rates  of  dutv  bv 
Mills  bill". 


15  per  cent j  12  per  cent. 

20  per  cent 15  per  cent. 

10  per  cent 10  per  cent. 


20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

oo  per  cent 25  per  cent. 

100  per  cent.  '"^'^ ' 

25  per  cent.. 


30  per  cent. 


15  per  cent. 

10  per  cent. 
25  per  cent. 

10  per  cent. 


25  per  cent. 
100  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 


50c.  per  gross  j 
and  30  per  ct... 


35  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 


20  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 


25  per  cent. 

15  per  cent. 

10  per  cent. 
12 J  per  cent. 

10  per  cent. 

50c.    per    gross 
and  30  per  ct. 

25  per  cent. 
20  per  cent. 

20  per  cent. 
Free. 


2c.  per  pound....  2c.  per  pound. 
Ic.  per  pound....'  Ic.  per  pound. 
2c.  per  pound...;  2c.  per  jwund. 
20c  per  cent 20  per  cent. 


10  per  cent Free 


25  per  cent \  25  per  cent 

Ic.  per  pound....    Free. 
Ic.  i)3r  i)0uud...    Free. 

537 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


DITlABLiE. 

Provisiong, comprising  meat  and  dairy 
prod  ucts — (Jout  inued. 
Dairy  products — 

Butter,  and  substitutes  therefor... 

Cheese 

Milk,  preserved  or  condensed... 

Milk,  fresh 

Eggs,  yolk  of 

Putty,  or  whiting  and  Paris  while, 

ground  in  oil 

Rags,  not  specially  enumerated    or 

provided  for 

Rep-iirson  vessels 

Rice,  not  elsewhere  specified  : 

Cleaned 

Unclean  ed 

Paddy 

Granulated,  or  rice  meal.  

Saddlery,  coach  anl  harness  hard- 
ware, silver-plated,  brass-plated,  or 
covered,  common,  tinned,  bur- 
nished, or  j  ipanned,  and  coach  and 
harness  furniture  of  all  kinds,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  provided 

for 

Salt: 

In  bags,  sacks,  barrels,  or  other 

packages 

In  bulk 

Seeds,  not  elsewhere  specified  : 
Bulbs  and  bulboud  roots,  not  me- 
dicinal, not  specially  enumerated 

or  provided  for 

Castor  beans  or  seeds 

Garden  seeds,  except  of  the  sugar 

beet 

Hemp  seed 

Linseed  or  flax 

Rape  seed  and  other  oil  seed  of 

like  character 

Silk,  manu''acturea  of: 
Silk,  not  raw — 

Floss,  in  the  gum 

Partially  manufactured  from  co- 
coons, or  from  waste  silk,  and 
not  further  advanced  or  manu- 
factured than  carded  or  combed 

Bilk 

Sewing  silk 

Spun  silk,  silk  threads  or  yarns, 
of  every   description,  purified 

or  dyed 

538 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


4c.  per  pound .. 
4c.  per  pound.. 

20  par  cent 

10  per  cent 

20  per  cent 

Ic.  per  pound.. 

10  per  cent 

50  per  cent 

-2- 
I2 
Ijaj,  jj^^   ^^, 

20  per  cent 


35  per  cent 35  per  cent 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


4c.  per  pound. 
4c.  p?r  pound. 
20  per  cent. 
Free. 
Free. 

le.  per  pound. 

Free. 

50  per  cent. 

2c,  par  pound. 
l]c.  p3r  pound. 
Ic.  p:!r  pound. 
15  per  cent. 


12.'.  per  100 lbs.. 
8c.  per  100  lbs... 


20  per  cent 

50^.  per  bushel. 


20  per  cent 

]c.  par  i))und... 
20c.  p3r  bushel.. 

Jc.  par  pound... 
30  par  cent 


50c.  par  pound. 
30  per  cent , 


Free. 
Free. 


Free. 

25c.  par  bushel. 

Free. 
Free. 
20c.  per  bushel. 

Free. 

30  par  cent. 


50c.  par  pound. 
30  par  cent. 


30  par  cent 30  per  cent 


Present  law  and  Afilh  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


DlTIAItl.K. 

Silks,  manufactures  of — Continued. 
Silks,  not  raw — Coatinued. 

Thrown  Bilk,  in  pum,  not  more 
advanced  than  sin^lcB,  trams, 

or  organzine 

Twist 

Goods  made  of  silk,  or  of  wliich  nilk 
is  the  component  material  of 
chief  value,  not  specially  enum- 
erated or  provided  for — 

Braide,  frinjies,  and  galloons 

Buttons  and  ornaments 

Dress  and  piece  goods 

Hanijkerchiefd 

Hats,  caps,  and  bonnets 

Hosiery 

Laces 

Ponjirees 

Ready-made  clothing 

Ribbons 

Shawls 

Velvets 

All  other,  not  specially  enumer- 
ated or  provided  for 

Soap : 

Castile 

Fancy,  })erfumed,  and  all  descrip- 
tions of  toilet 

Hard  and  soft,  not  specially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for 

Spices,  ground : 

Mustard,  ground  or  preserved,  in 

bottles  or  otherwise 

All  other,  ground  or  powdered,  not 
specially  enumerate  1  or  pro- 
vided for 

Sponges 

Starch  : 

Corn  or  potato 

Rice  and  all  other 

Straw,  baskC'ts  and  all  other  articles 
comjiosed;    of,     not    specially 

enumerated  or  provide  1  for 

Strings  of  cat-gut  or  any  olher  like 
material,  other  than  strings  for 

musical  instriitiientfl 

Sugar,    molasses,    siigir-candy,    and 
confec'ionery  : 
Mola''9e3,te8tinvr  l>y  the  polariscope  : 

Not  above  •"><>  degrees 

Above  £0  degrees 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


;^0  per  cent 30  per  cent. 

oO  per  cent 30  per  cent. 


50  f)er 
50  per 
50  per 
50  per 
50  ])3r 
50  i)3r 
50  i>er 
50  ])er 
50  per 
51)  i^^r 
50  i>?r 
50  per 
50  i>ar 
50  i)9r 


cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 

cent 


50  per 
50  per 
50  p?r 
50  per 
50  per 
50  i)9r 
50  per 
50  i)er 
50  ])^r 
50  J)  '.r 
50  p  >r 
50  per 
50  per 
50  per 


cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent, 
cent. 


20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

15c.  per  pound..'     15c.  per  pound. 
20  per  cent [  Free. 

10c.  per  pound..!  Gj.  per  pound. 


5c.  per  pound...  .'>i3.  per  pound. 
20  per  cent '  20  per  cent. 


2c.  per  pound... 
~\c.  per  pound.. 


Ic.  per  pound. 
'2lc.  per  iMJund. 


:;o  per  cent 30  per  cent. 


25  per  cent Free. 


4c.  per  gillon. 
8c.  per  gallon.. 


2  75 '.  per  trallon. 
•'•  •.  par  gallon. 

539 


Present  law  and  Mills  biU  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


I>1  Tl  Altl.F. 

Sugar,    molassee,    sugar-candy,  and 
conff'ctionery — Continued. 
Sugar,  Dutch  standard  in  color — 
Not  above  No.  ];!,tank  bottoms, 
Rirups  of  cane  juice,  or  beet- 
juice,  melada,  concentrated  me- 
lada,  concrete  and  cencentrated 
molasses,  testing  by  the  polaris- 
cope — 

Not  above  75  degrees 

Not  above  7C>  degrees 

Not  above  77  degrees 

Not  above  7s  degrees 

Not  above  79  degrees 

Not  above  SOdegreea 

Not  above  81  degrees 

Not  above  S2  degrees 

Not  above  8.3  degrees 

Not  above  84  deerees 

Not  above  85  degrees 

Not  above  8f;  degrees 

Not  above  87  degrees 

Not  above  8S  degrees 

Not  above  8!)  degrees 

Not  above  90  degrees 

Not  above  91  degrees 

Not  above  92  degrees 

Not  above  9.3  degrees 

Not  above  94  degrees 

Not  above  95  degrees 

Not  abov|  9G  degrees 

Not  above  97  degrees 

Not  above  9S  degrees 

Not  above  99  degrees 

^Jot  above  100  degree? 

Above  No.].3,and  not  above  No.  16 
Above  No.  1  'l,and  not  above  No.  20 

Above  No.  20 

Sugar-candy  and  confectionery — 

Suear-candy,  not  colored.....' 

Cofectionery  valued  above  30 
cents  per  pound,  or  when  sold 
by  the  box,  package,  or  other- 
wise than  by  the  pound 

Confectiouery.  all  other,  not  spe- 
cially enunierated,  made  wholly 
or  in  part  of  sugar,  and  sugars 
after  being  refined,  when  tinct- 
ured,colored  or  in  any  way  adul- 
terated, valued  at  30  cents  per 
pound  or  less 

540 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


1  Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


1.40c.  per  lb.  .. 

1.44c.  per  lb 

1.48c.  per  lb 

1.52c.  per  lb 

1.5f)c.  per  lb 

1  OOo.  per  lb 

l.'>4c.  per  lb 

l.OSc.  per  lb 

1.72c.  per  lb 

1.7Gc.  per  lb 

1.80c.  per  lb 

1.84c.  per  lb 

1  8Sc.  per  lb 

1.92c.  per  lb 

1.90'.  par  lb 

2.00c.  per  lb 

2.04c.  per  lb 

2.08c.  par  lb 

2.12c.  per  lb 

2.100.  per  lb 

2  20c.  par  lb 

2.24c.  per  lb 

2.28c.  per  lb 

2  32c.  per  lb 

2.40e.  par  lb 

2.40c.  per  lb 

2ijc.  per  pound . 
3c.  per  pound.., 
3^c.  par  pound.. 


1 15c.  per  lb. 


1.182c.  per 
1.214.\  per 
1.240c.  per 
1.278c.  per 
1,310c.  per 
1.342c.  per 
1  374c.  per 
1.406c.  per 
1.43^c.  per 
1  470c.  per 
a. 502c.  per 
1  534c.  per 
1.560c.  per 
1.598c.  per 
l.()30c.  per 
1.002c.  per 
1.094c.  per 
1.726J.  p.^r 
1.758c.  per 
1.79nc.  per 
1.822c.  per 
1  854c.  per 

1  880c.  per 
1.9 1 8c.  per 
l.i)50c.  per 

2  20c.  per  lb. 
2.40c.  per  lb. 
2.80c.  per  lb. 


5c.  per  pound...  40  per  cent» 


50  par  cent 40  par  cent. 


lOc.  par  pound..  40  per  cent. 


Present  law  and  ililis  biil  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


Present  ratee     Rates  of  duty  by 
of  duty.  Milla  bill. 


Di  tiakm: 


Tar  and  pitcli:  I 

Pitch  of  coal  tar 20  per  cent Free. 

Tar  of  coal,  criKie 10  jjcr  cent Free. 

Tar  and  pitch  of  wood do Free. 

Teeth,  manufactured 20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

Tin,  manufactures  of: 

Cans  or  packages,  ma  le  of  tin  or  ! 

other  materials, containing  li^'h  I 

admitted  free  of  duty,  not  ex-  ' 

ceeding  1  quart  in  contents Uc.  each l^c.  each. 

Foil 45  per  cent 40  per  cent. 

All  manufacturee  uf,  not  Boecially 

enumerated  or  provided  for 45  per  cent 40  jier  cent. 

Tobacco,  and  manufactures  of: 

Leaf    tobacco,  of   which    85    per 
cent,  is  of  the  requisite  size  and  j  ■ 

of  the  necessary  lineness  of  tex-  I 

ture  to  be  euitable  for  wrapperp,  j  ' 

and    of    which    more   than    lOO  ! 
leavefl   are   retjuired   to  weigh  a 
pound — 

Not  stemmed 7')c.  per  pound..    T'n-.  per  pound. 

Stemmed $1  per  pound....    $1  per  pound. 

Leaf,  all  other  unmanufactured  and 

not  stemmed .'?")c.  per  pound..    a5c.  per  pound. 

Leaf,  all  other,  stemmed 4('c.  per  pound..    40c.  j)er  )X)und. 

Stems 1.5c.  j)er  pound..;  15c.  per  pound. 

Unmanufactured,     not     specially  i 

enumeratefl  or  provided  for 30  per  cent 30  per  cent. 

Manufactured — 
Cigarsand  cheroots  of  all  kinds....   $2.50  per  pound     $2  50  per  pound. 

and  25  per  cent,     and  25  per  cent. 
Cigarettes  and  paper  cigars,  in- 
cluding wrappers $2.50  per  p3un«l    $2.50  per  jx^und 

Snuff  and  snull  (lour,  manufact-     and  25  percent,    and  25  percent, 
ured  of  tobacco,  ground,  dry, or 
dain|>.  and  pickleii,  scented  or 
otherwise,  of  all  descriptions'....    50r.  per  pound  ..    .»•,•.  j.er  iMnwid. 

All  other 4(\'.  per  jxnind..    4(»c.  pt-r  piuud. 

Turpentine,  spirits  of 20c.  per  gallon. .    Iree. 

Umbrellas,  parasols,  shades  and  parts 
of: 
Umbrellas,  parasols,  and  shades — 

Covered  with  silk  or  alpaca 50  per  cent ,•)()  per  cent. 

All  other  umbrellas 40  per  cent Sojjercenl. 

Umbrella  and  })arasol  ribs,  an<l 
stretcher:*,  frames,  tipp.  runners, 
handles,  or  fjlher  parts  thereof, 
when  made  in  wholcor  chief  part 
of  iron,  Bteel,  or  other  metal 40  per  cent 30  per  cent. 

M' 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared— Continued. 


Ai  tides. 


Umbrellas,  parasolp,  shades  and  parts 
of— Coritinutd. 
Frames  and  sticks  for  umbrellas, 
parasols,  and  sunshades,  finis^hed 
or  unfinished,  not  specially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for 

Varnishes : 
Spirit  varnishes 


Another 

Vegetables : 

Beans  and  pease,  not  for  seed 

Pease,  split 

Potatoes 

Pickles  and  sauces  of  all  kinds,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  provided 

for 

Other,  in  their  natural  state  or  in 

salt  or  brine 

Prepared  or  preserved,  of  all  kinds, 
not  specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for* 

Vinegar 

Waste,  all  not  specially  enumerated 

or  provided  for 

Wax,  and  manufactures  of,  not  else- 
where specitied : 

Bees-wax 

Sealing-wax 

Whalebone,  articles  composed  of,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  provided 

for 

Wood,  and  manufactures  of: 

Basswood    and    other    fiber,     not 

otherwise  provided  for 

Bru.'^h,  for  crib  work 

Unmanufactured,  not  specially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for 

Timber — 

Used  for  spars  and  in  building 

wharves 

Hewn  and  Fawed 

Square  or  sided,  not  sp*  cially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for 

Lumber — 
Boards,      planks,      deals,      and 
other  sawed   lumber,  of  hem- 
lock, whitewood,  eycamore,  and 
basswood — 

Not  planed  or  finished 

*0r  free  by  Mills  bill 
542 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


30  per  cent.... 

$1  32  per  gallon  $1.32  per  gallon 

and    40     per   j  and      40     per 

cent.                  I  cent. 

40  per  cent |  40  per  cent. 


10  per  cent 

20  per  cent 

15c.  per  bushel- 


So  per  cent. 
10  per  cent. 


30  per  cent 30  per  cent, 

7ic.  per  gallon...    T^c.  per  ga 


Free. 
Free. 
15c.  per  bushel. 

35  per  cent. 
Free. 


10  per  cent. 


ou  per  cent. 
7^0.  per  gallon. 

Free. 


20  per  cent Free. 

20  per  cent.     20  per  cent. 

30  per  cent.. 


10  per  cent. 
10  per  cent. 

20  per  cent. 


20  per  cent. 
do 


30  per  cent. 


Free. 
Free. 

Free. 


Ic.  per  cubic  foot 


$1.00  per  M  feet 


Free. 
Free. 

Free. 


Free. 


f  in  "  salt  or  brine." 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Ai  tides. 


Dl  TIAHI.F. 

Wood    and    m an u fat  tares    of — Con 
tinned. 

Planed  or  finished  on  one  side 

Planed  or  finished  on  two  sides... 
Planed  on  two  sides,  and  ton^nied 

and  grooved 

All  other  articles  of  saweil  lumber, 
not  elsewhere  specified — 

Not  planed  or  finished 

Planed  or  finished  on  one  side.. 
Planed  or  finished  on  two  sidts.. 
Planed  on  one  side  and  tongued 

and  grooved 

Planed  on  two  gidesandtongue<l 

and  grooved 

Clapboards — 

Pine 

Spruce  

Hubs  for  wheelp,  posts,  last. 
wagon,  oar,  gau,and  heading- 
blocks,  and  all  like  blocks  or 
sticks,  rough-hewn  or  sawed 

only 

Laths 

Pickets  and  palings 

Shingles 

Shook?,  sugar-box,  and  packing- 
boxes  and  packing-box  shouks 

Staves  of  all  kinds 

Manufactures,  all  other — 

Casks  and  barrels,  empty 

Cabinet-ware  and  house  furni- 
ture, in  piece  or  rough,  and  rot 

finished .., 

Cabinet-ware  and  house  furni- 
ture, finished 

Cedar-wood,  granadilla,  ebony, 
mahogany,  rosewood,  and  sal- 

inwood,  inanufaclurc-8  of 

Osier  or  willow,  prepared  for  bas- 
ket-makers'  use 

Osier  and  willow  baskets,  and  all 
other  articles  composeil  of,  not 
specially  enumerated  or  pro- 
vided for 

Ilattansaiid  reeds,  manufacturt  d. 
but  not  made  uj)  into  ctjmpleted 

articles 

All  other  manufactures  of  wool, 

•       or  of  which  w(»od  is  the  cidef 

component  part,  not  specially 

enumerated  or  provided  for.... 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


$1.50  per  M  feet 
^•2M)  per  M  feet 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill.  :  ^ 


Free. 
Free. 


|2  50  per  M  feet  i  Free. 


$2.00  per  M  feet 
.i:L'..')0  per  M  feet 
^'i.OO  per  M  feetl 

$3.00  per  M  feet  | 

I 

13.50  per  M  feet 

I 

12  00  i>er  M 1 

$1.50  per  M 


20  per  cent j 

:  15c.  per  M 

20  per  cent ! 

'  35c.  per  M 

I 

I  :!0  per  cent.... 

I  10  per  rent.  ... 

I  30  per  cent. ... 

j  30  per  cent ... 
j  .3")  per  cent. ... 


Free. 
Free. 
Free. 

Free. 

Free. 

Free. 
Free. 


Free. 
Free. 
Free. 
Free. 

Free. 
Free. 


;  35  per  cent. 
25  per  cent. 

j 

I  ;!0  ptr  cent. 

10  per  cent. 
35  per  cent. 


;J0  per  cent. 

30  per  cent. 
30  i>er  cent. 

.{0  y>er  cenL 
Free. 

Free. 
Free. 


30  per  cent. 
543 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Articles. 


DITIABLK. 

Wools,  hair  of  the  alpaca,  eoat,  and 
other  like  aniuiale,  and  manufac- 
tures of: 

Unmanufactured — 
Class  1,  clothing  wools:  That 
is  to  say,  merino,  mestina, 
metz  or  metis  wools,  other 
wools  of  merino  blood,  im- 
mediate or  remote,  Down 
clothing  wools,  and  wools 
of  like  character  with  any 
of  the  preceding,  including 
such  as  have  been  hereto- 
fore usually  imported  into 
the  I'nited  States  from 
Buenos  Ayres,  New  Zea- 
land, Australia,  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  Russia,  Great 
Britain,  Canada,  and  else- 
where, and  also  including 
all  wools  not  hereinafter 
described  or  designated  in 
classes  L*  and  3 — 
A'alue  30  cents  or  less  per 

pound 

Value  over  '.>0  cents  per  pound 
Washed  wool — 
Value   (before  washing)  30 

cents  or  less  per  pound 

Value  (before  washing)  over 

30  cents  per  pound 

Scoured  wool — 
Value   (before  scouring)  30 

cents  or  less  per  jjound 

Value  (before scouring)  over 

30  cents  per  pound 

Class  2,  combing    wools :    That 
is  to  say,  Leicft6ter,Cotswold, 
Lincolnshire,  Down  combing 
wools,  Canada  long  wools,  or 
other  like  combing  wools  of 
Englisli   blood,  and    usually 
known  by  tlie  terms  herein 
used,  and  also  hair  of  the  al- 
paca, goat,  and  other  like  ani- 
mals— 
Value  30  cents  or  less  per  pound. 
VaUie  over  30  cents  per  pound- 
Scoured  wool — 

Value   (before  scouring)  30 
cents  or  less  p8r  pound 

544 


Present  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


10c.  per  pound...   Free. 
12c. per  pound...;  Free. 


20c.  per  pound..  Free. 

24c.  per  pound..!  Free. 

30c.  per  pound..!  Free. 

36c.  per  pound..'  Free. 

I 


10c.  per  pound.. 
12c.  per  pound.. 


Free. 
Free. 


30c.  per  pound..'  Free. 


Present  law  and  MilU  hiil  compared — Ck)iitinued 
Aiticlefl. 


Present  n. tea     Rat^s  of  duty  br 

of  .liitv.  Mills  bill. 


DITIAKI.r.. 

Wools,  &c. — Cortinued. 

Class  IJ,  carpft  aooIp,  and  oUi<-r 
similar  wools:  Such  as  Don- 
skoi,  iia'.ive  S'Hiih  Aiiit-ru-an 
(.'orilova,  Valparaiso,  nativf 
Snoyrna.  ami  inclmiin^;  all 
such  wools  of  like  character 
as  havo  been  heretofore 
usually    importe<l   into    ttie  '  ! 

United  States  from  Turkey, 
Greecp,    E^ypt,    Syria,    and 
elsewhere — 
Value  12  cents  or  les?  per  pound.    2^0.  per  poun<l..    Free. 
Value  over  12  cents  per  pound.,    oc.  per  pound...    Free. 
Scoured  wool — 

V'alue   (before  scouring)   12 

cents  or  less  per  pound 7ic.  per  pound..'  Free. 

Value  (before  .scouring;)  over 

12  cent«  per  pound 15c.  per  pound..    Free. 

Wool   on  the  skin   the  same 

rates  as  other  wools I>ee. 

Manufacture-: — 
Balmorals — 
Valued  at  above  3i)  and  not  ex- 
ceeding 40  cent><  per  piiund...    12c.  per  pound     40  per  cent. 
Valued  at  iibove  40  and  not  er-        and  .So  per  ct.  , 

ceeJing  GO  centA  per  pound...    IHc.  per  pound     40  per  cent. 
Value<l  at  above  ()0  and  not  ex-        and  :i')  per  ct. 

ceedinp  SO  cents  r>er  pound...    24c.  per  p  »und  I  40  percent. 
Valufiil  at  above  SO  cents  per        and  ."•'>  perct.  i 

pound •■5">c.  per  p  lund  ,  40  per  cent^ 

Belts  «>r  felts,  endless,  for  paper         and  40  p- ret. 

or  printing  machines 20c.  p^-r  pound     "0  f>or  cent. 

Blankets—  and  .'K)  perct. 

Valued    at  not  exceeding    :{0 

cents  per  ponml  10c.  per  pound     -10  per  cent. 

Valued  at  above  .'50  and  not  ex-         and  :i")  perct. 

ceeding  40  cents  per  pound...    12c.  {)er  pound     4iii)ercent. 
Valued  at  above  40  and  not  ex-         an<I  .".')  |>erct. 

ceeding  f)0  cents  JKT  pound...    ISc.  per  pjund     40  percent. 
Valued  at  above  liOand  nut  ex-         and  .T)  perct. 

ceeding  SO  cents  per  J)  >uiul...    24c.  per  pounil      10  per  cent. 
Valued  at  above  sO  cents  i>er         an<l  ."J")  perct. 

pound  •5'»c.  pi^r  p  »und  j  4<1  per  cent. 

and  40  perct. 

Bunting *...    lOr;.  per  h(|  yil.  '  40  per  cent. 

and  :$■')  perct. 
■Carpets    and     carpeting    of    all 

kinds —  I 

Aubusson,      Axminsfer,      and 
Chenile  carpet.",  and  cari»etfl 

woven  whole  for  room.'* A'lv  per  nq    y<l.     40  per  cent. 

and  .'10  perct. 
XXXV  "^IS 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Article. 


WlTIABl.i:. 


Prefient  rates 
of  (hity. 


Wools,  etc. — Continued. 

Carpttings,  etc.— Continued. 
Brussels  caiptts 


Druggets  and  bockings,  printed, 
colored  or  otherwise 


Mats,  screens,  hassocks,  and 
rugs,  not  exclusively  of  vege- 
table material 

Of  wool,  flax,  or  cotton,  or 
parts  of  eitlier,  or  other  ma- 
terial, not  f-pecially  enumer- 
ated or  provided  for 

Patent  velvet  and  tapestry  vel- 
Vftt  ca'pets,  printed  on  the 
warp  or  otherwiee 

Saxony,  Wilton,  and  Tournay 
velvet  carpel? 


30c.  per  sq.  yd. 
and  30  p -ret. 

15c.  per  sq.  yd. 
and  30  per  ct. 


40  per  cent. 


40  per  cent. 


Tapestry  Brussels,  printed  on 
warp  or  otherwise 


Treble  ingrain,  three  ply,  and 
worsted-chain  Venetian  car- 
pets  


25c.  per  eq.  yd. 
and  30  per  ct. 

4.5c.  p^r  sq.  yd. 
and  30  per  ct. 

20c.  per  sq.  yd. 
and  30  per  ct. 


Yarn,  Venetian,  and.  two  ply 
ingrain  carpets 


12c.  per  fcq.  yd. 
and  SOperct. 

8c.  per  sq.  yd. 
I      and  30  per  ct. 

Clothing,  ready-made,  and 
wearing  apparel  (except 
knit  goodr),  not  specially 
enumerated  or  provided 
for,  composed  wholly  or  in 
part  of  wool,  worsted,  the 
hair  of  the  alpaca,  goat,  or 
other  (likf)  animals,  made 
up  or  manufactured  wholly 
or  in  part  by  the  tailor, 
seamstress,  or  manufact- 
urer— 
CI  )ak8,  dolmuns,  jackets,  tal- 
mas, ulsters,  or  other  out- 
side garments  for  ladies'  ¥ 
and  childrtns'  apparel,  and 
goods  of  t-imilar  descrip- 
tion, or  used  for  like  pur- 
poses  ,  45c.  per  pound 

and  40.  perct. 

•546 


iRatPS  of  duty  hv 

Mills  bill". 


40  per  cent. 

40  per  cent. 
40  per  cent. 
40  per  ceiit. 

30  per  cent. 
40  per  cent. 
40  per  cent. 
40  per  cent, 

40  per  cent, 
40  per  cent. 


45  per  cen'^. 


Freaent  law  and  Mille  bill  compared — Continued. 


Present  ratee    '  Elates  of  duty  by 
of  duty.         ;       Mills  bill. 


DlTIAItl.i:. 

Wools,  &c. — Continued. 
Clothing,  ikc. — Coiitinued. 

Clothing,  ready-made,  at.d 
wearing  apparel  of  every 
description  not  specially 
enumerated  or  provide<l 
for,  and  hal moral  skirtH 
and  skirting,  and  goods  of 
similar  desci  iption  or  used 

for  like  purposes 

Clotbp,  woolen — 

Valued  at  not  exceeding  SO 
(ents  per  pound 

Valued  at  above  80  cents  per 

pound 

Dress  goods,  women's  and 
children's,  coat -linings, 
Italian  cloths,  and  goods  of 
like  description — 

Composed  in  part  of  wool, 
worsted,  the  hair  of  the  al- 
paca, goat  or  other  ani- 
mals— 

Valued  at  not  exceeding  20 
cents  per  '  i  juare  yard 

Valued  at  above  -0  cents  per 
equare  yard 

Composed  wholly  of  wool, 
worsted,  the  hair  of  the  al- 
paca,goat,or  otlier  animals, 
or  of  a  mixture  of  them, 
and  all  .such  goods  of  like 
description,  with  selvedge;* 
made  wholly  or  in  part  of 
other  materials,  or  with 
threads  of  other  materials 
introduced  for  the  purpose 
of  changing  the  classifica- 
tion— 

Weighing  4  ounces  or  lees 
per  p(juare  yard 

All  weighing  over  4  ounces 

per  square  yard 

Flannel? — 

Talufd  at  not  exceeding  ."!<• 
cents  per  pound 

Valued  at  above  :!0  and  not 
excee<liiig  4o  cents  i)er 
pouml 

Valued  at  abo^'e  4(»  and  not 
exceeding  (iO  cents  per 
pound 


40c.  per  pound 
and  l?5  per  ct. 

o5o.  per  pound 
and  3")  per  ct 

35c.  per  pound 
and  40  per  ct. 


5c.  per  sq.  yd. 

and  :i'>per  ct- 
7c.  per   sq.  yd. 

and  40  per  ct. 


Oc.   per  sq.  yd. 

and  40  per  rt. 
.V>c.  per  pound 

and  40  per  ct. 

10c.  per  pound 
an<l  ;{.")  per  ct. 

I'Jc.  per  pound 
and  .T)  pt  r  ct. 

18<'.  per  pound 
;in'>  !'►'  In  r  ct. 


4f  per  cent. 

40  per  cent. 
40  per  cent. 


40  per  cent. 
40  p>er  cent. 


40  per  cent. 
40  jjer  cent. 

40  per  cent. 

40  per  cent. 

40  j»er  rent. 
i>47 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared— Continued. 


Articles. 


Preseiit  rates 
of  duty. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill: 


DrT1.4BI.E. 

Wools,  &c.— Cottinuetl. 
Flannels — (Jt'i!tir.iicd. 

Valued  at  above  60  and  not 
exceeding?  SO  ctnts  per 
pound 

Valued  at  above  80  cents  per 

p<)im<1 

Hats  of  wool — 
Valued  at  above  30  and  not 
exceiiling     40    cents    per 

pound J 

Valued  at  above  40  and  not 
exceeding    GO    cents     per 

pound I 

Valued  at  above  <)(J  and  not 
excee<ling    80    cents    per 

pound 

Valued  at  above  SO  cents  per 

pound 

Knit  goods,  and  all  goods  made 
on  knitting  frames — 
Valued  at  not  exceeding  30 

centfi  pL-r  pound 

Valued  at  above  .jO  and  not 
exceeding    40    cents    per 

pound 

Valut-d  at  above  40  and  not 
exceeding    60    cents    per 

pound 

Valued  at  al)ove  GO  and  not 
exceeding    80    cents    per 

pound    

Value  1  at  above  80  cents  per 

pjund 

Rags,  t-hdddy,  mungo,  waste, 

and  flocks,  woolen 

Sbawls,  woolen — 
Valued  at  not  exceeding  80 

centH  per  pound .• 

Valued  at  above  80  cents  per 

pound 

Compoged  wholly  or  in  part 
of  worsted  the  hair  of  the 
alpaca,  goat,  or  other  ani- 
mals  

Webbingp,  goring-*,  Huspenders, 
bract's,  beltings,  binding8, 
braids,  gallounp,  fringes, 
gin,p3,  conis,  cords  and  tas- 
sels, dress  trinunings,  head- 
nets,  buttons  or  barrel-but- 
tons, or  buttons  of  other 
548 


I 

24c.  per  pound     40  per  cent, 
and  35  per  ct. 

35c.  per  pound  j  40  per  cent, 
and  40  p.  cent.  I 

12c.  per  pound     40  per  cent, 
and  35  p.  cent. 

18c.  per  pound  }  40  percent, 
and  35  p.  cent. 

24c.  per  pound     40  per  cent. 

ano  35  p.  cent.; 
35c.  per  pound  j  40  per  cent. 

and  40  p.  cent. 


10c.  per  pound     40  per  cent, 
and  35  p.  cent. 


I2c 


!c.  per  pound  j  40  per  cent, 
and  35  p  cent.i 


18c.  per  pound  i  40  per  cent, 
and  35  p  cent. 

24c.  per  pound  I  40  per  cent. 

and  35  p.  cent. 
35c.  ppr  pound 

and4(tp  cent.   40  percent. 
10c.  per  pound  i  Free. 

35c.  per  pound  !  40  per  cent. 

and  35  p.  cent. 
.35c.  per  pound  \  4o  per  cent. 

and  40  p.  cent  | 

I 

40c.  p  r  pound     40  per  cent, 
and  35  p.  cent. 


Prestnt  law  and  }fiUt  bill  compared — Continued. 


Aiticlee. 


Present  rates     H«t»*«  of  thity  bv 
of  dtnv.  MillB  bill. 


Dili  AIII.K. 

WooIp,  ikc. — Continued. 

Wobbinns,  gorings,  Ac. — Con- 
tinued, 
forms  for  tatHols  or  orna- 
ments, wrouirht  by  band  or 
braided  by  macbinc^ry,  made 
of  wool,  worsted,  tbe  liair  of 
tbe  alpica,  poat,  or  other 
animalR.  or  of  which  wool, 
worBte<l,  the  hair  of  tho  al- 
paca, troat,  or  other  animals 

IB  a  component  material 

V  irnfl,  woolen  an<l  wor,-<te<l — 
Valued  at  not  exceeding  150 

cents  JUT  pound 

Valued  at  above  30  and  not 
exf-eeding    40    cents    per 

pound 

Nahu'd  at  alx>ve  40  and  not 
exceetlin^;    (10     contH     pt-r 

pound 

Valued  at  above  G()  and  not 
exceeding  80  cents  per 
pound 

Valued  at  above  80  cents  per 

pound 

All   manufattures  of    every   de- 
scription  not  speciallv  enu- 
merated   or    provided    for, 
made  whollv  or  in  part  of — 
Wool— 
ValufHi  at  not  exceeding  80 

cents  per  j»ountl 

Valued  at  above  so  centa  per 

fjound 

\V  ir8ted,the  hairof  th  uilpiicrt. 

goat,  or  other  animal.s  [*'\- 

cept  such  as  are  coni|K>3ed 

in  jKirt  (tf  wool)  — 

V.tlued  at   not  exceeding  '.V) 

cents  per  {Xjund 

Valued  at  above  :{0  and  not 
exceeding    40  cents    per 

pound 

Valued  at  alM)ve  4<i  and  not 
exceeding    '«<>    centii    per 

pound 

Valued  At  above  )iO  and  not 
exceeding    80    cent«    per 

pound 

Valued  at  above  SO  centa  p;r 
pound  


'MK'.  perp')und 
and  .50  p.  cent. 

lOc.  per  pound 
and  ."iop  cent. 

12c.  per  pound 
and  35  p  cent. 

18<'.  per  pound 
and  3')  p.  cent. 

24c.  per  pound 
and  3.')  p.  cent. 

3.5c.  per  pound 
an<l40p.cent. 


oO  per  cent . 
40  per  cent. 
40  percent. 
40  per  cent. 
411  per  cent. 
40  per  cent. 


.3r)c.  per  pound     40  per  cent. 

and  .'io  p.  cent. 
.'hV.  per  pound 

and  10  p. cent.    40  per  cent. 


bK\  per  p  lund     40  p?r  cent, 
and  1^5  p  cent. 

12c.  per  pound     40  per  cent 
and  :V>p.oent. 

l.v.  \tfr  pound     J"  iMTcen', 

and  Xf  p.  cent. 
24c.  p<r  fMMind 

and  :w>  p.  cent.    40  per  cent. 
3.V.  per  p.:>und 
and  40  p.  cent.   40  p"r  cent. 
549 


Present  law  and  Mills  bill  compared — Continued. 


Article. 


DrTIABL.E. 

Zino,  spelter,  or  tutenegue,  and  manu- 
factures of : 

Ores 

In  blocks  or  pigs , 

111  sheets 

Old  worn-out,  fit  only  to  be  reman- 
factured 

Manufactures  of,  not  specially  enu- 
merate or  provided  for 

Sacks,  crates,  boxes,  etc.,  designed 
to  evade  duties  thereon  (section 
7,  act  of  March  3,  1883)  

Articles  not   enumerated,   section 
2513,  Revised  Statutes — 

Unmanufactured 

Manufactured 

650 


Present  rates 
of  dutv. 


Rates  of  duty  by 
Mills  bill. 


20  per  cent 20  per  cent. 

I'.c.  per  pound..  l',o.  per  pound. 

2^.c.  per  pound..!  2c.  per  pound. 

loc.  per  pound..  IJc.  per  pound. 

45  per  cent [  40  per  cent. 

100  per  cent Repealed. 

10  per  cent '  10  per  cent. 

I'O  per  cent |  20  per  cent. 


si.MiiviTi  iiK  <  i.\i  sy.. 


Pr«'<«i«'n!  I^aw.  1 

Sec.  2499.  There  shall  he  levied, ' 
•collected,  and  paid  on  each  and 
every  non-enumerated  article  which 
bears  a  similitude,  either  in  mate- 
rial, quality,  textue,  or  the  use  to 
Tvhich  it  may  bo  applied,  to  any  ar- 
ticle enumerated  in  this  title  as 
chargeable  with  duty,  the  same  rate 
of  duty  which  is  levied  and  char;;ed 
on  the  enumerated  article  which  it 
most  resembles  in  any  of  the  par- 
ticulars before  mentioned ;  and  if 
any  non-enumerated  article  equally 
re'^embles  two  or  more  enumerated 
articles  on  which  ditl'erent  rates  are 
chargeable,  there  shall  he  levied, 
collected,  and  paid  on  such  non- 
enumerated  article  the  same  rate  of 
duty  as  i-^  chargeable  on  the  article 
•wliich  it  resembles  paying  the  high- 
est duty  ;  and  on  all  articles  manu- 
factured from  two  or  more  materials 
the  duty  shall  be  assessed  at  the 
highest  rates  at  which  the  compo- 
nent material  of  chid  value  may  be 
chargeable.  If  two  or  more  rates  of 
duty  should  be  applicable  to  any  im- 
ported article,  it  should  be  classified 
for  duty  under  the  highest  of  such 
rates:  Provided,  That  non-enumera- 
ted articles  similar  in  material  and 
quality  and  texture,  and  the  use  to 
which  they  may  be  applied,  to  arti- 
cles on  the  free  list,  an  1  in  the  man- 
ufacture of  which  no  dutiable  ma- 
terials are  used,  shall  be  free. 


I'roposcd  bj   .Mill>.  Hill. 

Pec.  2409.    Each    and   every  inv- 
ported   ar»icle    not   enumerated    or 
provided  for  in  any  schedule  in  this 
title,  whicli  is  Himila**,  eitlier  in  ma- 
terial, ipiality,  texture,  or  the  uec  to 
which  It  may  he  applietl,  to  any  ar- 
ticle   enumerated    in    this   title  afl 
chargeable  with  duty,  shall  pay  the 
same  rate  of  duty  whi»h  is  levied 
on  the  enumerated  article  which  it 
most  resemt)le8  in  any  of  the  par* 
licular,-?   b  fore   mentioned  ;   and  if 
any  non-enumerated  article  tH]uall> 
resembles  two  or  more  enuujeratetl 
articles  on  which  ditlerent  I'ates  of 
duty  are  chargealde.  tfiere  shall  be 
levied  on  sut;li  non-enumerated  ar- 
ticles the  same  rate  of  duty  as  is 
chargeable  on  the  article  which  it 
resembles  paying  the  highest  rat« 
of  duty  ;  and  on  articles  not  other- 
wise   provided    for,    manufacture<l 
from    two   or   more   materials,  the 
duty  shall  be  asfes.-^ed  at  the  rate 
at  which  the  du'iable  component 
material    of   chief    value    may    b« 
chargeable;  and  the  word-*  "com- 
ponent  material    of   i-tiief    value." 
whenever  need  in  this  title,  shall  b« 
"  held  to  mean  that  dutiable  omjK)- 
nent  material  which  shall  exceed  in 
value  any  other  single  component 
material  foind  in  the  article;  and 
the  value  of  each  component  mate- 
rial shall  he  determiii'd  by  the  as- 
certained value  of  fuch  material  in 
I  its  last  form  and  condition  before  it 
'  became  a  component    material   of 
I  Buch  article.     If  two  or  more  rates 
of  duty  shall   be  applicable  to  any 
imported  article,  it  -hall  pay  duty  at 
the  highes'  of  such  rates  :   I'roi  idfl. 
That  any   non-enumerated    artidn 
I  similar  in  material,  and  tpiality,  and 
:  texture.  a!id  the  use  to  which  it  may 
be  applied  to  any  article  on  the  free 
list. and  in  the  manufacture  of  which 
no  tlutiahle  materials  are  used,  shall 
be  free  of  dutv. 


5.->l 


For  <'linii;?<'«»  ill   "♦lills  liill  s<m'  <'imI  ol"  Fr<M'  liist.) 

Ai>i>i:u   TO    i-Ki:s:-i.i.sT   uv   tiii:   .iiii.l.m  bill.. 


Articles. 


ExiBtiDg  rate. 


Wood,  and  manufactures  of: 
Timber —  ' 

Used  for  spars  and  in  building  wharves [  20  per  cent. 

Hewn  and  sawed  |         Do. 

.Squared  or  nided  j  Ic.  per  cubic  foot. 

SVood,  manufactured,  not  specially  enu  Jierate<l  \ 

or  provided  for 20  per  cent. 

Lumber — 
•     Boards,  planks,  deals,  and  other  sawed  lumber, 
of  hemlock,  whitewood,  sycamore,  and  bass-  I 
wood —  ' 

Not  planed  or  finished [  $1  per  M  feet. 

All  other  articles  of  sawed  lumber,  not  else- 
where epecitied — 

Not  planed  or  finished $2  per  M  feet. 

Hubs  for  wheels,  posts,  last,  w-i{;on,  oar.  eun, 
and  headinp;-blocks,  and  all  like  Blocks  or 
stick?,  rouiirh  hewn  or  sawed  only — 

Staves  of  all  kinds ]  10  per  cent. 

Pickets  and  palings '  20  per  cent. 

Laths '  15c.  per  M. 

Shingles 35c.  per  M. 

Clapboards —  i 

Pine ,  $2per^M. 

Spruce jil.50  per  M. 

Salt  in  baps,  etc 12c.  per  100  pounds. 

Salt  in  bulk i  He.  per  100  pounds. 

Flax  straw $5. 

Flax,  not  hackled  $20. 

Flax  tow 120. 

Hemp  tow $10, 

Hemp $25. 

Manilla  and  substitutes $25. 

Jute  buttg $5. 

Jute 20  per  cent. 

Sunn $15. 

Sis^l  grass $15. 

Other  vegetable  substances $15. 

Burlapp,  not  e.xeeding  00  inches ;50  per  cent. 

Bags  of  jute  for  grain — not  enumerated ► 

Jute  machinery — not  enumerated  in  present  tarifi..  -15  per  cent. 
Tin  plates,  terne  plates,  and  taggers'  tin,  of  iron  or  | 

steel Ic,  per  pound. 

Beeswax 20  p'T  cent. 

Glycerine,  crude,  brown  or  yellow 2  cents. 

Phosphorus 10  cents. 

Crysilic  wash  20  per  cent.. 

Soap,  hard  and  soft Ho. 

Hemlock,  extract,  tanning,  etc Do^ 

552 


Added  to  Fret  Lut  l>y  Mill.i  lull — Continued. 


Articlee. 


Kxi<9ting  rat«. 


Inili^),  extrac 

Indijto,  carrained ' 

Iodine,  resublimed 

Oil,  Crotou 

Hemp-seed  and  rape-seed  oil  

Petroleum  (inluded  in  oih) 

Alumina,  alum,  etc- 

Mineral  water:^,  imitation 

B:iryta,  etc.,  unmanufactured 

Borax,  crude 

Borax,  refined 

Bor.tcic  acid,  commercial 

Boracic  acid,  pure 

Borate  of  lime 

Copper,  puli)hate  of,  blue  vitriol  

Iron,  sulphate  of,  copperas 

I'utash — 

Crude 

Carbonate  of,  or  fused 

Caustic 

Chlorate 

Nitrate  ('Tude) 

Sulphate 

Soda — 

Sulphate,  salt  or  niter  cuke 

Sulphate,  Gluubt'r's  salt.s 

Nitrate  of  eo  la,  not  enumerated 

Sidphur,  refined,  in  rolls 

Wood-tar 

Coal-tar — 

Crude 

Products,  benzine,  etc 

Not  colors  or  dyes..  

Pitch  of 

Logwood  and  other  dye-wood.4,  ex  ractn,  and  decoc 

tions  of 

Turpentine,  spirits  of 

Eirths— 

Ocher,  etc.,  dry 

Umber,  etc.,  dry 

Sienna,  dry 

O.ls— 

Olive  oil 

Cotton -seed  oil 

Salad 

Neats-foot  oil 

Seal  oil 

Whah'oil 

B  irks,  beans,  etc 

Crude  niinei:d.s,  etc 

CUyt;  or  eartim,  unwro^ight.  $ 

Gias-t  plates  or  di><k8  forsppctncle*,  not  eiiumerati- ! 
Opium,  crude 


Hi  per  cent. 

I)o. 
40  ceutii  per  pound. 
.')()  rents  i»er  j)oun  I. 
lU\;entrt  per  ^ullou. 
10  per  cent. 
,«a  cent. 
'M)  |K?r  cent. 
10  |>er  cont. 
'.\  cents. 
5  cent«. 

4  cents. 

5  cents. 
;i  cent*. 

Do. 
A  cent. 

I'd  per  cent. 

1)0. 

Do. 
:'.  -entH. 
1  cent. 
L'O  per  cent. 

Do. 
Do. 

;i«io. 

10  p«rr  cent. 

D.I. 
20  per  cent. 

Dt.. 
Do. 

10  per  cent. 

L^it  I-  ■uts. 

\  cent. 
Do. 
IK». 

•  ;•   I  I  ent. 

:  iM  \m:t  Ipalloa. 
r  cen'. 
■|)<.. 
D.. 
Do. 
:0  |HT  cent. 

Do. 
1.50. 


oo3 


A'id-'i  to  Free  L>st  hy  the  Mills  bill — Continued. 


Articles. 


Existing  rate. 


•Cotton  tieg  or  hoops  for  bailing  or  other  purposes,  ! 

etc [  '>T  per  cent. 

Needles,  sewing,  darning,  knitting,  etc 25  percent. 

Ores,  copper 2]  cents. 

Ores,  copper,  regains [  31  cents. 

Copper,  old '  3  cents. 

Antimony  as  regains,  etc I  10  per  cent. 

Quicksilver '        Do. 

Chromate  of  iron i  15  per  cent. 

Metals,  uuwrought j  20  per  cent. 

Mineral  snbstance:^,  crude Do. 

Brick,  other  than  tire-brick Do. 

German  looking-glass  plates  of  blown  glass 

Vegetables,  fresh  or  brine I  10  per  cent. 

Chicory j  2  cents. 

Acorns  and  other  substitutes  for  coffee '        Do. 

Cocoa,  manufactured j        Do. 

Currants,  Zante  or  other '  1  cent. 

Dates i        Do. 

Figs 2  cents. 

Meats,  game,  and  poultry j  10  per  cent. 

Milk,  fresh \        Do. 

Egg  yelks I  20  percent. 

Beans  and  peas {  10  per  cent. 

Split  peas j  20  per  cent. 

Bibles,  books,  and  pamphlets  other  than  English  j 

not  enumerated 

Bristles j  15  per  cent. 

Bulbs  and  roots  not  otherwise  provided  for '■  20  per  cent. 

Feathers,  crude,  ostrich '  25  percent. 

All  others Do. 

Finishing  powder j  20  per  cent. 

Grease,  not  elsewhere  specified 10  percent. 

Grindstones i  $1.75 

Curled  hair j  25  per  cent. 

Human  hair,  raw !  20  per  cent. 

Hempseed I   5  cent. 

Rape  and  other  oil  seeds I        Do. 

Garden  seeds I  20  per  cent. 

Otiier,  or  willow  for  baskets j  25  per  cent. 

iJroTin  corn,  not  enumerated j..  

i3ru^h  wood 10  per  cent. 

JRags j  10  per  cent. 

Ratans  and  reeds 10  per  cent. 

Stones,  free,  granite,  etc.,  rough >  $1 . 

Gut  strings,  except  musical '  25  per  cent. 

Tallow I  1  cent. 

AVaste,  not  otherwise  provided  for 10  per  cent. 

554 


Aililtd  to  Free  Lix(  hij  the  MUU  bill — Continued. 

ArtirU'H.  Kxi- 1  ufi  riit«\ 


•Woole,  hair  of  tlie  alpaca,  goat,  and  other  like  ani- 
mals, and  manufaclurfe  of: 
■Unmanufactured — 

Class  1,  clotliiiiK  wools  :  That  is  to  say  merino, 
mestiza,  melz,  or  metis  wools,  other  wool?  of 
merino  blood,  immediate  or  remote' ;  I).)wn 
clothing  wools,  and  wooIp  of  like  character, 
with  any  of  the  precedii  jr,  iiichidinvr  Fuch 
as  have  been  heretofiire  usually   inii)orted 
into  the   United  .Statrs  from  lluenos  Ayros,  ; 
New  Zealanl,  Australia,  Capecf <;(jo<1  Hope, 
Russia,  Great  IJritain.  <  'anaiiaand  elsewhere,  j 
and  also  inclu  Ung  all  wools  not  hereinafter  : 
described  or  desij:nated  in  classes  2  and  .'J — 

Value  80  cents  or  Icps  per  pound Id  cents  p^r  piund. 

Value  over  30  cents  per  ]iound '   12  cents  per  pound. 

Washed  wool —  ! 

Value  (before  washing')  'AO  cents  or  less  ; 

per  pound — ,  20  cents  per  pound. 

Value  (  before  wa.shing)  over  30  cents  perj 

pounl 24  cents  per  pound. 

Scoured  wool — 

Value  (before  scouring)  30  centa  or  less 

per  pound ;  30  cents  per  pound. 

Value  (before  scouring)  over  30 cents  per 

pound '  3<>  cents  per  pound. 

"Oase  2,  combing  wools:  That  is  to  say,  Leices-  1 
ter,  Cotfewold,  Lincolnshire,  ]>own  combing  | 
wools,  Canada  long  wools,  or  other  like  \ 
combing  wools  of  English  blood,  and  j 
usually  known  by  the  terms  herein  used,  I 
and  also  hair  of  the  alpaca,  goat,  and  other  j 
like  animals —  ! 

Value  30  cents  or  less  per  pound 10  cents  per  pound. 

Value  over  30  cents  per  pound i  12  cents  i>t  r  pound. 

Scoured  wool —  ' 

Value  (before  scouring)  'M  cents  or  less 

per  pound :'>0  cents  per  potmd. 

Class  3,  carpet  wools  and  other  similar  wools  : 
Such  as  Donskoi,  native  South  American, 
(  ordova.  Valpuraiso,  native  Svmrna,  audi 
iacluding  all  such  wools  of  like  charac-  ' 
ter  a^  have  been  heretofore  usually  im- 
ported into  the  United  States  from  Turkey. 
Hireece,  Kgypt,  Syria,  and  elsewhere — 

Value  12  cents  or  le.ss  ])er  poimd '  2J  cent«  per  pound. 

Value  over  12  centw  per  pound .')  cents  per   pound. 

Scoured  wool — 

Value  (before  scouring)  12  centsor  lefs 

])^r  i>)und TA  coniB  perp>unil. 

Value  it>efore  scouring)  over  Ticenisper 

pound 15  cents  per  pound. 

Wools  on  the  skin,  not  enumerated 

Rtigs,  shoddy,  mungo,  waste lo  cents  ptr  poiind. 


FKKK  l.ivr  I  WDKU  l*lCI^:si:\T  I.AW 


A^^rates,  unmanufactured. 
Alumiiiuiu. 
AmbiT  beads. 

Animals,  not  elsewhere  specified  : 
Sp<'cially  imported  for  breeding 
purposes : 
Cattle. 
Hogs. 
11  ores. 
Sh(^ep. 
All  other. 
Teams  of  immigrants,  not  iuclud- 
ing  harness,  tackle,  and  vehi- 
cles— 
Cattle. 
Horses. 
All  other. 
Birds. 

Fowls,  land  and  water. 
Leeches. 
Snails. 
Articles  specially  imported  (except 
books ) : 

For   the    use   of  the  United 
States,  not  elsewhere  speci- 
fied. 
Lift-boats  and  life-saving  ap- 
paratus,  specially   imported 
by  societies  incorporated  or 
eritabiished  to  enc  )urage  the 
saving  of  human  life. 
Machinery  for  repair. 
Philosophical  and  s<;ientific  ap- 
paratus,   instruments,    and 
preparations,  statuary,  casts 
of  marble,  bronze,  alabaster, 
or  pLiSter  of  Paris,  paintings, 
drawings,  and  etchings,  speci- 
ally import.'d  in  good  faith 
for  the  use  of  any  society  or 
institution    incorporated    or 
established  for  relieions,  phil- 
Ooophical,  educational,  scien- 
tific, or  literary  purposes,  or 
encouragement  of  the  fine 
arts,  and  not  intended  for 
sal>_'. 
Piants,  trees,  shrubs,  roots,  seed- 
cane,  and  teeds,  imported  by  the 
Department  of  Agriculture  or  the 
United  States  Botanic  Garden. 
Regalia  and  gems,  statutes,   stat- 
uary, and  specimens  of  sculpture, 
specially  imported  in  good  faith 
for  the  use  of  any  «o(  iety  incor- 
porated or  established  for  philo- 
sophical,   literary,    or    religious 
55G 


pur{)o.ses,  or  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  the  fine  arte,  or  for  the 
j     use  or  by  order  of  any  college, 
I      academy,    school,    seminary    of 
learning,  or  public  library  in  the 
United  Slates. 
I  Specimens  of  natural  history,  bo- 
I      tany,  and  mineralogy,  imported 
for  cabinets,  or  as  objects  of  taste 
or  science,  and  not  lor  sale. 
Works  of  art.collojtions  in  illustra- 
tions of  the  progre.ss  of  the  arts, 
science,  or  manuf.«'tures  ;  photo- 
graphic,    works    in     terra-cotta, 
Parian,  pottery,  or  porcelain,  and 
artistic  copies  of  antiquities,  in 
metal  or  other  material,  imi)orted 
in  good  faith  for  permanent  ex- 
hibition at  a  fixed  place  by  any 
society  or  institution  established 
for  the  encouragement  of  the  arts 
or  science,  and  not  intend.Kl  for 
sale,  nor  for  any  other  purpose 
than  is  hereinbefore  expre-sed  ; 
and  all  like  articles  imported  ia 
good  faitii  by  any  society  or  as- 
sociation for  the  puri)08e  of  erect- 
ing a  public  monument,  and  not 
for  sale. 
Supplies  for  war  vessels  of  other 
nations,    section    2982,    Revised 
Statutes. 
Articles  for  the  use  of  foreign  min- 
isters to  the  United  States. 
Articles,  the  growth,  produce,  and 
manufacture  of  the  United  States, 
returned  : 
Barrels  of  American  manufac- 
ture,   exported    filled    with 
domestic  petroleum  and  re- 
turned empty, 
Ca.-:ks,   barrels,  carboys,  bags 
and  other  vessels  of  Ameri- 
can   manufacture    exported 
filled    wiih    Auierican    pro- 
ducts, or  exported  empty  and 
returned  filled  with  foreign 
products,  not  elsewhere  spec- 
ified. 
Spirits,  distilled. 

For  transfer   to    manufacturing 
warehouse,  section  3433,  Re- 
vised Statutes : 
Tobacco :  Manufactured. 

Cigars. 
All  other  articles. 


FreeVsi  under  present  lave — Continued. 


Art  works,  not  elsewhf  re  specified  : 
Paintintr^,    statuary,    fcuniainH, 
and   other   wi  rks   of  art,  the 
production  of  American  artiste. 
Apparel,  u nma unfa  tu red. 
Aephaltuiu  or  biiunun,  crude. 
Belle  and   belle  metal,  broken^  fit 

only  to  be  manufactured. 
Birds,  stulled. 
Biemuth. 

Bladders,  crude,    and    all    inte^u- 
nients  of  animals,  not  9(m  daily 
enumerated  or  provided  for. 
Blood,  dried. 
Bologna  sausapee. 
Bolting  cloths. 

Bonep,  tcrude,    not    manufactured, 
burned,      calcined,     pround,     or 
steamed,  (not  for  fertilizt^). 
Books  and   other   printed    matter, 
not  elsewhere  specified  : 
Books,  i  npravinps,  bound,  or  un- 
bound,    etchings     maps,     and 
chart"',  which  have  been  manu- 
factured more  than  twenty  years 
at  the  time  of  importation. 
Books,  maps,  and  i-hart^,  imported 
Vjy  authority  or  for  the  use  of  the 
Library  of  I'ongress. 
Boi'ks,  maps,  and  charti^,  imported 
by  authf)rity  or  for  the   u?e  of 
the  I'nited    Stat*  s  other  than 
the  Library  of  Conpress. 
Books,  maps,  and  charts,  specially 
imported,   not  more  than   two 
copies  in  any  invoice,  in  pood 
faith,  for  the  iise  of  any  society 
incorporated  or  e.stabii^hed  for 
philosophical,    liti-niry,   or    re- 
lit'ious  purjioses,  or  for  the  en- 
eourapement  of  the  tine  ar's,  (ir 
for  the  use  or  by  the  order  of 
any  collepe,  academy,  school,  or 
seniinary    of   learning    in    the 
United  States.  j 

Books  or  libraries,  or  parts  of  li- 
braries,  in    ti.se   of    p<'rsons    or 
fandlies  from  fereit'ii  <'oiin'riep, 
if  used  abroad  by  them  not  less 
thanone  year,  an<l  not  intend«*<i 
for  any  other  petsjn  or  persons, 
or  for  sale. 
Bonks,  professional,  of  persons  ar- 
riving in  the  I'nited  States. 
Newspapt  rs  and  periodicals, 
Brazil    pebbles   for  specarles.   and 

pebbles  for  spectaclej,  rough. 
Breccia,  in  blocks  or  slabs. 
Burr-slone,  in  blocks,  rough  or  un- 


manufictured,  and  not  hound  up 
into  ndllhtones. 
Cab. nets  of  coins,  medals,  and   all 

collections  of  anTiijuitiiM. 
Chalk,  unmaiifactureil. 
Cheii'icals,  drugs,  and  d\CH,  not  else- 
where specified  : 
Acids — 
Carbolic. 
Oxalic. 

All  otheis   used  for  medicinal, 
chemical,    or    manufacturing 
piirpo«e«,    not    spe«  ially  enu- 
merattd  or  provided  ror. 
Albumen,  in  any  form  or  condi- 
tion. 
Ali/.arine,  natural  or  artificial 
.\ml)ergris. 
Aniline. 
Arseniate  of. 
Salts. 
.\nnatto,  roncon,rocco,  or  Orleans, 

and  all  extra«'ts  of. 
Antimony  ore,  crude  sulphide  of. 
Argal,  or  argol,  or  crude  tartar. 
Ar.-eiiic. 

Arsenic,  sulphide  or  orpiment. 
.\sties,  wo*)!],  and  lye  of,  and  beet- 

roo»  a.«he«. 
Articles  in  a  crude  state  used  in 
ilyeing,  not  spec-ially  enumerat- 
ed or  provided  for. 
Balsams — 
Copal  va. 
Kir,  or  Canada. 
Peru. 

Storax,  or  slvrax. 
Tolu. 

.\ll  other  crude. 
Barks- 
Cinchona,  or  other,  u«-ed  in  the 

manufacturt^  of  (luinia. 
All  <uher,  not  e<lible.  in  a  crude 
state,   and    not  advancetl    in 
value  or  condition  by  retining 
or  grinding,  or  by  «)ther  pro- 
cess <»f  maiiufaeture,  not  f'pe- 
cially  enumerated  or  provided 
for. 
Baryta,  carbonate  or  witherite. 
Black  salts. 
Bromine. 
Cadmium. 
Calamine. 
Cantharides. 
Castor  rrr  cftsloreiim. 
Cinchoni'iia, 
Civet,  cruile. 
(Cobalt,  as  me'allic  arsenic. 


Fne-Lisl  under  present  law — Continued. 


(orfiilue  indicup. 

Coc'hiueal. 

rryuiite  or  kryoiilh. 

tubebs. 

Cudbear. 

Cuttle-dsh  hone. 

Dracon's  blood. 

Driij.^,  beans,  berries,  buds,  bulbs, 

bulbous      roots,    ( xcreecences, 

fruits,  dried  tibers,  prains,  herbo, 

lirheu",    mosses,     nuN.    stems, 

wj^^etables,  seede  (aromatic)  and 

Beede  of  m-rbid  growth,  weeds, 

and  dried  injects,  not  edible,  in 

a  crude  state,  and  not  advanced 

in  value  or  condition  by  n- fining 

or  grinding,  or  by  other  process 

of   manufacture,  not  specially 

enumerated  or  provided  for. 
l)ye-woods,  in  a  crude  state — 

Cam-wood. 

Fublic. 

Logwood. 

All  other. 
Ergot. 
Feldspar. 

Fibrin  in  all  forms. 
Flowers  and   leaves,  in  a  crude 

state,  not  specially  enumerated 

or  provided  f.jr — 
Jiuchu  leaves. 
Chamomile  flowers. 
Rose  leaves. 
Senna,  in  leaves. 
All  other. 
Gums,  not  elsewhere  specified — 

Aloes. 

Amber. 

Arabic. 

Aseafcetida. 

Benzoin,  gamboge,  and  mastic. 

Camphor,  crude. 

Copal,  cowrie,  and  dammar. 

Cutch. 

Gambler,  or  terra  japonica. 

S<".ammony,  or  resin  of. 

.Shellac. 

Tragac4inth. 

All  other  gums  and  gum  resins, 
in  a  crude  state,  not  spf  ciall y 
enumerated  or  provided  for. 
Indigo. 

Indigo,  artiticial. 
Iodine,  crude. 
Ipecac. 
Iridium. 
Julap. 
I..ac,  crude,    seed,     button,     and 

Blick. 
••).>8 


Lac,  dye. 

Lhc,  spirits. 

Lactarine. 

Lemon  and  lime  juice. 

Lime,  chloride  of,  or  bFeaching- 
powder. 

Lime,  citrate  of. 

Lftmus,  prepared  or  not  pre- 
pai'fd. 

Madiler,  and   munjeet  or  Indian 
madder — 
Kxtract  of. 
Ground  or  prepared. 

Magnesite,  or  native  mineral 
carbonate  of  magnesia. 

Magnesium. 

Manganese — 
Ore  of.  • 

Oxide  of. 
Manna. 

Mineral  waters,  all  not  artificial. 

Mu(-k,  crude,  in  natural  pod. 

Nux  vomica. 

Orchil,  or  orchil  liquid. 

O-mium. 

Palladium. 

Peel,  orange  and  lemon,  not 
preserved,  candied,  or  other- 
wise prepared. 

Pitch,  Burgundy. 

Potash,  muriate  of. 

Quinia — 
Sulphate  of. 
Other  salts  of. 

Roots,  in  a  crude  state,  not  else- 
where specified — 
Colombo. 
Gentian. 
Licorice. 
Orris,  or  iris. 
Kliubarb. 
Sarsaparilla. 

All      other,      not      specially 
enumerate<l  or  provided  for. 

SafHower,  and  extract  of. 

Saffron,  and  extract  of,  and  saflf- 
ron  cake. 

Sdlacine. 

Soda,  nitrate  of,  or  cubic  nitrate. 

Sodium. 

Strontia,  oxide  of,  and  proto- 
oxi<le  of  Blrontian  and  stron- 
tianite,  or  mineral  carbonite 
of  etrontia. 

Sugar  of  milk. 

Siil|»hur,  lac  or  precipitated. 

Sulphur  or  brimstone,  not  spe- 
cially enumerated  or  provided 
for. 


Fret- Lift  under  prettnt  law — ContiiiUed. 


Toni|uin,  tonqua,  or  tonca  beans. 

Turpentine,  \'enite. 

Uranium,  oxide  Oi''. 

Vaccine  virun. 

Valcnia. 

Viinillii  beans. 

Verdi^'fiH  (ir  hubacetate  of  cojiper 

Wax,  vegetable  or  mineral. 
Cliffotone,  unmanufacturetl. 
Coal  : 

Anlhraiite. 

Charcoal. 

Lignite  (substitute  for  coal.) 
Cocoa,  or  cacao,  cruile,  leaves  and 

shells  vf. 
Coffee. 

Coir  and  cocoa  liber. 
Coir  yarn. 
Clipper  coins. 
Copper,  old,  taken  fiom  the  bottom 

of  American  vessels  compelled  by 

marine  disasters  to  repair  in  for 

eign  i>orts. 
Coral,  marine,  unmanufactured. 
Coik-wooil  or  cork- bark,  unmanu- 
factured. 
Cotton : 

In  the  setd. 

Unmanufactured. 
Curling-st(  nts  or  quoit", 
Curry  and  curry  powder. 
Diamond  dust,  or  bort. 
Diamonds,  rough  or  uncut. 
Diamonds,  glaziers'. 
Dulse  (sea-weed  ) 

Fane,  common  palm-leaf. 
Farinaceous  sub.^tanceH,  and  prepa- 
rations of,  not  elsewhere  sptci 
tied  : 
Arrowroot. 
Farina. 

Macaroni  and  vermicelli. 
Uoot  Hour. 

Sago,  siigo  crude,  and  sago  Oour. 
Tapio<"a,  caa-'iava,  or  ciissada. 
Fasliion  platew,  engraved  on  steel  or 

worn!,  colored  or  plain. 
KeatheiTS  for  bedn,  and  downs. 
Felt.atlhesive,  forsheathini;  vessel-. 
Fertilizers : 
.\patite. 

Honef,  crude,  not  manufjulured, 
burne<l,  caliine<l,  ground,  or 
steamed,  and  lK)ne  da>-t  and 
bone  ju^h,  for  the  mannfa'ture  of 
pbosphateM  and  fertiIiz»T». 
Carbon,  animal,  tit  for  fertiliiing 
only. 


(fuano. 

KieHerite,  kyanit«,  or  cyanit«.  an*!* 

kaiuite. 
Pho(*phateH,  cnulo  or  nativt-,  i.,r 

fertilizing  puriK.gef. 
.\U    other    subMiances    used    ex- 
pressly for  iimnure. 
Fibe'n,  not  elsewhere  n>ecified  : 
.'Htle  or  tampico. 
All  other. 
Fish,  not  elsewhere  specified  : 
.•^almon,  fresh. 
All  other  fish. 

Lobsters,  canu<  d  or  pressed  other- 
wise than  in  oil. 
Shrimps,    otl  er    shell-fish,    and 
turtles. 
Fish  sounds  or  fish-bladders. 
Flint,  tlint«,  and  ground  tlint  stones. 
Fowers,  natural. 

Fruit  plants,  tropical  or  semi-lropl- 
ciil,  fur  the  i>i-i>08e  of  progaga- 
tion  or  cultivation, 
FrnitH,  including  nuts,  not  elsewhere 
sj)ecified  ; 
B«niina.s. 

Olives,  green  or  prepare«J. 
Pine  apples. 
Plantains. 
Taiuarimls. 
•Vil  <jther  fruits,  green,   ripe,  <>r 

driwb 
Nuts— 
Cocon. 

(ream  or  BrHzil. 
Palm  and  ])Hlin-nut  kernels. 
Furs  and  fur  nkins,  undreHi^eil. 
(ilahH.  broken    j>iiceH  and  old  glasM 
which  cannot  be  cut  fur  use,  and 
lit  oidy  to  be  r<in;  nufactured. 
(ilafis  plate  or  dihks,  unwrotight,  fur 
for  u.si'  in  the  manufacture  of  opti- 
cal instruments. 
Gold  and  nlver  sweepings. 
Gold-beaterw'  moM  and  gold-lH»ater«' 

.'•kin". 
( jold  size, 
(irejise,  for  use  a"  soap  8to<-k  only, 

and  nil  other  snap  stock. 
<tunny-liags  anil    gunny -cloth,  old 
or  refu.-e,  lit  oniy  for  manufit dur- 
ing (not  for  paper  stock). 
Gut: 
Catgut    or    whip    gut,    unmanu- 
factured. 
Catgut    strings    or    g\U   con!    for 

niu  ical  insliument^. 
Gut  ami  worm  gut,  manufactured 
or  aomHnufacture<l. 


Free-List  uiuler  present  law — Continued. 


Hair,  not  elsewhere  Bpecified  : 
Cleaued  or  uncleanul,  drawn  or 
undrawn,    but    unmanufact- 
rred — 
C^irael's  hair,  tops, 
Horse. 

Cattle,  and  all  other. 
Ho^'n  hair,  cnrlet',  for  beds  and 
inatiresses,    and     not     fit     lor 
bristles. 

Hide  cuttings,  raw,  with  or  without 
the  hair  on,  and  idi  t?lue  stock. 

Hides  and    tkins,  other  than   fur 
skins: 
Goat  bkins,  raw. 

Hides,  raw  or  uncured,  whether 
dry,    salted,    or     pickled,    and 
other  skins,  except  sheep  skins 
witli  the  wool  on. 
Shark  and  other  lioh  skins. 

Hones  and  whetstones. 

Hoofs,  horns,  and  parts  of  horns, 
unmanufactured,  and  horn  stripe  , 
and  tips.  ! 

Hop  roots  for  cultivation.  | 

Household  ellects  (except  books)  in  j 
in  use,  of  persons  or  fainiliee  from 
foreign  countries,  if  used  abroad 
by  them  not  less  than  one  year, 
and  wearing  apparel  in  .vctual  u.-e,  | 
and   other   p»-rsonal   effects   (not  ' 
merchandise;,     implements,     in- 1 
struments,  and  tools  of  trade,  oc-  ■ 
cupation,  or  employment  of  per- ' 
sons  arriving  in  the  United  States.  I 

Household  and  personal  effects  (not ! 
merchandise)  of  citizens  of  the  ! 
United  States  dying  abroad. 

Ice. 

India-rubber  and  gutta-percha: 
Gutta-percha,  criide. 
India-rubVier,  crude,  and  milk  of. 

Indians'  goods:  Goods  and  effects 
of  whatever  nature  of  Indians 
pa8.^ing  and  repassing  the  bound- 
ary line  of  the  United  States, 
which  goods  are  not  in  bales  or 
other  large  packages  unusual 
among  Indians. 

Ivory,  unmanufactured: 
Animal. 
Vegetable. 

Jet,  unmanufactured. 

Jos.->stick  or  joss-light. 

Leather,  old  scraps. 

Lithographic  stones,  not  engraved. 

Loa  Ist^mes  and  magneta. 

Manuscripts. 

Medals  of  gold,  silver,  or  copper. 

5(50 


Meerschaum,  crade  or  raw. 

Mica  and  mica  waste. 

Minerals,  crude,  not  advanced  in 
value  or  condition  by  refining,  or 
grinding,  or  l)y  other  process  of 
manufacture,  not  specially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for. 

Models  of  inventions  and  other  im- 
provements in  the  arts. 

Mos--,  seaweeds,  and  all  other  vege- 
table substances  used  for  beds  or 
ma' tresses. 
Oakum 
Oil-cake. 

Oils,  not  elsewhere  specified : 
Fixed  or  expressed — 
Almond  (sweet). 
Cocoa-nut. 
Mace. 
Palm. 
Poppy. 

Sesame,  or    sesamum-seed    or 
bene. 

Volatile  or  essential- 
Almond  (bitter). 

Amber,  crude  and  rectified. 

Ambergris. 

Aniline,  cruile. 

Anise  or  anise  seed. 

Bergaraot. 

Cajeput. 

Caraway. 

Cassia. 

Cedra. 

Chamomile. 

Cinnamon. 

Citronelia  or  lemon  grass. 

Civet. 

Fennel. 

Jasmine  or  jessamine. 

Juniper. 

Lavender  and  aspic,  or  spike 
lavender. 

Lemon. 

Limes. 

Neroli,  or  orange  flower. 

Orange. 

Rosemary,  or  anthoss. 

Roi'es,  ottar  of. 

Thyiue,  or  origanum,   red    or 
white. 

Vale;ian. 
Ore'',  not  elsewhere  specified  : 
Emerv. 
(iuld." 
Silver. 


Pree-Li*t  under  preaenl  law — Continuetl. 


Paper  stock,  crude : 
Esparto,  or  Sfianwh    v'rw'^s.    and 
other  iirassep,  jind   pulp  of,  for 
the  niar.ufactare  cf  pajK'r. 
Junk,  old. 

Poplar  and  other  woods. 
Ra>^  of  all  kindB  othtr  than  wool. 
Waste  and  oth»'r  papenuateriuls. 
Palm  leaf,  iinm.inufat!tured. 
ParaftiiH'. 

Parchment  and  vellum. 
Tatteru  cards. 
I'ewter  and  Kritannia  metal,  old,  fit 

only  to  be  renianufactnred. 
Pbntfi,  trees,  shrubs,  and  vines  of 
all  kinds,  not  otherwise  providetl 
for. 
I^laster  of  Paris,  or  sulphate  of  lime, 

un>rround. 
Platina  or  platinum  : 
Unmanufactured. 
Vases,  retortp,  and  other  appara- 
tus', vessels  and  parts  thereof,  for 
chemical  uses. 
Plumbago.  | 

Polishing:  Ptones. 
Pumice  and  pumice  stone. 
Qiiills,  prepared  or  unprepared. 
Ron  nets,  raw  or  prepared, 
liice   root   for  the   manufacture  of 
brooms.  I 

Rotten  stone  and  tripoli.  I 

Sauerkraut.  ' 

Sausajre  f^kins.  ' 

Seeds,  not  elsewhere  specitied  :         i 
Anise  and  auise  star.  j 

Canary.  I 

Cwraway  and  coriander. 
Cardamom. 

Cummin,  fenugreek,  and   fennel. 
Muf'atd. 

St.  John's  bread  or  bean. 
SuRar-beet. 
Wonn . 

All  other,  except  medicinal  se«'da, 
not  specially  enumerateil  or  pro- 
vided for. 
Shells  f)foverv  description,  not  man- 
ufactured. 
^ilk,  u  imanufacfured. 
C<xroons. 

K.'g.s,  -iilk-wormH*. 
Haw,  or  as  reeh  d    from  the  co- 
coon, but  not  douhh-ii.  twiste^l, 
or  advancerl  in  manufiUTture  in 
any  "ay.  , 

Waste  and  noils. 
Skeletons,  and  other  preparations  of 

ana'.omy, 
Sparlerre,  for  iiiakiii;:  or  ornament- 
ing; hats 
XXX  vi 


Spic«>p,  nnjtronnd  : 
('iWMi.i  buds. 
Caw-ia  and  cassia-vem. 
Cinnamon,  and  rliin-;  of. 
("l(»ves. 
('love-Hteins. 
( linger- nwt. 
-Mac*-. 
NntriH'jft'. 
lVp(H'r — 

Hl:uk  and  whit«. 
Cayenne. 
Pimento. 

.Vll  others,  not  specially  enamer- 
afeil  or  provided  for. 
Spunk. 

Spurs  and  stilti",  used  in  the  mana- 
fmMur*»  of   earthern,    stone,   and 
crockery  ware. 
Straw,  unmanufactured. 
Talc. 

Tanning   materials,   not  elsewhere 
ppj^ifi'-d 
Hemlock  bark. 

Other  article"  in  a  crude  state.used 
in  tannin^;,  not  specially  enu- 
merated or  provided  for. 
Tea. 
Teazles 

Terra  alb.i.  aluminous,  or  bauxite. 
Tin,  bars,  Itlocks,  or  pigs,  grain  or 

granulated. 
Types,  old,  lit  only  to  be  remanu- 

fac'ured. 
Waf»>rs,  unmfdicate<l. 
Wtialebone,  uninanuf;icture«l. 
WoLid,    uumaiiunK-tured,    not  else- 
wh»'re  spe«ilifd  : 
CabiiHt  woo*!?: — 
H.x. 
(>  dar. 
Kbony. 
(iranadilla. 
I.«nc«'Wi>o<l. 
I.ik'num-vitfl!. 
Mahogany. 

I{os,. 

Sandal. 

Satin. 

All  other  (cabinet  woo<l8. 
Firewo  m1. 
IIiin<ih-)>olta. 

Hop  pol(>s. 

I/);rs  ami  n  und  unmanufactured 

tiinlHT. 
Ivjiliioa  !-ti«>»'. 

SliinK'''*  bolls  «n<l  stave-lxiltx. 
Sld|)  pi  tiikiug. 
Ship-tiitilHT. 
Sticks,  joint",  Am!  reed*>. 

HamlHMi,  unmanufactured. 


Free- List  und^r  present  larv — Continued. 


India,  or  nialacca  joints,  not 
further  mannfrtctured  than 
than  cut  intosuitabie  Icnu'hH 
for  the  nianufactiires  mto 
whioli  tiiey  are  intended  to 
be  converted. 

Rattans    and    reeds,  unmanu-  ; 
fuctured. 

iSticks,  criKle,  to  wit :  All  part- 
ridge, hairwood,  pimento, 
orange,  myrtle,  liamboo, 
reeds,  and  sticks  ami  canen 
in  the  rough,  or  no  furtlier 
manufactured  than  cut  into 
lenghts  suitable  for  unbrella, 

502 


I)ara><ol,  or  9nn-sha<ie  stiokp- 
or  walking  canes. 
Yams. 

Articles  improved  free  uf  duty  un- 
der  reciprocity   treaty    with 
Hawaiian  Islands,  act  of  Au- 
gust lo,  1870  : 
K:cd  cleaned. 
Molasses. 
Suirar,  Dutch  standard  in  color: 
Not  above  No.  i:j. 
Above  No.  l.'J  and  not  above 

No.  16. 
Above  No.  in  and  not  above 
No.  20. 


4  liuiiK«>s   of    iiii|>or(aii«-4>    iiia<l<-    in     llutis*'    ol     11i-|m-<-s«-iiIm. 
Iit4's   Iroiii    l«'\l    ol    <»rltci(ial    .^illM   kill. 


Articles. 


I'ropoHCMl  by 
Mills. 


Action  llouue 
of  l{»'t>n*»«enta- 


tivea. 


Lit  ptT  cent. 


2.">  per  cent, 
I'-'i  per  cent. 


Glue* Free. 

Gelatine  and  all  other  similar  prepa- 
rations     Free .'{o  per  cent. 

Fish-^lue  or  isinnlaes Free. '2'*  f>»'r  cent. 

Licorice  paste  or  rolls -ir.  \^r  pound...    .'>c.  \>vt  jK)uud. 

Licorice  Juice Fn-e 'A'>  per  cent. 

Flaxseed  or  linseed  oil Free I.'h.-.  per  (rallon. 

Cement  —  Uoman,  Portland,  and  all 

others Free JO  per  cent. 

Whitinp  and  Parirt  white,  dry Free ]c.  i»er  |)ound. 

Nitrate  of  soda Vree. 

Bone   black,  ivory  drop   black,  and 

bone  char Free. 

Pari'*  l?rfen 

All  preparations  known  an  (•■i.«eutiHl 

oils,  expre.Hsed  oil.s,   di.slilU'il   oilH. 

rendered  oils,  alkalies,  alkaloid,  and 

all  conibiiiatiouH  of  any  of  the  fore- 

tfoin^and  c-hen)i(uiU'oin|»ound.saiid  i  i 

salts  by  whatever  name  known,  and  '  } 

not   spwualiy  ennineraled   or  pro- 

vidt^l  for  in  tliiw  act Free ■_'.')  jier  cent. 

Olive  oii,  salad  oil,  whale  oil,  Heal  oil, 

neat.«loot  oil 

All    barkn,   beans,   berries,   bal^amrt, 

buds,  bulbs,  bulbous  roots,  an<l  ex- 

crp8(;en<'es,  sucti  an  nuf-^'alln,  fruits, 

flowers,  dried  fibers,  fjraiiis,  iruins, 

and    jjuin     resius,     herbs,    leaves, 

lichen.a,    mosses,    nuts,    routs    and 

stems,  vejfetables,  seeds  and  Hct-ds 

of   morbid    jfrowth,  w>'e<ls,  woods, 

used     expressly    for    dyeinj?.    an<l 

drie<l  insectst Free., 

China  clay  or  kaolin I  Free.. 


Free. 


Kaolin 

China  clay  or  wroui;ht  kaolin 

('hina.  pirci'lain,  purian   and  biiique. 

inclmiinir       platpicH,      ornanientu, 

charuiH,  viv^es,  and  Htattiettes,  paint- 

♦'d,  printe<l.  or  gilded,  or  othfrwiue 

decorated  in  any  manner i  45  per  cent.. 

*.\dtled  in  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means. 

t  '.Any  ol'  the  fort'jfoinL'  of  whi'-h  are  not  •••lible  and  spectAllyleDuro^ra- 
ate<l  or  providetl  for"'  addt^l  in  Hmusc. 


|1  per  ton. 
I'.'  per  ton. 


50  percent. 


Changis  of  importance,  ctr. — Continue  d. 


Articles. 


Proposed  by 
Mills. 


Ic.  per  pound  ... 
lie.  per  pound., 
lie.  per  pound 
l|c.  per  pound.. 


20c.  square  foot, 
40c.  equare  foot. 

At  plass  ratefi... 


Free. 


Earthen,   stone,    or    crockery    ware 

coniposed  of  earthy  or  mineral  nub-  | 

stance.  pri!ite(l.enflnieled,or  ^iilded.i  40  per  cen*^ 

All  glazed  or  enameled  tilep ,  50  percent 

Green  and  colored  glass  bottles,  vials,  i 

etc I  :]e.  per  pound.. 

Flint  and  lime  gla.ss  br  ttles,  vials,  eto.i  30  per  cent 

Cylinder  and    crown  jrlass   pnliahed, 

24  X  oO,  not  exceeding  24  x  60 15c.  square  foot 

Above  I  hat |  25c.  equare  fooi 

Unpolished  cy]inder,erown,and  com-  | 
mon  window  glass,  not  exceeding 
10  X  15 

Above,  but  not  exceeding  16  x  24... 

Above,  but  not  exceeding  24  x  30... 

Above  that 

Cast  poliBhed,  plate-glass  unsilvered, 
above  24  x  30,  not  exceeding 
24  X  60 

Above  that 

German  looking  glass  plates  made  of 

blown  Ldass  and  silvered 

Slabs  and  billets  of  steel $11  per  ton 

Iron   and  pteel  cotton  ties  or  hoops 

for  baling  purpo.=e8* 

Frorided,    That  uU   tarletans,   mulls, 

and    crinolines    shall    not    pay   a 

higher  rate  of  duty  than  a  duty  of.. 
Flax,  hackled,  known  as  dressed  line- 
Flax,  hemp,  and  jute  yarns 

Flax,  hinip,  and  jute  yarns,  and  all 

twines  of    henip,  jute,  jute  hurts, 

sunn,  sisal-grasp,  ramie,  and  China 

grass 

Bags  and  baejuing,  including  bagging  1 

for  cotton,  ct(t 15  per  cent 

Bairs  of  jute  for  grain 25  per  cent 

Bagging   for  cotton  or  other  manu- 
factures not  specially  enumerated  i 

or  provided  for  in  this  act,  suitable 

to  the  uses  for  which  cotton  bag- 
ging is  applied,  composed  in  whole 

or  in  part  of  hen.p,  jute,  jute  butts, 

flax,  '.'unny  bags,   gunny  cloth,  or 

other  material :    Pruniled,  That  as 

to  hemp  and  flax,  jute,  jute  butts, 

sunn  and  sisal-grass,  and  manufact- 
ures thereof,  except    burlaps   not 

exceeding  sixty  inclies  in   width,  i 

*  Or  "  other  purp-jses  "  added  by  the  House. 

t  Propa=ed  by  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means. 
5&1 


Action  House 
of  Repr<>-enta- 


tives. 


25  per  cent. 

Free 

25  per  cent. 


50  per  cent, 
45  per  cent. 

Ic.  per  pound. 
40  per  cent. 

20c.  square  foot. 
30c.  square  foot. 


lie.  per  pound. 
1  Sc.  per  pound. 
2c.  p?r  pound. 
2ic  per  pound. 


25c.  square  foot. 
50c.  square  foot. 

Free. 

45  per  cent. 


40  per  cent. 
$10  per  ton. 


15  per  cent. 

|c.  per  pound. 
Free. 


Chnngi-s  of  importance,  dr. — Continued. 


ArlicleH. 


ProTvw^  by         ^^J!''"  "°'*~ 

IlM'K. 


and    bagginc   for    cotton,  this   act 

sball  take  eHect  July  1,  1880— 
Vitlnod  7  Ct-nts  or  \cff'  \>er  aq.  yd.. 

Valued  at  over  7  cents 

Paper  sized  or  pined 

I'aper  ei7.e<l  or  ff]\iiK\,  $uitafiU  only  for 

jirhiting  jmp'-r 

Card  clotliinfr 

WIrIi  mariufactured  from  tenij)ered 

Bteel  wire 

Cil(.veH:    Prnvided,  That  tjloves  made 

of  i-ilk  taffeta  phall  be  taxed 

lltitters'  furs  not  on  the  ekin 


Free 1  ^i-.  i>er  pound. 

Free L'c.  |»er  pouri. 

15  per  cent 


15  per  cent. 

15c.  f>er  sq.  f^....  20c.  per  6i\.  ft 

25c.  per  sq.  ft....  4<ic.  per  bcj.  ft. 

40  per  cent 5()  per  cent. 

Free L'<»  \wr  cent. 


India-rubber  fabrics 15  per  cent .1  jjV  P*""- i^ent. 

'^  I  J')  per  cent. 


Lime 

Iron  or  steel,  flat  with  longitudinal 
ribs  for  the  manufacture  of  fencinjr- 

Screws,  commonly  called  wood  ecrewe.. 

Penknivf  s,  pocket-knives  of  all  kind?, 

an  I  razors 

New  type 

Machinery  desijrned  for  the  conver- 
sion of  jute  or  jute  butts  into  cot- 
ton bi'ppinp,  to  wit,  cards,  roving 
framcp,  winding  frames,  and  soft- 
eners  

Sugar  not  above  No.  10  Dutch  stand- 
ard, and  not  above  75  degrees  po- 

lari«cope 

Fur  each  additional  degree 

Above    No.    Ill    and    not  above 

No.  20 

Above  No.  20 

Not  above  No.  V?>  Dutch  standard, 
and  not  above  75  dc.irree«  polari- 

Ecope 

For  each  additional  degree 

Al'ove    No.   l.'j  and    not    al)ove 

No.  IG 

Above    No.   10  and    not    above 

No.  20 

Above  No.  20 

Molafsea  not  above  50  degree.*" 

Kicf  flour  and  rice  meal 

ra.ldy 

Pluma  and  prunes _ 

Taint' ri).'-',  in  oil  or  waU'r-colors,  and 
stationery  nr)t  othorwi-e  provided 
for  ;    but    the    term   "  stationery  " 


per 
Free in  per  cent. 

•^  per  cent ^c  per  pound. 

'l^.  n«r  npnt  /   Present  law 

.i.)  per  cent j     re-tore<l. 

35  per  cent 50  per  cent. 

25  per  cent 15  i>er  cent. 


40  per  cent Free. 


l,'o'\,c.  p.  pound. 
,go^.  p.  degree. 

2,Vft«'.  P-  pound. 
-iVo'"-  P-  pound. 


lvV\)<"-  P-  pound. 
iJBot'-  p.  t'l'gree. 

Si^**.  P-  |x'und. 


2i^V-  p.  poind. 

2iVfl''.  p  I  '  ind. 

4f.  p<»r  gallon....  2^c.  per  gn' Ion. 

I")  jM'r  cent 2(K-.  |»er  v*  <\' . 

liv  {.er  pound...  Jc  p««r  pot:   .1. 

Free Ic.  per  pound. 


Changes  of  importance,  d-c. — Continued. 


Articles. 


30  per  cent. 
40c.  per  cubic  ft. 


shall  be  understood  to  include  pro- 
fessional productions  of  a  statuary 
or  of  a  sculptor  only j  Free 

M.irbleofall  kinds,  in  block, rough, or  I 
.'squared  '  Free 

Pulp  for  paper-mnktirs' use Free 10  per  cent. 

Liiiseed  or  tlaxHeed  Free 20c.  per  bubhel 

All  other  carpets  or  carpetingp,  drug- 
gets, 'kc,  of  wool,  tlax,  cotton,  <kc....    .'JO  per  cent 40  per  cent. 

Pipes,  pipe- bowls,  and  all  smokers' 
articles  whatsoever,  not  specially 
enumerated  or  provided  for ')0  per  cent 70  per  cent. 

All  common  pipes  of  clay lio  per  cent ,  35  per  cent. 

Piaster  of  Paris,  ground  or  calcined  ...i  Free '  20  per  cent. 


566 


GENERAL   INDEX. 


(See  ('oiiKr<'MNi«>nHl   lii«l4-\. 


A. 

Adams,  J.  Q.,  for  protection,  1. 
Ad  valorem  frandp,  2. 
Ad  valorem  and  ppecific  dntiee,  11'4. 
Ajrricultura^  int»re9t8,  \'^. 
Agriciiltunil  lande,  value  of.  how  in- 
creased, 14. 
Agricultural  producta,  surplus  fixes 

prices,  L'4. 
Agriculture— 

P^ti'"ci  of  free  trade  on,  4. 

ExIiauHticn  of  soil,  5. 

Farm  productH,  to  free-list,  (>,  7. 

Farm  products  slauischtered  bv 
Mills  bill,  S. 

Farm  products,  wipe  out  all  pro- 
tection on,  9. 

Farmprs  will  suffer  from  Mills 
bill,  10. 

Hostility  of  Democratic  party 
toward,  1 1. 

Impf)rtin^  jroods  is  importing  the 
tlie  food  which  produces  them, 
12. 

I^abor  engaged  in,  President  hoe- 
tile  to,  ir>. 

Market  for  farm  pro<luce,  whence 
comes  it?     IS. 

"Market  for  small  products,  L'O. 

"Marki^t,  home,  help'i  farmers,  17. 

Mark''ts,  near  and  disfaiit,  IM. 

Price  of  products,  tariti  added  to, 
2S. 

Produi!tsof,  21. 

Protection  of,  '2-, 

Protection  of.  Democratic  teeti- 
mony.  2'\. 

Prot<  ction  to  the  farmer,  27. 

Agri«ulturtMind  manufacture,  em- 
pl<)ve«  in,  201. 

Agriculture  and  manufacture, 
profitH  ari!<irur  from,  Ki. 

Ajrritulturist-*,  vf)ti»  taxes  upon 
thcins*  Ives  f  r  railroa<l«  and 
rHctorie", ;»). 

\  11 'H  an<!  soda,  'i2,  '.V': 
America— 

N'l  dumping  gromul  for  Knu'Uind 
35. 


America— <  ontinuetJ. 

Not  Ktiglan<l  nor  China,  3«>. 

Prot*M-tion  her  bulwarks,  'M. 
.\meri<'an  factories,  closing  of,  e(re<'t 

of,  'in  prict's,  •_':.':{. 
.\intrican  frjV  trade,  Kngliah  manu- 

factuiers  want,  '2l'.\. 
.\merican  labor,  condition  of,  ^^. 
American    labor,   insulte<l    by  com- 
parison, :v.i. 
.\inerican   labor  and   Conatitution, 

■A7. 
Amerii'iin  mnnufarturers,  cnn  they 

com|M'te  with  (>rcat  liritain,  40 
American  shipping,  4'). 
American  svatem,  development  of. 

41. 
.\merican  workingmen,  petition  in 

vain,  4.'{. 
.\mericAn  workingmen,  pictures  for, 

42. 
.\merican  workmen,  when  more  de- 
graded and  |>oorer  paiii  than  now, 

44. 
Anti-pain>er  and  ("ooly  billa,  pa.sHed 

by  K»*pnblican  party,  'M\\. 
.Vrmy  clothing,  cost  of,  120. 
Australian  wool  tra<le.  1218. 
.\u9tria,  wagee  in,  1(>1M. 

B. 

Bagging- 
Cotton,  coverinir  for,  4^). 

No  rt'ventie  n-forin  in  this,  47. 

Pf  tit  ion    disregarded!,   vot«e     will 
speak.  4S. 

Price  of.  reduce*!  bv  protection,  4't. 
Balance*  of  tnule.  lOtW. 
Beans,  fre«»-list,  .'»0. 
Belgium,  wag<'s  in.  10*»rv 
Bismarck  ..n  tb««  tariff,  T)!,  10<1fl. 
Blain*".  .I,iiiie«  <;..  <lef«'at  of,  1HH4,.'.2. 

<  >pini«.n  of  the  issue,  18,H.S,  .').'^. 
Blankota— 

.\  di^irracfful    (tovCTument    con- 
tra'-i  in.  .'>l. 

PiH)r  man's,  .V».  ."Hi. 

Wo  "l*-!!,  •'>? 

Boots  and  shoos— 


iiMlUHtrv.  w  .i-»~*  in.  i  lo«"' 


567 


INDEX. 


Boots  and  shoes— Continued. 
New  Eui.'lan(i,  nianut'Hcturf?  of, 58. 
Boots  vs.  Corn,  under  a  l>emocratic 
iar'iff,  1«4(),  5i». 
Borax— 

Borax,  a  fref  monopoly  in,  01. 
Free-list,  tiO 

H  'W  the  monopoly  acted,  63. 
E  moviny  duty   on,  act  of   bad 
frtith,  62. 
Boxes,  orange  or  lemon,  64. 
Brick,  65. 

Bri'ish  farmers,  condition  of,  317. 
British  gold,  where  is  the  money? 

66.  67,  68,  69. 
British  interest  in  tin-plate,  1047. 
British  policy  in  free-trade,  70. 
British    policy,  lion   and    fox,  lion 

skin  priced  with  thf^  fox,  71. 
Butter  and  cheese.  New  England  vs. 

South,  72. 
Buy  where  you  can  buy  the  cheap- 
est, 73. 

0. 

Calhoun  and  protection,  74. 

California  gold  and  free  trade,  318. 

Canada- 
Bad  faith  in  keep'ni?  treaty,  75. 
Farm  import?.  1880-1887,  76 
Imports  to  United  States,  farmer's 

protection,  77. 
Lifted  bv  protective  duties,  78. 
Mills  Biil,  favorable  to,  80. 
Tapper,  Sir  Charles,  on  Mills  bill, 

79. 
Repudiates  English  free  trade,  81. 
Tarifl'laws,  82. 
Vegetables  and  grain  in,  83. 
Wages  in,  10!Ki. 
Wants  Cleveland  elected,  84. 

Canada  and  Maine,  wages  compared 
in,  1141. 

Canadian  lime,  568 

CH.nadian  Lumber,  578. 

Canadian  Reciprocity  with  United 
States,  85. 

Carlish',  John,  G.,  La  Follette's  reply 
to,  557. 

Carpets- 
Price  of,  reduction  in,  88. 

Car  wheels,  cost  of,  86. 

Cassimeres,  cost  of,  1191,  1192. 

Cement,  price  of.  reduction  in,  89. 

Cereals,  1860-'S0,  90. 

Cheap  buying  not  always  best,  73. 

Cheap  buying  not  our  mission,  92. 
ftG8 


Cheap,  cheaper  vs.  better  prices,  91. 

Cheap  clothing,  12L 

CbeMp    goods    don'i    make    peopk 

happy,  93. 
Cheap  goodfiand  cheap  nK-n,  320. 
(Jheap  goods  and  free  wool,  94. 
Cheap  labor,  95. 
Cheap  labor  not  our  wish,  96. 
Cheap  lands  make  high  wages,  97. 
Cheap  living,  98. 

Cheap  living  in  England  compen- 
sates fir  low  wages,  99. 
Cheapening  labor  enhances  capital. 

100. 
Cheapness,  labor  fights  against,  101. 
Chemical  indu.sLries,  102. 
Chinese  labor,  exclusion  of,  ]03. 
Choate,  Rufas,on  protection  iu  1842,. 

104. 
Civil  service  r<>form,  increase  of  of- 
fice-holders, 105. 
Civilizations,  too  distinct,  13  J. 
Clay,  Henry,  Hon.,  Tarifl'  compro- 
mise of  183;!,  984. 
Clay  pipps.  KUi, 
Cleveland,  President- 
Cabinet  of  and  free  trade,  107. 
Cabinet  of.  Manning's   absurdity, 

108. 
Cabinet  of,  protection,  109. 
Compared  to  other  Presidents  on 

the  tariff  issue,  110. 
Convicted  of  false  reasoning,  980. 
Democratic  party  and.  111. 
Ei'.gland's  compliment  to,  205. 
England's  indorsement  of,  204. 
Free  trade  and,  112. 
Free  sugar  and,  113. 
Hostile  to  agriculture  and  labor,!  5. 
Indifference  to  the  interests  of  the 

people,  114. 
Message,  remarkable  passage  in. 

117. 
Opinion  of,  in  conflict  with  the 

Fathers,  1 1 6. 
Opinions  of,  on  tariflF,  1006. 
L'easoning,  fallacy  of,  229. 
Violating  party  pledges,  118. 
Wife  of,  might  give  him  informa- 
tion, 119. 
Cleveland  and  Jefferson  contrasted, 

115 
Cleveland  and  Mills  on  wool,  1190. 
Clothing- 
Arm  V,  rheaper  than  in  Europe, 

120. 
Buv  where  ycu  can  buv  cheapest;^ 
73. 


INDEX. 


Clothing— Continued. 

Cofet  ot  A  suit,  119i. 

Men'-,  manufacture  of,  122. 
Coal  and  iron,  free  by  indirection, 

Secretary  of  Treasury,  125,  120. 
Cod  and  iron,  titrilTon, effect  of,  124. 
Coal  in  the  South,  123. 
Cocoa,   prepared  or  manufactured, 

127.' 
O  iflfee,  price  of,  increa.sed  by  remov- 
ing the  tariff,  127. 
Coffee  and  tea,  Prenident  seeks  to 

place  puty  on,  1030. 
Coin  and  currency,  e fleet  of  tarifl' 

legislation  upon,  129.  , 

Colonies  under  protective  England, 

history  of  tarifl",  130.  | 

Competition    and    low    prices   ex 

plained,  131. 
Competition  in,  of  flesh  and  blood, 

298.  : 

Competition  in  markets  of  world 
means  competition  in  wages,  132. 

Commerce,  304. 

Confederacy,  still  a  power,  133 

Confederate  Constitution  and  tariff, 
133. 

Confederate  doctrine  of  free  trade, 
315. 

Confederation,  old,  134. 

Conflict  of  two  distinct  civilizations, 
135. 

Congress,  who,  protesting  before, 
against  tax,  1024. 

('onnecticut,  wage-earners,  properly 
in, 1089. 

Constitution  and  tariff",  13G,  137. 

Constitution  of  confederacy,  133. 

Constitutional  right  to  protect  de- 
nied, 138. 

Cou6umer.s,  farmers  want,  204.  j 

C'.'ntract  for  blanke.s, disgraceful,  54.  i 

Convict  labor,  no  tarifl  on,  525. 

Cuoley  contract  labor,  301.  ' 

C> -operative  industry,  needs  pro- 
tection, 139. 

C  )pper,  duty  on,  141. 

Copper,  manufacture  of,  not  a  bo- 
iianzi,  140. 

Co ppi'ras  industry  and  workingmen, 
142. 

Cordage  and  twine,  eflVcts  of  re- 
duction on,  143. 

Cost  of  living,  128,  145. 

Cost  of  living  in  Europe  and  Amer- 
ica, 146. 

Cost  of  living  in  England  and  Massa- 
chusetts, 1119. 


Cost  of  living,  relative,  1015. 

Cost  of  maintaining    the    Covern- 

ment,  144. 
Cotton    once    required    protection, 

150. 
Cotton  baggine,  40,  47, 48,  49. 
Cotton   factories  in  New   England, 

149. 

Cotton  goods- 
Cut?!,  ot,  I'll. 
Duty  on,  efl.ct  of,  152. 
Eflect  oil  bilk-flnish  goody,  153. 
Froui  sptcilic  to  a<l  valorem,  154. 
Tarifl  on  fine  goods,  155. 

Cotton  pn (ducts,  procee«Jh  of,  524. 

Cotion-seed   oil,  protection  of,  has 
buill  mills,  150. 

Cotto    thread,  wages  to  employes  in, 
compared,  1151. 

Cotton  thn  ad,  why  it  requires  pro- 
tection, 157. 

Custom-houne,  San  Francisco,  em- 
ployes' wages  reduced, — . 

Cutlery,  protection  cheapens,  158. 

D. 

Debts,  individual,  in  U.  S.  equal  to 

surplus,  100. 
Debts  of  nations  contrasted,  159. 
Democ.fatii-,    convention  or   Cleve- 
land who  is  the? — . 
Democratic— 

D  ar  olil  days,  170. 

Doctrine  uncertain,  178. 

Economy,  !i^20,000,COO  log-roll,  179. 

Economy  exposed.  219. 

House  majority  growing  less,  180. 

Leaders  hvpncrisv  of,  73. 

Mask  torn'  oil',  182. 

Methods  of  argument,  60,  67,  68, 
09. 

Plan  to  reduce  surplus,  951. 

Platform   of  lS.s4    meant   protec- 
tion, 108. 

Platform  of  18S4  on  wages,  1121. 

Policy,  England's  view  of,  335. 

Prophecy,  181.     . 

lleasons'fr  supporting  the  Mills 
bill,  187. 

Kemedy  for  low  wages,  1110. 

Responsibility,  188,  189. 

Tanft" deception,  li»0. 

To.-limony,  for  protecting  of  agri- 
culture, 23. 

VifW  I  if  proterlion,  734. 
Democratic  Party- 
Changes  fn.iil,  IVX). 

509 


INDEX. 


Democratic  party— (out imud. 
(  leVflHinl  aiiii.  111. 
Convicted  oflree  trade,  IH."). 
Doctrines  and  traditious  of,    177, 

824. 
For  free  trade,  M'i'J,  :U)3. 
For  free  trade,  IIcikHoIi  commente 

on,  IGd. 
Free  trade  and,  UH,  ltl2,  163,  164. 

183,  184. 
Hostility  of,  toward  apriculture,  11. 
Internal  reveiiue  and,  185. 
Labor  and,  18tl. 
Fri(»-s  under,  727. 
Tarirt,  1S4(1,  hnols  vh.  corn,  50.^ 
TaMir  work  condemned  by  New 

York  Sun,  lO'.). 
Tlieory,  rice  and  eusrar  cannot  be 

food,  833. 
Unaccustomed  to  a  surplu.s  in  the 

Treasury,  1()7. 
Democrats  — 

Deticiencv     and     surplus,     1861- 

1884,  170. 
Don't  want  protection,  526. 
For  free  trade,  328. 
Guilty  of  robbery,  1010. 
Oppose  education  and  labor,  197. ' 
Opposed  reduction  of  Kurplua,  !)50. ; 
Reduce    wages,    1125,  1126,    1127, 

1128. 
Rt-fuse  to  use  the  surplus,  964. 
Rt^spousible  for  surplus  and  taxes, 

'.144. 
WariiH<l  of  surplus,  966. 
-Democracy. 

Ajiauiht  Democracy,  on-  effect  of 

tariti;  172. 
Dominated  by  whiskey  trust,  467. 
First  lortv  years  of  vs.  labt  forty 

years,  171. 
Ohio  wool  and,  174. 
Tarsney  vs.  Cleveland,  173. 
Dif^criminatinv?  in  laying;  duly  to 

•  atch  votes  for  Mills  bill,  101. 
DibcriminatiouH,     sectional,    857, 

858. 
Distilleries,  and  jiovernment  offi- 
cials. 192. 
Diver^ilit-d  industry,  wages  main- 

•ained  by,  1117. 
Dividends,  .Massachusetts'  cotton- 

irouds  manufacturer^,  l!t3. 
Duties— 

Percentage  of,  from  187S  to  1887, 

820. 
Rediution  of,  increa.ses  revenues, 

810. 

570 


Duties—Lonliuued. 

."-pecilic  and  ad  valorem.  104. 

E. 

Eartb.enware.  195. 

Earthenware,    reduction     of    duly 

will  help  Statfordshire,  England, 

196, 
Education  and  labor.  Democrats  op- 
pose, 197. 
Etrus,  farmers  ask  a  duty  on.  198. 
E'.'gs,   in    New    England    and    the 

South,  199. 
Eggs,  why  should  we  buy  any  ?  20<>. 
Eup])loyes  in  agriculture  and  manu- 
facture, 201. 
Emi)lovment  first,  prices  afterward, 

202.  ' 
England,  131. 

Cueiii»  living  in,  compenpates  for 
low  wages,  99. 

Coui])liment.  to  President  Cleve- 
land by,  205. 

Condition  of  working  people  in, 
1241,1242. 

Condiiiou  of  working  women  in, 
1244. 

Cost  of  living  in.  compared  with, 
Massachusfttp,  1119. 

Doctrine  undtr  free  trade,  208. 

Effect  of  fn-e  trade  on,  270,  336. 

Endorsement  of    Cleveland    by, 
204. 

Farms   and   fanners  in,  effect  of 
free  trade  on,  270. 

Favorite  party  and  man,  209. 

Free  trade  tax,  210. 

Hope  of  tariff  reduction,  212. 

How  free  trade  blesses,  .344. 

Irishmen   tinhting   battle  of  free 
trade  for,  475. 

Must    adopt    prntpction    against 
Germany  an<l  Relirium,  206. 

Policy  after  the  war  of  1842,  211. 

Protection  in,  267. 

View  of  Deni'^cratic;  policy,  335. 

Wages  in,  1097-1098. 

Wages  in,  compared  with  Massa- 
cliusetts.  1119. 
England  and  America— 

(out  rah  led,  2ol 

LiviiikT  in.  •''_':'. 
England  and  United  States— 

\V:ii:cs  in,  compared.  1 144, 1  145. 

Wf^iUh  of,  compared,  ll()2. 
English— 

Depression,  336. 

TVess  comments,  183,  .3.35,  616. 


INDEX. 


English- C..,iiiniu-<l. 

SHlcHiuen  8ulicitin>;  onlere,  214, 

Sh''t>mak('r-5'    sweating      evsiem, 
10(»;!. 

TariH  is  prote<:tive,  215. 

Workman's  opinion,  "Jin. 

I'ree  trade,  C:i:ia(!a  repudiates,  81. 

M.inufai'inrers     want      AniiTican 
free  trad«»,  Ul.". 

Mt'thods   laborers   ask    to   adopt, 
•  ••>2. 
Europe— 

Ajitiinst  America,  L'lT. 

Co8t  of  living  in,  1  pi,  1  J7. 

Labor  in,  pay  of,  '>(>[ . 
•  Labor-.=iavini«'  exhausted,  Jl'.'. 

Wages  in,  114:'.. 
Kuropean  system  of  taxation  pre- 

-  ferr»'d  Ity  Democratic  pirtv,  21S. 
Expenditures,  increa.se of,  12">1. 
Expenditure  which  .should  be  made 

from  the  surp'ns,  220. 
Exjiorrs   of    aj^ricullural     proihicto, 

2ll. 
Exi>oit8  and  imports,  222. 


Factories- 
American,  clo.sing  of,    eflect  on 

price.-J,  22:'.. 
C  "ton  in  New  England,  14'.i. 
Woolen, number  of,  Uniteil  States, 

224. 
Factrt  that  teach— Republican  party 

and  capacity,  22"). 
Fallacies  in  percentage.  227,  22S. 
Falhicy  of  free  trade,  22('.. 
Fallacy,  I'resiih'nt  Cleveland's  rea- 
soning, 22'.t. 
Fals<'  pretense  on  tariff  issue,  18S4, 

•MiO. 
Farm  and  farm  labor,  24S. 
Farm  pricen,  2:'.:'.. 
Farm    prosperity  foUow.s  mannfac- 

iij'irg.  247. 
Farm  implements — Hny  where  you 

citn  buy  the  cheapest.  7:'>. 
Farm  I  d)or,  uagi>H  i>f,  1 107,  1 147. 
Farm  mortgages,  2:!  1. 
Farm  'n'lr'g'iirrs  — False  rigun"*,  2:'.2 
Parm  Products,  2:14.  2:r>,  2:i»;. 

All  iiHiMt.  Ill-  ;.rniecled,  244. 
Ere.-  list.  (),  7,  2.17. 
M  oket  for,  wn<»nce  oouiha  it,  IS. 
Mills  bill  wipeD  o'lt  all  protection 

to.  <». 
Price  of,  2:'.li. 
^Slaughtered  hv  the  Mills  bill   s. 


Farm  products— Continued. 
Sinail  iiirtik'l  for.  2i). 
.Soon    to   driiiand   higher  duties, 

240,  241.  212.24.'.. 
Shrplus  not  neetle<l,  2:'.s. 
Tobacco  anu  corn  bear  burden  of 

tax,24">. 
What  are  tli^-y  ?  24(i. 
Farm  vahi*"**  and  wage«,  1108. 
Farmer— 

I'armers'  bene  til  is    a    good  mar- 
ket, 2V). 
Can>da"s  imports,  77. 
CrociMiile  t»  jtrs  over,  440. 
I)e<'eived,  2-")2. 
Dyspeptic  vi«w  of.  '2'>l. 
Ignored  in  adjusting  the  reduc- 
tion, 251. 
In  Congrt'HH,  2'>0. 
Vr*'*'  lumber  and  sal'  exchanged 

for  protected  wool,  2'>»i. 
<fOodmrtn.  2'i:'.. 
(ireenhorrs    don't     know     what 

they  n*  ed,  2'i7. 
Florae  market  iielpp,  10 
How  free  trade  wuu'd  injure,  :)4»». 
Multiplying  industries  helps,  258. 
Protection  divereities  prothicta  of. 

200. 
Pro'ection  to.  172,  17:'..  •_'24 
Uet'iill  of  Mills  bill  on,  201. 
Small  prodm-ts  valuable  to,  2.5:1. 
Small  waree  of,  202. 
Taxing  themselves  for  industrial 

purposes,  :;  1. 
Vote   taxes  upon  theinf-elves  for 

railroads  and  fjictories.  'M. 
Want  manufacturing  interest*  to 

come  to  tl\»'m,  2ii'). 
Wants  cou'-nmers,  L'fi}. 
What  New  England  buys  from.'J^Wi, 
Will  siitfer  from  passage  of  MiHii 

bill,  10. 
FarminL'  peoiile,  207. 
Farming,  growth  of,  20S. 
Farms— 

Number  of,  250. 

.Small  pro<luct«im|vtrt«"«lfnim,  272. 

Implements.  New  England  vs.  the 

South.  JO"i. 
FibN-t  of  frnt*  trade  on,  27o. 
.Maiiuf  nfnr»'S,contrHsle<l  with  271. 
Fettling  Eu-o(h'.  halUu-ination  of 

fre«'-tr«d«  rs.  27:t. 
Felt  goDtln.  274. 
Fibrous  p:anirt  (new)  for  the  .*»oulh, 

275. 
Figs  place«l  on  free-list,  270. 
■■171 


INDEX. 


Files,  277. 

Price  lees  than  the  tariff,  27fi. 
Fire  arms,  L*7'J 

Fishery  treaty  unci  Mills  bill,  280. 
Flax- 

Doti't  ilestrov  the  manufacture  of, 
281. 

Dressed,  not  raw  material,  282. 

Duty  on,  281?. 

EtTect«  of  the  bill  on,  284. 

Enu'land  protected  it  for  a  century, 
285. 

Industry  in,  287. 

Prepared  fiber,  not  raw  materia], 
2«J1. 

Present  duties  on,  289. 

Protection  of  necessity,  280,  288. 

Protection  or  waste  of,  2i>0. 

SpinnerP,  wages  <:if,  1109. 

Thread,  labor  and  reduced  cost  of, 
295. 

Thread,  protection  and   increase 
revenue  on,  298. 
Flax  and  hemp,  297. 
Flaxseed  to  go  on  free-list,  292. 
Flaxseed  oil,  294. 
Flax.«eed  or  lin?eed,  293. 
Flesh  and  blood  competition,  298. 
Food  supplies,  amount  imported,424. 
Foo<l  and  animals,  299. 
Fooling  the  people,  .SOO. 
Foreign  industries  in  United  States, 

432. 
Foreign  labor,   Democratic  masque 

removed  from,  302. 
Foreign   labor  bills  passed  by  Re- 
publican party,  .'501. 
Foreign  markets — 

And  protection,  304 

Capture  of  (wool),  303. 

Transportation  waste  of  force  in, 
305. 

Unreliable,  30G,  307. 
Foreign  trade,  growth  of,  308. 
Foundry  and  machine-shop  produc- 
tions for,  309. 
Fraud;,  ad  valorem,  2. 
Free-list,  1253. 
Free-li.st,  articles  placed  on,  by  Mills 

bill,  310, 1253. 
Free-li.>*t  under  different  tariff-?,  991. 
Free  raw  material,  311,312,  313. 
Free  RUirar.  why  not?  113. 
Free  trade—" 

Avowed  jHirpose  of,  31G. 

BeneQcial  to  Lib^ring  classes,  548. 

British  farmers,  effect  on,  317. 

British  policy  and,  70. 

572 


Free  trade— Continued. 

Culifornia  gold  and,  318. 

Cm  bj  rea<;hed  gCiidtially,  319. 

Cheap  goods,  cheap  men,  and,  320l 

Clearly  sta'ed,  3(;(). 

•Cievoland'n  Cabinet,  and,  107. 

Cleveland  arguen  it,  3(51 . 

Confederate  doctrine  of,  315. 

Dfclare<l  by  Democratic  party,  1G2, 
163,  104,  105,  100,  184. 

Defined,  321. 

Democratic  party  and,  101,  102, 
103,  104,  322,  323.  324.  325,  320, 
3. -7,  328. 

Democratic  party  convicted  of,101. 

Democratic  party  and  Englisn 
press  comments  on,  KiO. 

Depression  of,  329. 

Do  we  want  in'-reased  importa- 
tions under?  330. 

Dodging  the  issue  of.  331. 

Dog-nas  of,  forced  all  other  meas- 
ures to  the  calendar,  332. 

Effect  on,  333. 

Effect  on  agriculture,  4. 

England's  doctrine  under,  208. 

England's  view  of  Democratic 
policy  toward,  335. 

English  depression  under,  336. 

Example  of,  shall  we  imilate?  371. 

Exports  money  that  comes  not 
back,  337. 

Fallacy  of,  220. 

Farm  products  under,  338. 

George  recognizes  it,  339. 

Gospel  of,  340. 

Grasi)ing  a^  shadows  of,  341. 

How  Canada  invites  it,  .342 

How  England  lamented  the  de- 
feat of  the  Morrison  bill  for,34?. 

How  it.  blesses  England,  344. 

How  it  cheapen-'  labor,  345 

How  it  would  injure  farmers,  346. 

In  the  millennium  of.  347. 

In  whose  interests?  348. 

Is  taxing  non-competing  items, 
349. 

Its  p.-op'iet  and  disciples,  350. 

Maxims  of,  372. 

Mrians  untaxed  foreign  compati- 
tion,  351. 

Mills  bill  and,  352. 

Mills  oponly  for,  354. 

Mills  f(nir  years  ago  for,  353. 

No  "  shorter  hours"  to  protect  la- 
bor under,  355. 

Principles,  an  authoritative  state- 
ment of,  314. 


INDEX. 


Free  trade— Continued. 

Protected    articlcH    choHper    now 
than  under,  730. 

True  inwardness  of,  "62. 

Who  helieve  in,  llSl 

Why  En;ilarid  is  for  it,  'MM. 

Why  is  England  suffering  under? 
305. 

Why  it  swallowed  our  jrold,  .307. 

Whv  Borue  men  believe  in,  3()i>. 

'Will  hart  farmers  as  well  h«  inan- 
ufat'turers,  :)(1S. 

Will  stop  strikes.  514. 

Wise  men  repudiate  it,  309. 

Wi'nefs,  370. 

AVork,375. 

Free  trade  England  and  Ignited 
States,  334. 
Free  trade  and  protect  ion,  357. 
Free  trade  and  protection,  compari- 

eon  of,  350. 
Free  trade  and  protection,  no  mid- 
dle jjround,  358. 
Free  trade  and  protection  the  iseue, 

359. 
Free-traders,    hallucir.ation  of,  273, 
Free-traders  in  theory,  but  prottc- 

tionistfi  in  practice,  373. 
Free-t^ad^rs,  those  who  support  the 

Mills  bill.  374. 
Free  whii^ky,  401.  ; 

FreH  wool,  cheap  goods,  94.  I 

Fruits  on  the  Pacific  coast,  376.         ' 

I 

G. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  report  of,  a.s  presi- 
dent of  a  free-trade  convent'on  at 
Philadelphia,  Jan.  2.3.  1S32,  nous 
on,  314. 

Game,  7 IS. 

Garfield,  opinion  on  the  tariff,  90:?. 

Garfield's  letter  of  a<'ceptance,  tariff 
opinion.  99.3. 

Georuia,  State  of,  wealth  of,  1860-*88, 
377. 

German  female  labor,  502. 

Gernumy,  2<  0. 

Gei-many,  protection  bettering  her 
condition,  37S. 

Germany,  tariff  for,  51. 

Germjiny,  wa^jes  in,  1099. 

Glass- 
Cathedral,  223. 
Extent  of  window-g'asa  industry. 

379. 
Factories,  wages,  et''.,  380. 


Glass— Cv.ntinued. 

German   bottles   for  the     UnitCHl 
<tHteP,  3.S1. 
,  (i(  niian  wajtes  of  workers  of,  382. 

Importationf,  value  of,  3.s,s. 

No  j>r<tU  at  preheut  prices  of,  .384. 

Plrtt^,  :K{. 

l'rote<  iion  reduces  cost  of,  385. 

Kedueinj;  tariff  will  increase  reve- 
nue on,  ;>so. 

Waves  not  rapital  retjuirfs  protec- 
tion ip,  3S9. 

Wajjes  bhall   not   be   reduced  in. 
39«). 

Wapes  of  factory  hands,  3^0, 1142. 

Workinptnen's  petition.  .3S7. 
Glue,  protected  to  "stick"  a  vote,  391. 
(line,  why  from  free  to  dutiable  list, 

392. 
GfuKhnan.  Father,  203. 
Government — 

Cost  (.t,  annual  expense,  144. 

Cost  of  maintaininjr,  144. 

Power  to  tax.  393. 

()tliei«l.s  and  di.stilK  rie«,  192. 
Great  Britain, conipeiition  with.  40. 
(treat  Britain  vs.  I'nited  States,  .394. 
(ireat  Britain's  jKi'iey  of  protection, 

a  free  trader's  view  of,  394. 
Greatest  people  in  the  world,  what 

made  us  so?  .390. 
(ireenback  free-traders,  do  you  want 

contraction  ?  .3!»7. 
Grind  stones,  free-list,  398. 
Gum  substitute,  hikrherthe  proiluct 

lower  the  tariff,  399. 

H. 

Hard  labor,  costs  in  l!iirope,  400. 
Hay,  New  England  vs.  South,  401. 
Hemloek  hark,  taniiincextractsfree 

to  comj>ete  with.  4o2. 
\l\ii\i  tariir,hiuh  wau'ea  follows,  417. 
Hi^'h  tarill,  the  wisdom  of  Kepuoli- 

I'an  party,  403, 
Hinh    wages,  immitrration    follows, 

417. 
Ilivrher  duties,  farm  pr"(hictSHOon  to 

demand,  2J<l,  2»1.  242.  213. 
IlistoricAl  f;- els  on  tarill.  VM),  171. 
Historical  iiu-i<lents  of  tarilf,  104. 
History,   ef1e«'tH  of  protection   an<l 

free'trarle.  4<iO. 
History  repeating;  its»>lf.  1S42,407. 
History  of  taritf  4or>.  l.'<4«!.  557. 
Hi.-tory  of  iramp.  10«'>4. 
Ho<l  earners,  wrti.'«"<  re«luce«l,  1127. 
Home  in«iu-trie,-',  4.'>1. 

573 


INDEX. 


Homo  market,  4(»s. 

Home  miirket,  a  Liorao  or  a  foreign 

parriier,  4i)lV 
Il"Hit!   market,    farmer  and   tarifl", 

-lilt. 
11  >me  market,   protection    creates, 

748. 
H'lme  protection,  is  it  robbery?  4:!1. 
Ilomen,  laborinj:  meu'p,  41)S. 
Homes  for  laborinj;  people,  497,  498, 

4!I9,  r>00,  ")lll,  10Si(. 
ll'>meH  of  the  working  people  of  the 

Uniletl  States.  411. 
Ho^'iery.  seamless  lunnufacture  of  in 

I'niied  States,  413. 
Hosiery  and  knit  poofls,  412. 
House  of  Representatives,  majority 

in,  ISO. 
Humanity  in  the  question  of  pro- 
tection, .")92. 
Hypocrisy  of  Democratic  leaders,  73. 


Illinois  and  Massachusetts,  414. 
Immigrants  do  not  go  to  free- trade 

State.^,    but    settle  in   protection 

Sf.^ites,  415. 
Im  nigrants  settle  in  manufacturing 

cities.  4K). 
Iramitiration    follow j   high    wages, 

hi.'li    wages  follows   high    tariif, 

417. 
Impervious  to  reason,  418. 
Importers  want  free  trade,  423. 
Imports,  222. 
Im]j  >rt-<,  percentaire  on  each  article 

from  187.S  to  18S7,  S20. 
Imj)ort3  and  experts,  419. 
Imp ortH    and    home    manufactures 

compired,  420. 
Importing  food  supplies,  424. 
Im[>ortations,  421. 
Imnortatious,    increased    to    aflfect 

competition,  422. 
Indiana,  manufactures,  425 
Industrial  advantages  etpialized  by 

a  tariif.  42S, 
Industrial  affairs  adjusted  to  tariff, 

42!  t. 
Industries,  co-operative,  KJ9. 
Industries,    home    protection,  is  it 

r)hhery?  4:^1. 
I  ndustries  in  America,  home,  family, 

are  factors,  427. 
Industries—  • 

M^netis  from  them,  433.  [ 

Paralyzing,  4o0. 
574 


Industries  -Continued. 

I'-ujress  of.  in  I'liited  States,  432: 
To  he  defitioyed,  420. 
Industry,   co-operative,   needs   pro- 
tect ii>n  systeui,  l.'ll). 
InielliL'etiee,    comparison     of,   free 

fnidf  itiirl  protc'-ti  )n.  35(). 
Internal  revenue,  l!»2,  435. 
Aboli'ion  of,  443 
j      Amount,  collected,  434. 
An  odious  sysleiu,  4.'>0. 
Arbitrary  and  rigorous,  437. 
I      Dem  i(;ratic      conversion      under 

Presidn'ntal  inlhience  to,  441. 
I      Democratic  Oftposition  to  it,  442. 
Democratic  party  and,  185. 
Democnts  regard  it,  444. 
HoA  it  enables  whisky  rings  to 
,         control,  450. 

i     How  whisky  with,  rules  in  Ken- 
tucky, 457. 
Its  demoralizini;  influence,  458. 
Laws,  repeal  of,  409. 
More    coal    and    iron    and   less, 

will  helj)  Kentucky,  459. 
North  Carolina  and,  4.39. 
I      Not  for  for  free  whisky  and  to- 
j  bacc  '.  4tJ0. 

I      Not  "  free  whisky  "  by  State  con- 
trol the  Republican  purp08e,4Gl. 
[      Oflice-holders  aud,  4:18. 

Pdrtnership  with  whisky  ring,462. 
j  Past  aud  proposed  reductions,  445. 
I  Protection  to  whisky  ring,  403. 
Reduce  the  whisky  tax, why  ?  4t34. 
Republicm  party  and,  44<i. 
[  South  should  thro  w  olfthe  whisky 
!  ring.  405. 

TariH'and,  which?  470. 
Tax  not  all  in  Treasury,  447. 
Tax  on  wliisky,  Christian  Union 

for  repeal  of.  455. 
To  be  Eiiade  permanent,  449.  471. 
The  true  issue,  448. 
Virsrinia  Democrats  for  repeal  of,. 

450. 
War  taxes  must  go  first,  451. 
What  free  trade  and  direct  taxes 

mean,  452. 
W^hisky  and  free  trade   combine 

on,  400. 
Whisky    dominates     Democracy 

under,  4(>7. 
Whisky,  wool,  vs  ,  468. 
Why  it  should  be  abolished,  453. 
Wipe  out  war  tax,  454. 
lova  grangers,  rrfsoluti  jnson  sugar, 
92J. 


INDEX. 


Ireland— 

\\aj;es  iu,  1100. 

Whiit  tree  trnle  has  done  for  her, 
47:.'. 

^Vt)rkin^:    people,    condition    oi 
1243. 
Iri.'-li  voters,  473,  474. 
Irishmen  — 

i'ur  IVee-trade,  47(>. 

Fightin>:  Kn;:land's  battle  of  free 
trade,  47.'>. 

How  can  they  support  free  trade, 
477. 
Iron- 
Cheap  steel  rails,  47s. 

Inequality  of  Mills  bill,  4S0. 

Product  of,  increase  of,  47M. 
Iron  bolts  and  iron  rivets,  4<». 
iron  for<:in>i8,  New  England,  4S1. 
Ii'on  and  coal— 

Free  bv  indirection,  125. 

Tariff  on,  t-H'ect  of,  llM. 
Iron  and  steel,  4.S2. 

Home  competition  benefitted  by 
taritl,  48;). 
Iron  and  wool,  484. 
Issue  of  18H8,    Blaine,    Jamee    G., 

opinions  of,  5:>. 
Tr^s-ue  squarely  made,  4S0. 
Ituly,  wages  in,  llul. 

J. 

Jackson  < President)  for  protec- 
tion, l'^7. 
riaii  for  appropriation  of  surplus, 

Tariff  com  promise  of  \KA'.\,  !tS4. 
.lackson  v.s.  Calhoun,  l(kS<;. 
.Jarrett,  John,  letter  on  tin  ore,  ]0;{4. 
.Fefl'erson  (Preeident)  for  protection, 

4.S.S. 
.leflerson,  plan  for  appropriation  of 

surplus,  '.••Vl. 
.lefffrson  and  Cleveland  contra-sted, 

IIT). 
.lute,  its  enormous  value,  4H".t. 
.lute  workers,  wages  of,  1 1  !•'). 

E. 

K  anf^as,  farmers  of,  4iM). 

L. 

L  bor— 

A  conmiotlity,  V.>'2,  4't.'>. 
A  commodity  like  pumpkins  and 
corn,  VX>. 


Labor— Continued. 
A  cumnuxtily  to  b*  hinvl  wiK-n-  il 
can  behired  thechea|)eBt,7;   4:'4. 
A  voice,  4".'r>. 

.\uK-ric4iii,  balance  due.  1  lO-'i. 
American,  conditions  of,  32. 
Ainerican,    contrasted,    497,   V.*s, 

AinericHU,  insulted  by  compari- 
son, .3't. 

American  male  vs.  German 
feniiil.',  •'02. 

American,  to  be  elevated,  rjOS. 

Cheap,  '.M,  Ml. 

Cheap,  drives  out  dear,  .Vi.') 

Cheap,  means  h.ird  times,  .507. 

Cheaix'nin^;  to  .Southern  stand- 
artf,  •")  S. 

Cheapest  iu  the  world,  '107. 

Convict,  no  tarifl  on,  ■'')25. 

Democratic  partv  and,  186. 

I>ij;nity  of,  'M). 

Division  of  benefits  under  protec- 
tion, ."ilO. 

Ivlucation  and  tHrifl",  .">12. 

Kxperience,  not  reasoning,  will  de- 
cide in  favor  of  pruteciion,  '>13. 

Fights  against  cheapness,  101. 

Free  trade  cheaj>enr^,  .M"). 

Froe  trade  will  -^top  strikes,  r>14. 

German  fomalf.  .'><12. 

Good  wages  quakes  goo<l  work  for, 

How  Democrats  show  their  love 

for,  51«;. 
Is  king,  ■'}21. 

In  the  .Sjuth,  ■■)17,  51s,  519. 
Not  raw  material,  M\>. 
Proceeds  of,  and  cotton,  •">24. 
Protection   of,   525,  52G.  527,  528, 

52'. »,  •">30. 
pHfteclion  of,  increases  demand 

fur,  and  its  wu_'es,  .5;U). 
Protection  multiplies  coal,  steam, 

and  machinery  for,  531. 
Protection,  share  for,  534. 
Protection  H|H'aks  out  for,  •'»35. 
Ki^-puhlicun  uarty  for,  H(),H. 
UepublicMii  tiuHiry  of,  •">40. 
.■^alt-makers  ;ind..541. 
S  rikt*,  .">»:!. 
Strikes,  not  thf  nsult  ol  utarva- 

tion,  .542. 
Tin-plate  workers,  1044. 
\Vuge.«.  of  and  co«t  of  living.  544. 
Wages  of,  LarifTnothing  to  do  witli 

it.  HHI3. 
Wealth  of.  •">4«'.. 

675 


INDEX 


Labor — Cor  tiuued. 
Whibky,  rule  of,  547. 

Labor    aiul    agriculture,    President 
hostile  to,  15. 

Labor  and  ciipital,  40L 

Labor  and  munufaoioriep,  597. 

Labor  and  raw  material,  537,  538. 

Lwhor  and  raw  material  compared, 
5;3(). 

Labor  and  tin,  1037. 

LaLor  bills',  who  paBeedthem?  504. 

Labor  protluct,  148. 

Labor  protection.  Democrats'  reason 
for  low  wagep,  533. 

Labor  protection,  industries  depend- 
ent on,  532. 

Lab(jrer8  asked    to  adopt  English 
metnods,  552. 

Laborers,  irnmitrration  of,  the  index 
U)  the  condition  of  labor,  553. 

Laborers,  intelligent  and  practical, 
5-54. 

Laborers'  saving,  1131. 

Laborers'  wages  in  1860  compared 
V,  ith  wages  in  1880, 556. 

Laborers  in  jute,  Dundee,  Scotland, 
555. 

Laboring  classes,  free  trade  bene- 
ficial to,  549. 

Laboring  classes  of  Europe,  fare  of, 
from  Democratic  sources,  548. 

Laboring  men,  550. 

Laboring   men  and   wages.   Demo- 
cratic (loctrines,  551. 

Laboring  people,  homes  for,  497, 498, 
499,  500. 

Labor's  share  of  capital  (see  Savings 
Banks),  66,  67,  (iS,  69,  853, 854,  855. 

La  Follette's  r^ply  to  Carlisle,  557. 

Lands,  agricultural,  value  of,  how 
increased,  14. 

Lead- 
Developed  other  employment,  558. 
Duty  on,  a  Democratic  ruling  de- 
frauds the  revenue,  559. 
How  protection  develops,  561. 
Overruling  the  law,  563. 
Price  reduced,  564. 
Products  of,  great  value  of,  560. 
Protec'ion,    reduces    impo^^ation  [ 
;.nd  price,  565.  j 

Ruin  to  Western  interests,  566.       I 
Idaho  mines,  .562.  j 

Lead  poison  and  tin-plate,  1050. 

Leal  her,  58,  .59.  | 

Leather,  in  New  England,  567.  I 

Leeds,    EnKhiud,    working  people,  i 
condition  of,  498.  | 

576 


j  Lemon  box*  s,  64. 
'  Lime,  r'anadian,  558. 
Lime,  discriminating  duty  on,  569. 
Linseed  oil,  570. 
Live-stock,  lS60-'80. 
J.,ive  stock —  Milk,    New    England 

vs.  South,  574. 
Live-t^tock   industry,  Holland  vs. 

England,  573. 
Live-stock    industry     and    tariff, 

572. 
Living,  cost  of,  145. 
Living,  cost  of  increased  by  taking 

tariff  from  provision.'',  128. 
Living,  cost   of,    in    Europe    and 

America,  146. 
Li  viug,  cost  of,  in  United  States  and 

England,  147. 
Loans,  national,  677. 
Logwood  and  other  dye-woods.  575. 
Louii  iana.  State  value  of,  compared 

to  hugar  tariff,  934. 
Low  prices  explained,  131. 
Low  wages,  Democtatic  reason  for, 

533. 
Lumber,  2.")6,  576. 

Canadian,  577,  578. 

Duty  on,  an  1  wages  in   Canada 
compared,  579. 

Free,  and  the  American  consumer, 
580. 

Free  trade  in,  why?  581. 

Industry  of  United  States,  Cana- 
dian competition,  -582. 

Manufactured  in   carriages,   etc., 
New  England,  58.3. 

On  the  Pacific  coaat,  585,  586. 

Raw  mi'crial,  .584. 

Trusts  in  Canadian,  1081, 
Luxuries  on  free  list,  094. 

Why  some  not  taxed  higher  by 
the  tariff,  587. 

M, 

Machinery — 

Waives  increased  by,  1113. 
Toil,  steam,  Mills'  trinity,  588. 
For  manufacture  of  twines,  589, 
590. 
Madison  (President)  for  protection, 

591. 
Maine  and  Canada,  wages  compared 

in,  1141. 
Man  a  factor  in  protection,  756. 
Man  a  human,  not  a  "horse,"  592. 
Mauuiui;   (.Sec),  .«cht-me  for  reduc- 
tion of  surplus,  968. 


INDEX. 


Manning  (Sec),  absurdity  of,  los. 
Manufactories— 

iienetit«  farmers, 59."i. 

Benefit  labor,  even  when  unproli- 
table,  r)!t7. 

Cheap  products,  oits. 

Competition    of    American     and 
Edtjlieh,  40. 

Dividenda  of,  599. 

England's   determined  efforts    to 
hinder  Uf,  <)((). 

Profits  arieini!  from,  ]<i. 

Stimulate<i,  (JOii. 

Suspended,    President      Buchan- 
an's statement  of  cause,  (io:*,. 
Manufacturing.  L'l7. 

Cites,  iiuinijir.ints  settle  in,4!'> 

Kstahlishmeata,  men  and  capital, 
(i04. 

Industries     which     cannot     live 
without  protection.  (J05. 

Is  it  a  crime  ?  5!t(i. 

Profits  from,<)01. 
Marlde  not  a  raw  material,  oOo. 
Marble  ([uarriee,  wages  of,  ."VJ4. 
Markets— 

A^iricultural,    near    and    distant 
compared,  19. 

Agriculture  for  small  products  of, 
20. 

Auaerican,  royalty  on,  GOii. 

At  home  helps  farmer,  17. 

<T  'od,  L'")"). 
Markets  of  the  world,  607,  GIG. 

A  delusion,  (iOS. 

Buy  cheap  and  sell  dear.  009. 

Competition   in    me'an.s  competi- 
tion in  wagep,  ]'.'<-. 

Europe's  pui^ply.OlL'. 

"What  the  I'nited  States  buys,  and 
from  whom  ?  01 1. 
Ma83aci)U.«etts,    cost    of    livine    in 

compared  with   lirijrland,  1119 
Massachusetts,      wages      in,      lo'is, 

1102. 
Maxim  of  free  trade,  'M-. 
Meat,  718 
Mercliandise.  foreign,   which   does 

not  enter  into  consumption,  704. 
Merchanl  mar.ne,  DiMnocrala  want 

to  buy,  not  ouild,  (ii:;. 
Merchant    marine    encouragement, 

(H4. 
Merchant   marine,  seamen  of  Ten- 

ne.s.see  and  .Arkansus,  dl."). 

Mfssage  (Cleveland's),  172.  ; 

Engiisti  pres-i  no!'s  on,  010. 

xxxvii 


Message,  Cleveland's -Cont'd. 
I  irst  i.uv  to   rt-c»-ivi'  sanction  of 

British  pre^s,  OlS 
How  interpretid  by  free-traders, 

Frank  llur.l,  Ol'.t. 
How   ii'tcrpreted  hv  free  traders, 

Mr.  Watterson,  02o. 
How  interpreted   by  free-traders, 

Henry  ( ieorge,  021. 
^^:nn^es  all  cjuestions  but  one, 022. 
Keads  like  speech  of  John  Bright, 
02:5. 
.   To  be  judgt^  by  EnelUh  language, 

as  spoken  and  define*!,  017. 
Milk,  .New  Knglantl  vs.  .'-^outh,  574. 
Milbmr,  wfieat  in  transit,  024. 
Mills  Bill,  l_'.-.4 

A  lim^'slnde  toward  freetrade.O'J?^. 
A  party  measure,  n'-V.]. 
.A  sectional  combine,  <i.".4. 
A  sectional  tarill,  o:J.). 
.\  .Southern  partisan  measure, 6.'J6. 
Amend  title  of.  0.50. 
American  workmen,    20,000  con- 
demn it.  >'>'J\K 
And  free  trade  aer^ounted  for,  ftJl. 
And  present  turiir  compared,  tjS2, 

12.'):5. 
And  fishery  trpatv,  2S0 
As  it  i)aseed,  637. 
Canada  wanis  it  badly, 6:>S. 
Chancres   made  in  House  in,  see 

end  of  frei"  list. 
Changee  in  sugar  t«riff,  ;»2.'?. 
Demand  for  it,  0.">1. 
Effect  on  business  ofcountry,  040. 
Kn^rlish  emissaries  and  <:ilhoun 
di'c'ples  are  its  suppnr'*'rs,  >\',i'J. 
Farmers  don't  want  it,  (»41. 
Favorable  to  Canada,  79,  m>. 
Foreign   preparation  for  \U   pas- 
sage, 042. 
I'ree-bst.  nundterof articles  placed 

on.  :>lo,  12.'):! 
(IroHH  int<|uaiity  of,  64.".. 
How  the  li.ibi'  cain»'  to  be,  r,l4. 
lucouhistency  of,  (y\'). 
Iiurea''inL'  revtnue,  017,  «>-19 
Ltbor  orgLan/ition  Bgiiinst  it,  r>.'>0. 
No  petition  for  it,  many  ngaiost, 

»5.-)2 
No  protection  to  farmers.  OVi. 
<  >u  the  free-trade  road.O.">."» 
Pin-.-ntng«*  and  birth  of,  044,  (',"t4. 
I'artjsun  ami  s»»«'tinnal.  0.'>0 
Prepared   in  secret  auil  enforced 

in  cau  us,  <'>.')7. 
Progrtbs  to  fuc  trade  <,'>s. 


IND3EX. 


Mills  bill— Continued. 
Ixuliiclions,  (>4r>,  12-")o. 
K-tacliated   by    150,000  laboring 

men,  059. 
Sectional  character  of,  G48. 
Six  Confederates  made  it,  OGO. 
Vote  on  paeeage,  analysis  of,  661, 

1087. 
Who  framed  it?     663,664. 
AVill  not  reduce  tai  ilfrevenue,  662. 
Worse  than    the    two    Morrieon 
bill?,  6(i5. 

Mills,  R.  Q.,  a  free-trader   by    his. 
own  woide,  625. 

Mills,  R.  Q.,  deception  of,  252. 

Mills,  R.  Q.,  false  reasoning  of,  626. 

Mills,  R.  (2.,  sincerity  of,  628. 

'^ti\l8     trinity,     machinery,     coal, 
steam,  588. 

Miners  and  farmers  made  to  suffer 
in  reductions,  667. 

Missouri  wool,  1213. 

Money,  purchasing  power  of  a  dol- 
lar, 668. 

Monopolies,  Great  Britain  the  great- 
est, 669. 

Monopolies  not  protected,  670. 

Monroe  (Presiuent)  for  protection, 
671. 

Mortgages,    attacks     on    Western 
credit,  672. 

Mortgages  in  Michigan,  673. 

Mortgages,  why  they  exist?   674. 

Morrieon   bill,  England's   lamenta- 
tion over  defeat  of,  343. 

N. 

National  banking  system  and  work- 

ingmen,  67. 
National  contentment,  675. 
National  debts  contrasted,  159. 
National  loans,  677. 
National   movement    must  go   for- 
ward, cannot  go  back,  678. 
National  prosperity,  679. 
National  and  industrial  prosperity 

and  tariff,  676. 
Nations,  debts  of  contrasted,  159. 
New  England^ 

Butter  and  clieese,  72. 

Can  stand  free  trade  better  than 
the  South  and  West,  681. 

Capital,  680. 

Cotton  factories,  149. 

Farms  and  farm  implements,  269 

GeMing  too  rich,  682. 

Prof-perity  of,  69. 


[New  England— Continued. 

rro?paciive  proi-i>erity  vs.  South- 
1         era  frf  e-trade  poverty,  683. 
i      Scuth  should  learn  from,  885. 

Thrift  of,  6S4. 
I      Will  vole  for  protection,  685. 
i  New  York  Sun  condemns  Mills  bill, 
'      169. 

Newspaper  exponent  of  public  opin- 
ion,   nobody    deceived    by    such 
statements,  686 
Nonsense,  block  rot,  deception,  687 
North  ami  South,  interests  of,  686,689 
North  and  South, sectional  methods, 

()90 
Norway,  wages  in,  1104 

o. 

Occupations,  number  of  people  em- 
ployed in  each  branch,  691 

Ofiice-holders,  increase  of,  105 
'■  Ohio,  Democracy  and  wcol  in,  174 
1  Orange  boxes,  64 

;  Orchard  product,  New  England,  692 
I  Oregon  election  and  free  trade,  693 
j  Oregon,  railroad  tariff  hurts,  785 
i  Oregon  wool,  1217 

Ostrich  feathers,  a  luxury  on   the 
free-list,  694 


P. 

Pacific  coast,  fruits  on,  376 

Pacific  coast,  lumber  on,  585,  586 

Paper- makers,  wages  of,  1120 

Parties,  political  position  of,  695. 

Partisan  measures,  636. 

Party  capacity,  225. 

Party  difference,  fundamental,  696. 

Party  pledges  nothing  with  the  pres- 
ent party  in  power,  697. 

Party  pledges,  who  keeps  them  ? 
Republicans  anxious  to  redeem, 
t)98. 

Party  maeque  torn  off,  1 82. 

Party  subserviency,  699. 

Pauper  labor,  701, 1003. 

Pauper  labor,  American  labor  com- 
peting with,  499. 

Pauper  labor,  Massachusetts  people 
aJjle  to  compete  with  it,  702. 

Pauper  products  of  Europe  in  1786, 
703. 

Paupers,  craving  political  power  and 
proteciion,  700. 

Percentage,  fallacies  in,  227,228. 

Percentage  of  duties  collected  in  ten 
years,  820. 


INDEX. 


Peppermint  oil  a  farm  product,  704. 

Philadelphia,  home8  of  laboriug 
men  in,  500. 

Phi!adelphia,laborand  waKe8in,705. 

Piji-iron,  cust  of,  70t). 

Pi^-iron,  protection  of,  why  neces- 
8arv,  707. 

Pirt-form,  Democratic,  of  1844,  108. 

Platfor.n.y,  National  Democratic, and 
the  tariff,  70S. 

Platforms  (State)  and  tariff,  Demo- 
cratic, 709. 

Piusb,  710. 

Polari.-cope  reform,  935. 

Poliuiscopic  test,  results  of,  928. 

Political  issue,  the  tariff,  711. 

Polilii^l  power,  pauperscraving,  700. 

Politics  in  the  taritfissue,  712. 

Poar  man's  blankets,  55,  5(5,  IV.i. 

Poor  man's  table,  why  no  sugar,  no 
rice,  714. 

Potatoes,  715. 

Potatoes,  rate  of  duty  15  cents  per 
bushel,  710. 

Potatoes,  starch  a  market  for,  886. 

Pottery,  ISGO-'SS,  717. 

Poultry,  game,  meats,  718. 

President  responsible  for  increaae 
of  surplus,  959. 

President,  veto  of  resolution  to  re- 
duce the  surplus,  900. 

President's  aim  at  protection  prin- 
ciples, 719. 

Prebulent's  ukase  obeyed,  720. 

Price  of  blankets,  54,  5.5,  50,  57. 

Pric'j  of  goods  not  increased  by  the 
duty,  721. 

Prices  contrasted,  722. 

Prices,  fallacy  in,  202. 

Prices  increased  by  free-list,  128. 

Prices  not  increased  by  protection, 
why?  722. 

Prices  the  result  of  tariff,  720. 

Prices  under  Democratic  rule,  727. 

Prices  and  tariff,  123. 

Prices  and  tariff  eflet^te,  724. 

Prices  of  agricultural  products,  24, 
25.  20,  27. 

Pricp  of  agricultural  products,  tariff 
added  to,  28. 

Producers,  depression  of,  '.V-.h 

Prophecy,  Democratic,  ISl. 

Pro-slavery  free-trade  reasoning,  72^). 

Prosperity  and  manufacturing,  247. 

Protected  articles  cheaper  now  than 
under  tree  trade,  730. 

Protected  persons  in  all  industries, 
731. 


Protection— 

A  constitutional  right,  7.33. 

A^;a'nst  fr<.>e  trade,  730. 

Against  free  trade,  contrasited,  735. 

Analysis  of,  732 

Applied  to  the  farmer,  27. 

IJring8  inj;uld  and  j)ays  debts,  741. 

('tieap  sugar,  737. 

Cheapens  cutlery,  1-58. 

Confederate  and  National  views 

<jf,  742. 
Convicted,  motion  enteral  for  a 

new  trial,  757. 
Creates  a  home  market,  743. 
Creates  demand   for  machinery, 

744. 
Democratic  idea  e.x  plained,  527. 
Df'iiKxrratic  view  uf,  734. 
Demonstrated,  745. 
Devoloptj   Wealth,    tak&s    care   of 

bone  and  sinew,  740. 
Diversities  industries,  747. 
Duties,  how  the  foreigner    pavs, 

780. 
Experience,    not   reasoning,   will 

decide  in  favor  of,  51.3. 
Farmer  and,  249. 
Free  trade  vs.,  770. 
tiives  cheaper  clothing,  748. 
Higher,  not  lower  flM'ies,  749. 
How  it  is  assailed,  750. 
How  it  protects,  751. 
How  much  to  farmers,  752. 
How  t<)  save  47  p?r  cent.,  753. 
Import.s    too    pinall    to    regulate 

home  prices,  754. 
Increasing   wages    and    reducing 

price,  755. 
Labor's  demand  for.  52^1. 
l.abor  no  rikjht  to,  52)S. 
Makes  hitjh  wages  possible,  758. 
.Man  a  factor  in,  750. 
M»'an8conifort  ftrworkingclassee, 

759. 
Morrill  bill  an<l,  700. 
Not  a  tax,  1031. 

Old  Whigs  to  the  rescue  of,  761. 
Principal  industries  need,  762. 
Reduces  cost,  7tJ3 
K»'pul»licanrt  and,  .  '8,  740. 
Kepu  Hated,  7<>4. 
Revenue  and,  739. 
Robber,  not  to  l>e  destroyed,  706. 
Robbery  in,  7(55. 
RufusChoateon.in  1842.  104. 
Saveil    France  and   taught    Ger- 
many. 7t>8. 
Sentiment  growing,  769. 

579 


INDEX. 


Protection— Coiit  inued . 

Souls  in  it  as  well  as  dollars,  770. 

South  should  ppin  and  weave  her 
cotton  under,  771. 

States  immi^'ratits  settle  in,  415. 

Stimulates  invention,  772,  77;^. 

Svstem,  intended  destruction  of, 
"7S1. 

Theory  vp.  fact,  775. 

What  hurts  the  planters,  779. 

"What  is  it?  777. 

"Where.  S^^uth  or  North,  767. 

Why  Kenluoky  should  favor,  778. 

Work  of,  774 
Provisions,  cost  increased  by  placing 

on  free-list,  128. 
Public  <lebt,  how  shall  we  provide 

for.  782. 
Pumpkins  and  corn,  labor  in  a  com- 
modity like,  4'J3. 
Purchasing  power  of  a  dollar,  66S. 

Q. 

Qaicksilvpr,  production  of,  783. 
Quinine,  tariff  on,  784. 

R. 

Railroad  ta»-iff  that  hurts  Oregon- 

785. 
Raisins,  California  competes   with 

Spain,  788. 
Raisins,  California  product,  787. 
Raisins,  reiuction  of  duty  on,  790. 

791. 
Raisins,  wholesale  prices  of,  789. 
Raisins    and   prunes,  amount  pro- 
duced, 786. 
Randall  and  New  York  Democracy, 

792. 
Randall  on  platform  of  1884,  168. 
Raw  Material,  538,  793,  794,  795. 

A  confusion  of  ideas  on,  797. 

A  fair  field  and  open  fight  for,  798 

And  manufacturers,  796. 

Dutiable  list  and  revenues  derived 
from,  799. 

"How  labtjr  adds  value  to,  801. 

Iron  ore  is  "  labor,"  not,  800. 

Republicans  removed  duty  from 
non-competinur,  802. 

The  shibboleth  of  Democracy,  308. 

What  are  they?  804. 

Why  England  wants  free,  805. 
Receip'.K    and    expenditures,   fiscal 

year  1887,  811. 
Reducing  prices  benefits  the  rich, 

806. 

580 


Reduction  of  revenue,  813. 
Reduction  of  revenuf,  eleven  years' 

contrast,  814. 
Reduction  of  revenue,   how   to  be 

done,  816. 
Redui;ini;j  revenue,  what  we  could 

agree  on,  807. 
Republican  partv  «nd  capacity,  225. 
Republican  par'y  fv)r  labor,  808. 
Republican  purpose,  461. 
Republican  tariff  and  free  trade  con- 
trasted, 80!». 
Repuldicanifim  and  protection,  740. 
Reepon^ihility,  shirking  of,  has  its 

cost,  877. 
Retrenchment  and  reform,  818,  819. 
Revenue  — 

Reducing  duties  ini-reaopR,  825. 

Reductions,  amount  and  m.ode,  84. 

Reductions,  eff:!cts  on  our  indus- 
tries, 823. 

Reduction,  eleven  years'  contrast, 
1033. 

Reductions  made  heretofore,  822. 

Reform  true,  826. 

Sources  of,  S2S. 
Revenue  tariff,  what  is  it?    827. 
Revenue  and  impost  compared,  81 7. 
Revolutionary  fathers,  protection  to 

colonies.  829. 
Rhode  Island   wage-earners,  prop- 
erty in,  1089. 
Rice— 

A  farm  product  on  free-list,  831. 

Amount  consumed,  832. 

Comparative  wages  of  farmers  of, 
834,  835. 

Duty  on,  836. 

Duty  on,  why  too  high,  839. 

Production  and  protection  of,  830. 

Pro'fction  of,  necessity  for,  838. 

Protection  of  reduces  cost.  837. 
Rice  and  sugar,  is  it  food  ?    833. 
Rice  and  sugar    cannot    be    food, 

DenDcratic  theory,  833. 
Rice  and  sugar  vs.  wool,  1225. 
River  improvement.  President  ve- 
toes, 785. 
Robbery,  141,  245,  596. 
Robbery,  char>?e  of,  reduced  to  ab- 
surdity, 840,  841. 
Robbery  in  revenue  and  tariff,  765. 
Robbery,  in  tariff,  what  per  cent? 

141. 
Robberv.    Where,  South  or  North? 

767. 
Roving  frames,  protection  of,  842 
Royalty  on  American  markets,  606. 


INDEX. 


s. 


Sale  of  surplus  ajjricuitural  product. 

Salt— 25(). 
American,  better  than  iiuported, 

s4(;. 

Cobi  ot  producinfr,  847, 

Co?t  to  farmers,  S48. 

Duty  on,  844. 

In  New  York,  849. 

Mannfacliire  ami  cost  of,  850. 

Price  of,  84:;,  S4'). 

Produftion  of,  8')1. 

Wl'af  it  costs,  who  cares?  852. 

Workers,  wajres  of,  11:50. 
Savingp-bankti,  (Ki.  07,  08,  GU. 
SaviEgs-hanks  and  labor,  853. 
Savings-bankH,  depositfl  in,  497,  854. 
SaviDg8-banks,  voice  of,  855. 
Sanf.-^dnty  on,  85(>. 
Scot  (and,  Dundee,  laborers  in  jute, 

condition  of,  555. 
Sco'.lard,  wastes  in.  nO:>. 
Secretary   of    the  Treasury,   ruling 

against  coal  and  iron,  12(J. 
Sectional  dihcriminationn,  857,  858. 
Sectional  legislation,  8(>0. 
Sectional  protection  not  wanted,  861. 
Sectionalism,  free  trade  North,  pro- 
tection South,  859. 
Self-governmeut,  8f)2. 
Self-preservatinn  the  highest,  8(j:J. 
Share  of  wage- workers  in  prosperity, 

874. 

Sheep— 

As  fertilizers,  S<)4. 

Flock-owners,  number  of,8f;5. 

In  Michigan,  871. 

In  Ohio,  870. 

Numbers  of.  8(i5,  8(10,  8fi7,  8(;8.8(;9. 

South-Americm  competition,  872. 

Value  of,  H(}^,  8()9. 

World's  compttition  in.  87:'.. 
Sheet  iron,  reduced  price  of,  s75. 
Sherman.  .John    (.Senator),  .'^"sailed 

for  voting  to  re<luce  tariff  on  wool, 

870. 
Ship  building,  878. 
Sh'p='  for   America  to    be   built  in 

England,  879. 
Shi'-t^ing  reepon»«ibility  haa  its  cost, 

877. 
Shoemaker,  10:'> 

Shd.miiUer  und  cheap  sbor^".  7'^. 
Simonds'  rolling  machine,  ssO. 
Soda,  :'.2,  :W.  8S1. 


Sodn.  .\moriciin  marmfacturesof, fate 

of, under  Mill-*  bill,  881. 
Sot'.i  and  alum,  :52,  :'»:!. 
S;)d.i-a*h,  ss2,  .Hs:j,  981. 
Sjii.  exnauH'.iou  uf  by  agriculture,  5. 
Sorgliiim,  a  success,  9:!1. 
Sorirhum.  failure,  rea-ons  of,  9;J3, 
Sorv-'hum  wants  taritJ",  not   bounty, 

9:;2. 

South,  labor  in,  517,  518,519. 
Sou'h   neglected  to  take  advantage 

of  taritl'  laws,  884. 
.•^ou  h  shoulii  learn  from  New   Eng- 
land, .884.. 
South,  the  possi'oiiities  of,  12:5. 
Southern  coal,  12:'>. 
Specilic  aud  ad  valorem  duties,  194. 
Starch— 

A  market  for  ] total oea,  8.80. 

Duty  on,  reduction  of,  elfect  of, 
888. 

P'x'ent  of  the  bu^ineKH,  889. 

No  benefit  from  reduction  of  tariff, 
S9(l. 

Potato,  to  the  wall,  S92. 

Prices  reduced  by  jirotection,  891. 
.Star.-h  and  poia'oe.s,  duty  on,. 887. 
State  nnl  nation,  power  of  each  to 

tax,  1020. 
Starvat  on,  libor  strikes  not  the  re- 
sult o  ,  542. 
Steel,  immense  re<luction of co8t,.893. 
Stef'l  billets,  duty  increased,  why? 

894. 
Ste«-1   pfu",  .Vmerican  manufacture 

to  be  destroyed,  S90. 
Steel  rails,  cheap,  478 
Ste«^l  rails,  reduction  of,  895. 
Stonecutters,  wanes  if,  ^97. 
Sub'^idies,  our  carrying  trade,  898. 
Sugar,  899, 

.\  hlmd  .Administration,  9C0. 

P.eets  nr.il  sorkchum.  90:{. 

beet  siiirar  enough  to  supply  the 
worl<l,9C4. 

Pountv  cheaper  than  protection, 

901'.,  907,  91I.S. 
r.oinity  for  nrotluclion  of,  '.M)9. 
Cheaper  in  Kurop»>,  911. 
Colored  to  avoid  ihe  tariff,  912. 
( "onsumers  v».  produces,  922. 
Declining,   .md   coiton   .md  corn 

growinir.  914. 
Pf'clining  in  amount,  915. 
High  tariff  ohjecti..ual.Ie.  940. 
Home  sMjipIv  inade"i'Uit«-,  91S. 
In  handd  of  foreign  trus-t-^.  920. 
Iowa  granger,  resohuions.  921. 

5>^l 


INDEX. 


Sugar — Coiitiuued. 

Mills  bill  changes,  923. 

Not  entitled  to  protection,  924. 

Percentage  of  duty  on,  936. 

Price  of,  how  fixed,  919. 

Produced  in  Louisiana,  925. 

Production  reduced,  926. 

Protection  of,  938. 

Protection   will   develop  the  in- 
dustry, 927. 

Results  of  polariscope  test,  928. 

Should  be  placed  on  the  free  list, 
930. 

Sorghum  now  a  success,  931, 

Sorurhum  wants  tariff,  not  bounty, 
932. 

The  polariscope  reform,  935 

Two  years  revenue  equal  in  value 
to  Louisiana,  934. 

We  cannot  produce  a  sufficient 
supply,  937. 

Why  sorghum  fails,  933. 
Sugar    and    molasses,    Cleveland's 

message,  901. 
Sugar  and  wool,  protection  to  one, 

tree  trade  to  the  other,  902. 
Sugar  belter  than  wool,  one  raised 

in  South,  the  other  North,  905. 
Sugar  bounties,  European,  910. 
Sugar  of  lead,  wages  of  worker  in, 

1132. 
Sugar,  rice,  salt,  929. 
Sugar  trust.  Democratic  party  dare 

not  strike  down,  913, 
Sugar  trust,  fine  branch  of,  916. 
Sugar  trust,  hearing  the  head  of,  917. 
Sugar  trust,  what  is  it?  939. 
Surplus  revenue,   167,  170,  941, 
942. 

An  anomalous  condition,  957. 

Cleveland's  '•  p0(;ket  "  veto,  945. 

Deb's  paid  from,  947. 

Democratic  methods  of   dealing 
with,  943. 

Democratic  opposition  to  reduc- 
tion of,  950. 

Democratic  plan  to  reduce,  951. 

Democrats  refuse  to  u-^e  it,  964. 

Democrats  responsible  for,  944. 

Democrats  warned  of,  MHS. 

Democrats  unaccustomed  to,  167. 

Effects  of  sending  it  aljroad,  949. 

Expended  in    improving    rivers, 
965. 

Expenditure    which    should    be 
made  from,  210. 

Expenditures  from,  728. 

Has  existed  for  22  years,  948. 
582 


Surplus  revenue— Continued. 

How  to  dispose  of  it,  968. 

How  treated  by  Jefferson,  Jack- 
son, and  Cleveland,  953. 

Maintained  to  force  free  trade,  954. 

Mannings  scheme  for  reduction, 
963. 

May  be  applied  to  the  purchase  of 
bonds,  9.55. 

No  new  thing,  956. 

President's  reHponsibility  for,  959. 

President's  veto  of  resolution  to 
reduce,  9(50. 

Problem  of,  settled  by  Republi- 
cans, 961. 

Reduced  tariff  increases  revenue, 
962. 

Reduction  of,  812. 

Reduction  of  the  pretext,  not  the 
motive  of  the  Mills  bill,  952. 

Reduction  of  revenue  by  Repub- 
licans and  Democrats  com- 
pared, 958. 

Result  of  good  credit,  946. 

Special  statements  on,  1252. 

Why  accumulated,  970. 

Whv  did  thev  allow  it  to  accu- 
mulate, 969." 

Why  not  reduced,  971. 

Democratic  surplus  and,  967. 
Sweating  Kyfit*>Di,  1003. 
Syndicate,  lin-plale,  1048, 

T. 

Tacks,  cost  of,  1010. 
Tarlfif- 

A  governor,  972. 

A  tax  added  to  the  cost,  28,  973, 

974.  975,  976. 
Agriculture  and,  29,  .30. 
Canada,  laws  on,  82. 
Benefits  conferred  by,  995. 
Classes  of  dutiable  goods,  983. 
Colonies  under,  130. 
Compromise  of  1833,  Jackson  and 

Clay,  984. 
Cost  to  the  people,  985. 
Decejition,  Democratic,  190. 
Deceptive  percentages,  1009. 
Discus.sion  of,  986. 
Distress  prior  to   tariff   of  1824,  < 

1004. 
Does  the  consumer  pay  the  duty 

under,  987,  988. 

Effeot  of  first  act  in  1789, . 

Eulogy  of,  990. 

For  revenue  only,  992, 


INDEX. 


Tariff— Continued. 

Free-list  under  difTerent,  091. 
Free  trade  and,  contrapted,  722. 
Garfield's  opinion  of,  *J'.»M. 
Gives  lower  prires  to  consumer*", 

994. 
Hard  times  vhen  low,  1001. 
Historical  facts  on,  KJO,  171. 
Historical  incidents  of,  404. 
History  of,  405,  'v^7. 
Issue    18S4,     false     pretense    on, 

230. 
La  Follette's  reply  to  Carlilse  on 

557. 
Lej^islation,    Democrats    respon- 
sible for,  999. 
L'^'iislation,  effect  of,  upon  coin 

and  currency,  129. 
Legislation,    Morrison  bill,  1000. 
Lowering  cost,  1023. 
2<fot  a  tax,  977, 978,  979,  980,  981. 
Not  a  tax,  why?   982. 
!Not  a  war  tax,  99().  I 

Not  vicious  and  inequitable,  99S.  ' 
Nothing  to  do  with  lrtl)or,  lOo:!. 
Opinions  of  Cleveland   and  Ijis- 

marck,  100').  I 

Paper,  why  reduce  tariff  on  ?  1005.  j 
Per  cents,  deceptive,  1007. 
Present  and  Mills  bill  compared, ! 

1253. 
Prosperity  of  the  Nation   under, 

1008. 
Reduction,  how  to  mike  it,  1011. 
Reduction  of,  increased  revenues,  > 

1(112,  idi:',,  1914. 
Reduction  f)f  cost  of  tack^,  1010. 
Relative  cost  of  living  under,  1015. 
Removed,  opens  the  markets  of 

the  world,  1002. 
R"«ultof  two  policies,  1010. 
Revenue  collected  on  each  article, 

per  cent,  of,  187.S  to  18S7,  S20. 
Revision,  by  its  enemies,  1017. 
Revision,  Republican  statements' 

of.  K  25. 
Robbery,    Democrata    guilty    of, 

1019. 
Robbery  to  continue,  1020. 
iSvstem  objectionable    to    Danio- 

"crat.",  1021. 
Tinkering,  1022. 
Wages  and   li:>(>. 
Who  pays  the  duties?     Evidence, 

989. 
Tarsney  and  protection,  740. 
Tarsnev     vs.     Clevehiud,     who     is 

rig^t?     173. 


Taxes- 
Benefit  of,  31. 

DecToase  in  twenty  yearn,  159. 

Direct,  \s hat  does  it  mean?    452. 

Disguised  by  indirection,  102S. 

« >n  an  article  reducing  co?t,  I0'J3. 

Oppressive,  who  nrot^'.^ting,  1(124. 

i'ower  of  State  and  nation  to  lay, 
102t). 

Republican  reductions,  1025. 

Revenue  coliecteti  from  1878  to 
1888,  percentage  on  each  item, 
820. 

Surplus  to  re<lnce,  1020. 

Two  syptems,  1027. 

War  against  vs.  war  for  power  to 
tax,  1152. 

When  protection  is  a  tax,  1030. 

When  protection  i.'^  not  a  tax,  l(i31. 

Who  are  complaining  of  them? 
1034. 

Who  i)avs  them?     1032. 

Who  retlut^ed  them  ?     1033. 
Taxes  and  WHges  compared,  1118. 
Tea  and  coffee,  l'r.>8ident  seeks  to 

place  du'y  on,  lo;',.'>. 
Timber,  l(i3"(). 
Tin  ore,  10.3S. 
Tin-plate.  104o.  1(>41. 1(>42. 

And  lead  iKtison,  1050. 

ISritish  syndicate  in,  1043. 

Can  l)e  i)r(  duced  in  South,  1042. 

Cheapened  by  tariff,  104<>. 

I'ree  in  Hriti.sh  interest,  1047. 

in  the  South.  li»4^i. 

Libor  in,  needs  protection,  1044, 
10:57. 

Mixed  with  learl,  1051. 

Resources  in.  1053. 

South  should  make  it,  1055. 

Syndicate,  work  of,  KMS. 

Tribute  j>aid  to  England  in,  1055. 

Value  of.  104';. 

Value  of,  to  manufacturer,  1057. 

Wa^res  of  workers  in,  l\'M. 

Waives  paid  in  pnxliiction  of,  1057. 

Who  wants  free  tin?  10.5.S. 

Works  dc-'troved,  10.52,  10.54. 
Tobacco.  1059. 
Tramps,  history  of,  KKH. 
Tramps,  where  <lo  they  come  from  ? 

10<'.5. 
Trade,  balance  of,  10<>:',. 
Trad*'  and  wag<»P,  ll:'.5. 
Treaty    oblitrations,    Canada's    bad 

faith  in  kei-ping,  75. 
Trust,  foreign  plate-glaHP,  1080. 
Trust  in  eugar  defined,  9.39. 
583 


INDEX. 


Trustp,  lumber,  in  Canada,  1081. 

Trupt8,  potato.  Canada,  10S2. 

Tuppcr,  Sir  Charlep,  on  Mills  bill, 
7i>. 

Twine,  14:>,  58'.»,  5l'0. 

Twine  and  cordage,  effect  of  reduc- 
tion, 143. 

Twinee,  manufacture  of,  machinery 
for,  589,  590. 

u. 

United  States— 

And  free-trade  England,  ;>.'U. 
Canadian  reciproi-ity  with,  85. 
Canaiia's  imports  to,  farmers'  pro- 
tection, 77. 
Industries,  in,  profrress  of,  4'^2. 
Labor  in,  ought  to  be  as  cheap  as  , 
in  Canada,  520.  I 

Progress  in.  1083. 

Wagps  in,  1003.  I 

And  England,  cost  of  living  in,  147 

V. 

Valuation  and  tax.  New  England  vs.  i 

South.  1(184 
Value  of  farm  products,  272,  352.        i 
Vegetables  which  we  buy,  Gil.  I 

A'irginia  for  protection,  1085. 
Voice  from  the  grave,  Jackson  vs. 

Calhoun,  1080. 
Vote  on  the  Mills  bill,  analysis  of 

1087. 
Votes,  how  obtained   for  Mills  bill, 

191,1253. 

w. 

Wage-earners,      Connecticut      and 

Rhode    Island,    property   owned 

by,  lOSit 
AVage-earners.      professional      and 

others.  1090,  1108 
Wages— 

A'liericaand  Europe,  1091 

Attacks  on   protection,  aimed  at, 
1092. 

A'Tiiria  and  other  countries,  1094. 

Bdiance  due  American  labor,  ll(i5. 

Belgium,  1095. 

r>iof  and  shoe  industry,  1106. 

Canada,  inOO.  '  ] 

Canada  and  Maine,  1141.  j 

Cement  labor,  lUtl.  \ 

Compared,  1148,  1149. 

Comparative,  cotton  thread  work- 
ers, 1151. 
584 


Wages— Continued. 

Compared  to  taxes.  Ills. 

Competition  in.  K'>2,  loss. 

Democratic     platform     lss4    on.. 
1121. 

England,  1097. 

England  and  Massachusetts,  1098. 

England  and  Massachusetts  com- 
pared, 1119. 

England  an<l  United  States  com- 
pared, 1144,1145. 

Europe,  114.3. 

Faim  labor,  1 107. 

Farm  labor  ISOS  to  1SS6,  1147. 

Farm  values  and,  1108. 

Flax-Hpinners,  1109. 

From  tree  trade  authority,  1110. 

Germany,  1099. 

(Tlasfc-workers,  380,  1142. 

Higbf-r  because  of  tarifJj  1112. 

How  determined,  1111. 

In  the  United  StaU^s,  1093. 

Incroa.sed  by  machinery,  1113. 

Increase  since  1800,  1114. 

Ireland,  1100. 

Italy,  1101. 

Jute  workers,  1115. 

Knighis  and   manufactures    will 
regulate,  5l'2. 

Savings  in,  1131. 

Low,  Democratic  remedy  for,  1116. 

Maintained  by  diversified  indus- 
try, 1117. 

Marble  iiuarries,  594. 

Mus'achusetts,  1102. 

MaKScichusetts  and  England  com- 
pared, 1119. 

Norway,  1104. 

Paper- makers,  1120. 

Qiu'Stionof,  1123. 

Kale,  how  lixed,  1121. 

Rise  and  fall  of,  1129. 

Salt-workers,  1130. 

Scotland,  1103. 

Siigar-of-Iead  workers,  1132. 

Supply  and  dcinand  make,  1133. 

Tariff  and,  11.36. 

Tariff  nothing  to  do  with,   1003, 
1020. 

Tin-plate  workers,  1134. 

Trade  and,  1135. 

Wage-workers  and,  1137. 

Watchmakers,  1157. 

Wealth  contrasted  with,  11.38. 

AVhat    makes     them    higher    in 
United  States,  1150. 

Why  we  don't  export  goods,  1140i. 

Work  and  retult  of,  1139. 


INDEX. 


Wages  and  cost  of  living,  544,  545. 
Wages  and  protection,  1122. 
Wa^es   rediK^ed,  euiployea  cufitom- 

house,  112"). 
Wages  retiuftnl,  employes  House  of 

Representatives,  112»>. 
Waces   reduced,  hod-carriers,  1127. 
Wages    reduced,    surveyor-general, 

Nevnda,  112S. 
War  of  1812,  England's  policy  after, 

211. 
War  against  taxes  vs.  power  to  lax, 

11. ■32. 
War  taxes  defended  by  Democratic 

party,  ll.'):5. 
War  taxes  must  go  first,  l"'!. 
War  taxes,  who  shall  decide  what 

are?  175. 
Washington,  (Pres.)  for  protection, 

11  .-).->. 
Washinuton  and  Cleveland,  views 

of  tariff.  lir>4. 
Wa«te  of  I'nited  States,  ll-'W',. 
Watches,  manufacture  of,  history  of, 

1 157. 
Ways  and  Means  Committee,  115.S. 
Ways  and  Means  Committee,  closed 

doors,  6r.:].  (^'4. 
Ways  and  Means  Committe,  conatit- 

uency  of,  compared,  115i). 
Ways  anfl  Means  Committee,  who 

they  refused  to  hear,  11(>0. 

Wealth  — 

Kni^laud  and  the  United  States, 
compared,  1102. 

Increase  of,  llti4. 

lucrca^e  of.  South  America,  11G5. 

Increase  by  protection,  llOJJ. 

>i)L  to  workers,  11(>«). 

United  States,  GO,  07,  08,  O'j. 

Workingmen's,  1107. 

Workiniimen's  share  of,  1101, 

Wageti  and,  contraflied,  lliiH. 
West  and    South   need   protection, 

11«W. 
What  we  buy.  Oil. 

Wheat - 

Britisli  tarilfrepeale<l  to  get  bread, 

11  Oil. 
Destruction  of  home  markets  to 

compete  with  India,  1170. 
Expf>rts  of.  1171. 
Flail  and  thrasher,  1172. 
Home  demand  lixee  price?,  117:?. 
How   we  did  and  what  we  got, 

1174. 
Price  of,  fixed  in  London,  1175. 


Wheat— Continue*!. 

I'roduction  of.  1J%80  to  1887,in  all 
countries,  1170.  "  ^.«— 

What  luakfw  il  chr-ap,  1177. 
Whisky,  117S.  117'.). 

li.s  dt  moralizing  intiuence,  458. 

Protection  of,  1  isO. 

Tax  on,  repeal  of,  455,  456. 

Wool  vs.,  4<>S. 
Whisky  ring,  partnership  with,  402. 
Whihky  ring,  protection  to,  40". 
Whihkv   ring.  South   should   throw 

nir,  10.-). 
Whi.-jky  tax,  why  reduce?  40>4. 
Who  believes  in  free  trade,  llSl. 
Window-glass  industry,  extent   of, 

.".7'.t. 
Women  in    America    elevated    by 

j)rotection,  1 1S2. 
\\  cmen,  working,  condition   of,  in 

England,  1244. 
Wood-pulp,  interest  of,  1184. 
Wood-pulp,  manufacture   and    con- 
sumption of,  1 1S3. 
Wood-pulp,  New  England,  11S.5. 
I  Wool— 

-Vustralian,  1 1S7. 
;      Australian  trade  in,  1218. 
'      Can     produce    our     own    carpet 
'         stock,  IISS. 

Clotliing  chea|>er  than  ever,  1 1S'.». 

Cost  of  cassimeri',  ll'Jl,  11''2. 
I      Democratic  party  change  front  on, 

j        iiu;}. 

'      Divide  industry,  IHM. 

Effect  of  proposing  free  trade  in, 

1195. 
I      EHVctoftarlffof  18s:?,  IIW. 
I      p:irects  of  free  tra*le  and  protec- 
tion on,  1  l'J7. 
England  wanta  tariff  removed  on, 

Hits. 
I'nglish  protection  for,  1100. 
Extent  an-l  value  of  the  businees 

of,  1200. 
Fallacy    of    foreiirn     market    for 

mrtnufactun'd,  121)1. 
Farmers     not     fooled    with     free 

trade  in,  1202. 
Farmers'  profit   in   piving   tariff, 

120!  5. 
Farmers  to  bear  the  loss,  1204. 
Free-list,  elfect  of,  V2:W. 
Free,  to  increase  the  demand  for 

work,  1205. 
High  tariff  increases  amount  of, 

1208. 
Import*,  effect  of  bill  on,  1209. 
58.', 


INDEX. 


Wool— Continued. 
Importfl,  before  and  after    1883, 

1210. 
Mills  bill  will  not  cheapen,  1186. 
Mi'^eouri,  l^2V^. 

Morse'fl  euit  of  clothes  of,  1212. 
Not   cheap    clothing,   but  dearer 

foreijrn,  1214. 
Not  raw  material,  1215. 
One  Ohio  district,  1210. 
Oregon,  1217. 

Oar  rank  as  wool-growers,  1219. 
Poor  men  not  worth  considering, 

1220.  I 

Reduction  in  price  of,  1221.  i 

Reduotion    injures    manufacture, 

1228.  I 
Reduction  of  tariff  increases  rev- 1 

enne  on,  1222.  i 

Tariff  of  1883,  1224.  I 

Taritr  on.  effect  of,  Cleveland  vs.  I 

Millf,  1190. 
What  reduction  co3t Ohio  in,  1220.  j 
Why  it  should  be  protected,  1227.  | 
Whv  placed  on  free-li.st,  1231, 1232. 1 

1233.  I 

Will   multiply   farmers'  benefits, 

1229.  ! 
Wool-crop,    low    tariff    diminishes  I 

sheep  and,  1208.  ' 

Wool-prowers  want  tariff,  1234.  [ 

AVool-growers    first,   manufacturers 

next,  1200.  I 

Wool-g:rowing,  1207.  ! 

Wool  tarifi'and  Democracy,  1211 
Wool  and  sugar  compared,  1223. 
Wool  vs.  rice  and  sugar,  122-3. 
Woolen  blankets,  57. 

586 


Woolen  clothing  cheap,  1235. 

Woolen  factories,  224. 

Woolen  factories,  number  of,  United 

States,  224. 
Woolen  goods,  capital  invested  in, 

1230. 
Woolen  goods,  comparative  cost  of, 

1237. 
Woolen  mills,  number  of,  1238. 
Work  and  wagpp,  1139. 
Working  people- 
Condition  of,  1241. 

Europe,   immoral    condition    of, 
1242. 

Homes  of,  411. 

Ireland,  condition  of,  1243. 
Working  women,  condition  of   in 

Enirliuid,  14  4. 
Workingmen— 

American,  petition  in  vain,  43 

American,  pictures  for,  42. 

American,  when  poorer  paid  than 
now,  44. 

Want  protection,  12.39. 
Workingmen  and  copper  industry, 

142. 
Workingmen  vs.  free-traders,  1240. 
Workmen  better  off  under   tarifl, 

124-"). 
Workmen,  how  they  live,  1246. 
Worsted  cloth,  18G0-'8S,  1247. 
Worsteds,  woolen,  1248. 
Wrongs  of  the  Administration,  1249. 

z. 

Zinc  industry,  striking  down,  1250. 


CONGRESSIONAL  INDEX. 


Abbott,  Job 445 

Adamp,  G.  E (>45,  U12,  1077 

iHlen,  Chas.  H.  (Mass.) 88, 

131.  2-)L>.  CAT,  89',,  1023,  11  IS 

Allen,  Ed.  P.  (Mich.) 257, 

327.  423,  038,  r,4 1,8.59 

AtkiDBon,  L.  E 784 

Baird,  II.  C „ 4,  5, 

12,  18,  19,  70,  15rt,  707,  801 

Baker,  C.  S.  (N.  Y.) 75. 

342,413,773,881 

Bayne,T.  M 121», 

191.  514,  (>40.  648,  842,  IHK), 
910,'913, 933, 937, 1003, 1173 

Belden.  J.  J 541, 

G89.  846,  847,  929,  974,  975,  1130 

Blaine,  J.  G 53, 

184,  204,  219,  746 

Bland,  li.  V 221 

Boothman,  M.  M 251, 

747.  825.  1188,  ll!^.  1195,  1198, 
1203.    1215,    1216,    1226,    1227 

Borend,  F 262, 

320,  615,  628,  753 

Boutelle,  C  A M. 

188,399,886,892,  1141 

Breckinridge,  C.  R.  (Ark.) 1075 

Brewer  M.  S M, 

31,  116.  147.  354,  3»U,  400,  419. 
484,516.  626.711.  721.  8();{.  82:'.. 
871,  980.  1091,  1116,  H  •_>_',  1210 

Browne.  T.  M.  (Ind.) 182, 

18:5.  240,  241,  242.  243,  28:1, 
287,  :HYA,  428,  '►44,  572,  573. 
611,  612.  676.  867.  873,  922. 
934,     976,     HJM     1167,    1211 

Brown.  Jo8.  E.  (Sen.) 17. 

20,  26,  27,  28,  ;{46,  420.  440. 
447,  448,  460.  4<«,  465.  4«W, 
48:;,  m.\  532,  547.  752,  754. 
761.      762,     771,      779.      12u4 

Browne,  T.  II.  IJ.  (  Va  ) 22 

Brumm,  (\  N :J4, 

:r».  36  97.  nH).2:i8.  •j45.  :u2.  :i38, 340. 

397,  517.  »i-54,670. 687,  72:5.1094,1 178 

Buchanan.  J 7.  21.480. 

525,  629,  836,  939.  la'iO 
Backalew,  C.  K 471,872 


Burrowp.  .T.  C 13, 1 4, 

25.;52.  102,  144.  211.273..3«K>  uu\ 
449.     479,    6<K),    (Vfl,    644. 
821,   822.    845,    HKi,    S'.Hi. 
9S7,   988    994,  1007,  1132,  1162 

Butterworth,  B 74. 

150,  192,  :V)H,  356,  874, 1245, 1246 

Bynum,  W.  1) 2ti3. 

4;i5,  492,49.3,  113^,  11«>«} 

Cannon,  J.  G 414, 

909,  923,  9:56 

Caruth,  A.  G 164 

Caswell,  L.  B 9, 

100,  (XKI,  HiU],  1209 

Cheadle,  J.  B .38, 

4(t7,  411.  521 

Cleveland's  Me«!8age 172,616 

Coke,  H.  (Sen.) 254 

(k)wlee,  r.  H.  II 442,  443,  458 

Cox,  S.  S 161 

Dalzell,  J :i87, 

10:57.  1(k3S,  1042,  km:?,  1i)46, 
1047.  1(H8,  1051,  105-J.  1('.53, 
l(t54,    105.3,    ia'>6,    1057.    1(V>8 

Darlint:ton.  S 672,  1159 

DiivJH.  li  T. 69,  193,  II1I5 

Dawes,  H.  L.  (Sen.) 1(>8. 

109,  802,  JHW.  1018 

Dibble,  S h;52. 

S:54,  8:J5,  8:17,  8:59.  102t5 

Dingley,  N.  Jr .  ^1. 

152.  15.1,154.  1" 

310.  391.:V.i2.  5< - 

64:5.    658.    905.    '.'.:^,      MO, 

1609,     10:50,     10:51,     ltK«3, 

11:5:5.     1140,     1145.     m:h), 

1151.      IIKI.     1184      ns9. 

1 200.  1 20<5,  1  -228,  1 2:5  J ,  '  '    > 

Dolpb,  J.  N.  (Sen.) 

Diiboii^.  F.  T ^ 5i  . 

Editor's  nolea • 

121.12'<.226,259.4:. 

H2(>.      •••'.♦9.      1087.     1114, 

1117.  1251,  1252,  1253 

Farquhar,  .1.  M :'»:5, 

101.  27S,  28S.  :5<l7.  :5*<8.  522, 
525,  fyli't.  650.  il'Hi,  751,  s'>7, 
IK)2,  945,  949,  t»58,  960 
587 


CON(!UES.>--I(tN'AI,    INHEX. 


Foran,  M.  A HL' 

Kor.1,  M.  II L'4,  2C0,  302 

Fry*.',  W.  ]'.  (.Sen.)  40. 

200,  472,  501,  r.3(i,  717.  S7!t, 
U7S.  StSl.  l(tI4,  WXk  10!>7. 
UY.n),  1100,1101,  111:5,  1247 

Fuller.  W.  K IMS.  030 

Galliii^'-r,  J.  H 42.  :.S, 

72  87,  113,  122,  13o,  140,  107,: 
\W,  '-03,  205,  217,  200  274,; 
270,  3(«»,  :«3,  401.  412,  420,  4S1, 
485,  4Vt7.  408.  540.  507.  574,  583, 
VM,  078,  080.  083,  084.  685. 
692,  712,  735.  730.  808,  Sa>,  830, 
85.3.  885,  1001.  1084,  1100, 
1148,     1185,     1244.      12.30,      124S 

Garti<-ld,  J.  A.  (Pres  ) 003 

Gay.  K.J 910 

Gear,  J.  II 57,  | 

158,  2«t0,  750,  80.3,  | 
*>07.  Oil,  015.  1004  ' 

Giffor.l.  O.  S 2S0.  202.  ;J48,  (;.55 

Gla.sp.  r.  T 248, 1('32,  1000  ' 

Golf,  N.  Jr 110,1 

114,  168,  049,  079,  992,  9*>8  I 

Grosvenor,  (,'.  H 92, 

100.  174,  253,  208,  441, 
401,  545,  074,  742,  760, 
797,  851.  80.5.  870,  914, 
920, 1172, 1174, 1107, 1208, 1202 

Grout,  W.  W 11, 

315,  318,  328.  349.  307, 
4.30,  451,  402.  4(>4,  741. 
778.  848,  9W,  90S,  909  lir4 

Guenther,  R 151, 

108.  234,235.  2()1, 
20.!,  4S(;,  570,  720 

Ilarmer,  A.C 6.59 

Harper,  \V.    II  727 

HaLcli,  W.  II 3, 

23.  181,  236,  246,»)05, 
730,  1021,  1117,  1170 

Haupen.  N.  P .55, 

2.'.S  .305,  410,421,  510,  .5.53,  .577, 
5s  I.  720,  728,  748,  749,  908,  O'^O 

Hempliill,  J.  J 494 

llendertion,  D.  B.,  (Iowa) 77. 

17';,  899,024,973 

Hen ninjrfl.  Prize  Essay 29, 

1111 

Hermann.  B 10.  70, 

2LM,    272,  37r>,   .578.   693,  782,  785. 
82S,  Oi>4,90.5,  11!K3,  1207,  1217,  1223 

Hir.s,  G .3.S1. 

382 

Hooker,  C.  K 393, 

527.11.52 
588 


Ilopkinp,  A.. I.   (Ill  1 4:;i,  1025 

HopkinB,  S.  T.  (N.Y  .5(i2. 

1140 

H.iuk.  L.  r 59, 

130,  134,  137,404,40.5,4.54. 
701,703.  722,757,829,997, 

House,  li-port,  140<) (Tariff; 

l-.5(l).    0,  M.  .S2,  189.  195,  810, 
813,  814,  81.5,971,  1142,  1201 

Hard,  Frank 372,  1170 

Jackson.  O.  L 79, 

281.  282. 284,  285,  291.  297,  335.  .3.37, 
352,  .300,  .524,  .50),  .507,  699,  792,806. 

Johnsion,  J.  T.  ( Iml.) 160, 

1S7,  197,2.56,265,374,690 

Keaii.J.,  Jr 334, 

3<)5,  .506.  «)<>4 

Kelley,W.  D 124, 

125.275.376,408,417,418, 
457,  4(i7,  489,  575,  030,  729, 
737,    708,    826,    925,    1049 

Kennedv,  K.  P 78, 

KO.  1 19A,  216..343,.364.  383,  .523, 
031,  7(6,   763,  800,868,  1191 

Kerr,  D 118, 

1S.5,  218,  .50.3.  511,  .540.  551,  697,  713, 
770,027,  lOSO.  1121,1124,  1143,1222 

La  Folletle,  H.  M.... .5.57 

Lanham,S.  W.T 6.33 

Lawrence,  W.  (Ohio) 244 

LeI.lbach,  H 157,  17U,  .339 

LinO.  J 589,  590 

Lod^ie,  H.  C 783.  1149 

Ix»n>:,  J.I) 14.3,  710,  1010 

Macdonald,  J.  1 434, 

409,  .5.50,  624,  731,  1175 

,  Martin,  W.  H 16;i 

IMasou,  W.  K 44, 

73,  209,  738,  745,  862,  884 

McClamniy.  C  W 162,  7.34 

M<;CoinaH,  L.  E 8, 

I      41,  120,  202.  20.S,  210,  2.50.  270.  298, 

j      300,  351,357.309.512.518.519,008, 

07.5,  0S8,  917.  9.52,  901.  1011,  1240 

MtCormick.  II.  C .581,  582.  1036 

McCrearv,  J.  B 1064 

McKenna,  J 270,  781> 

McKinL'V,  \Vm.,  Jr .54,  .56,  81, 

190.  207,  213,  223,  266,  330, 
347.  422.  446,  5  9,  642,  651, 
6(12,  743,  700,  772,  775,  777, 
807,  817,  827,  838,  8.58,  894, 
957,  1002,  1078,  1079, 1080,  1212 

McKinney.  L.  F 1186,  121.-5 

MillJken,  .S.  1 52, 

312,  .3.59,  433.  .528,  .5.34,  .543, 
579,  035,  065,  682,  890,  109(> 


COXORKiSIoXAL   INDEX. 

Millu,  K.  Q 148,20:i,    Raynor,  I- 6n«>.  7«H  S24 

:«»»l   »07,  5H8,  Oi'),  O-JT,  Retd,  'f .  B                                        ='. 

om,  7U0,  TUi,  lO-'S,  12i>.')  3.'i(),  S". 

Morrill.  J.  L.  (Snr..) ;k»,  107.  7-_'.').  74  l 

!i,'>,  177,  'S.W.  i.'77,  .171,  tu):;.  >v4o.s-ii,.s87,ii;)S»,  n77,ii;v»,nfti 

r^f.t.  715.  H.VI.  KSO.  iH4,  Idl-',    RoweH.  J.  II 168 

liHtJ,  nvi,  lL'i7,  ll(i8,  IISJ  I{us«el'.  J.  K.  (.MsiW.)  ..70'.',  1 01 W,  1116 

Morrow,  \V.  W Ol.i!-.'.    Rvan.  T HI, 

♦»;;.  '220.  M\,  'iR.-),  .">.»<( I.  i«4,  171.  :{7').  "  ■  "      '017, 

7f>«,  7S*.  siii  m«i.  !M7,5i.v.,  n)i»4.  11                jr2 

•C)(>,  llXi'i.  lHiO,  lliil,  rjls    Sawyer,.!. (i '>-.    ...    ...MO 

Mor.^e.  1 1H»J,  ll.';!7    .<fvmour,  H.  W HO, 

MuUmll, luv;  12:{,  140,  47K.  7;J.{,  850 

MclioU,  J ni.  17:..    .Shaw,  K.  T SL>»i, 

247.409.721.  U»7(l.  I(t71.  .'iXJ,  714,  9ia.  1114 

1072,    1118.    ll.Vl,    ]'J:'.'>   Sherman.  J.  S 4.'!,  »i.VJ 

Nutting,  N.  W :{,s<1,  7»t4.    Sherman,  .lohn.  (Sen.) 2W, 

71(>.888.SV.(,Hih».  2'«'.».  .'»K7.  71N,  70:;    "' '      " 

S'.Jl,     1081,    10S2  U4:\.  '.m.  •.»'►<•.  ItM 

o'Donm-H.  .1 H  .'>.  5»«t.'..  Hc'7.   l(a*>,  li...    ,._, 

•_'22,  2;'.l.  <i7:J.  SIS,  sl<»,  «is;{.  !»01.    SimmonH.  I".  M 4:W» 

10«)2,  UMXi,  lOOS,  Hill),  W'.r.},  y2\<.)   Sowdfii.  W.   II  8«» 

O'Neill,  C.  (Pa.) 14(5,  .^<mj.    St<»»Hrl.  J.  \V..  (V»,) M.'j, 

o.'iO.  70"),  S7S,  1  i  lit  .>I2.  .V.t:i,  rt'M,  75U,  865,  W2.  1 IHJ 

Owen.W.D so.    Stockda!**.  T.  K .S.'{1,«01 

8:5,  212.  214.  L'45>.  :504,  :5i;5,  :5.'»s,    SUjiu',  W.J.  (Ky.) .'JIU 

.'i;{7.  .^):W»,   (MJS.  7tM.  s:J1.8C.<l.  Mi'.t,    .Stono.  W.  J.  (Alo.) ."iSO 

lOi:?.  111.').  1131.  ll.W,  12;'hJ,  12:U    Strnhle,  1.  S 425, 

Parker,  A.  X ii.».  (i;J2,  053.  90.3,  921,  1246 

2.i7,  402,  807    Sviiip«.  G.  <t '2m, 

Perkins,  B.  W i:{:5  *    .3<Mi.  .sil.  :{29.  :i.30,  'Mo.  rJ4 .  a:\2, 

25»4..)0'.»,  hiiTt  55s,  hi'A),  .'n;i,  ."»9S.  t;02.  •ii4,  'U»7, 

Peters.  S.  R 1  il,  805.861, .s75,  1001,  llGh,117l. 1187 

180,  317,  400,   (WkJ,   707,   S.V.',    Tarxnev.T.  K IVi,  740 

92<J,  9:U,   932,   9S2.  98-"),  102<>.    Tavlor,' K.  li 03  94. 

lu7;;  io«i,  321 .  072,  1019, 1 19.3,  l2-'.5,  12:il 

Phelp'.  W.  W 2t»5,  »)«•.,    ♦i.')7   Tavlor,  J.  1) :m. 

Plait.  ().  H.  (.Sen.) 104,  '                427.  li^iO,  IU40,  lu4l.  1 134 

112,  117,  110,  139.  14'),  21.'>.  370.    Toller.  H.  M.  (.Sen  ) ti7.i\S, 

373,  40.').  54s.  .500,  (il7,  Ol'j.  Oiti,  «l<t.  201.  227.  J2H,232  207,  317.  415, 

021,    022,    681,    7.*).H,     774,    781,  410.  5  h.  5V_'.  .-.Vi,  ,,71,  IH4.   1^41 

7'.>9,   804,    8j<J,  lOSO.    1110.  1243    Thomas,  ( i   .M.  1  Kv.^ 15.2S6, 

Plumb,  R.      "70.  -l'.*".,  4.50.  470.  482,  KS'j.  1163 

:W4.  :i85,  38«t,  3.S0,  39J,  0';'),5<7(>   Thomjieon,  .\.  (■.  ((Jiiio) 1.38, 

Porter,  R  P 877  3«W.  4  0  51:; 

Poat,  P.  S 45.  r.'jd.  l(i34.   : 

:;»n3,  00^,041.9(56,  lOlO,  1000.    Townchen.l,  R.  W 

](m;7.   liMlv.  1060.  1074,    11.58    Vandervfir,  W 127, 

Pi-t»ideut  .lackHoij 487  787,  7tK).  791 

Pri^i.lent  Jelhrvon 488    Warner.  W 46.47. 

I'rebidenl  .MniliHon 501  4h.  49,  5.5.5.  6»WJ,  061,  1115,  Ij.'iO 

President  .Monroe 071    Weber, . I.  B 718. 

Preeid«'nt  Wa-'liineton 11.5.5  i****).  oi«..  oj>.  935 

PuKslev.  .1.  I s(W,  1202.  1220  1229    Webttnr.  Daniel :;7 

RaaiHav,  Anna  M 4-55    Whi'e,  J.  B..    ln<l .570, 

Randall,  S.  J 71.  ;•;'.«.  lt.22.  1029 

43r,     1>2.   4'Mi.    .59«i.    Whilinir.  J.  R,  (M-.rh.)  2:« 

'jsti.  lo'>i.   !u:!'i,  i<»44  Whitini.'.  \Vn.  .    M**.    ..  Uxi'..  Ip.Y) 


CONGRESSIONAL    INDEX. 

AVii-kham,  C.  P 2r>0,  :  Woodburn,  W •A9, 

378,  30'),  4:3t),  4:i.S,  508,  530,  103,  132,  1(5.5.  301,  323,  32-4, 

531,  755,  700,  948, 054, 1113  ]  325.  320.  304.  403.  473,  474^ 

"Wilkinson,  T.  S 444  i  475,  470.  477,  490,  504,  018, 

Willjame.  E.  S 293,1213,1230  1  023.    027,    6:}0,    990,    1003, 

Wilson,  J.  F.,  (Sen.) 10,85,  1  1112,  1125,  11^0,  1127,  1128 

159,  170,  225,  271,  901  I  Yartlley,  K.  M 803. 

Wilson,  T 60;  942,977,990,  1033 

Wi?e,  G.  D 178,  812,  1000    Yost,  J 100, 

!  450,  1045, 1059,  1085 

590 


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